How Medi-Cal’s Fiscal Balancing Act Could Soon Become More Challenging

How Medi-Cal’s Fiscal Balancing Act Could Soon Become More Challenging

Many Californians know that Medi-Cal is our state’s health coverage program for residents with low incomes, including children, people with disabilities, and workers who may not get affordable health insurance through their jobs.

What many Californians don’t realize — call it Medi-Cal’s best-kept secret — is that even with the program’s rising enrollment and costs in recent years, Medi-Cal’s financial impact on our state’s General Fund (the account that receives most state tax revenues) has been relatively small. This matters because General Fund dollars support an array of vital services in addition to Medi-Cal, many of which — such as income supports and subsidized childcare for low-income working families — also promote Californians’ health and well-being. If Medi-Cal had claimed a larger share of General Fund revenues over the past decade, fewer state dollars would have been available to support other critical public supports and services.

This article first looks at how our state has expanded Medi-Cal to meet the health care needs of one in three Californians while minimizing the program’s impact on the General Fund. It then highlights key Medi-Cal financing issues on the horizon that could hamper state policymakers’ efforts to continue balancing Medi-Cal’s funding needs with those of other important public services. This article is adapted from a presentation I gave at the February 25 Medi-Cal Explained briefing hosted by the California Health Care Foundation.

As Medi-Cal Enrollment Doubled, State General Fund Support Rose Modestly

Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program, has seen enrollment and expenditures grow substantially since 2007–08 (PDF), the last fiscal year before the Great Recession sent California’s economy and state budget into a tailspin. Enrollment for the current fiscal year (2018–19) is expected to be 13.2 million, about double the 2007–08 level. Total Medi-Cal spending is anticipated to reach $98.5 billion, roughly $53 billion (114%) higher than in 2007–08. (All 2007–08 expenditures are adjusted for inflation.)

State General Fund dollars accounted for only $3 billion of this $53 billion increase in Medi-Cal spending between 2007–08 and 2018–19. This relatively small jump in General Fund support for Medi-Cal is remarkable in light of periodic concerns that the program is putting the squeeze on California’s General Fund budget. Instead, Medi-Cal’s spending growth has largely been supported with non-General Fund sources of revenue. Specifically, the remainder of the $53 billion spending increase between 2007–08 and 2018–19 — around $50 billion — came from federal funds ($35.3 billion) and other non-federal funds, such as state taxes paid by managed care organizations (MCOs) and fees paid by hospitals ($14.2 billion). Since 2007–08, federal funding for Medi-Cal has increased by 129%, while other non-federal funds have grown by more than 1,600%.

The substantial increase in non-General Fund support for Medi-Cal has been driven by several factors, including:

  • More generous federal cost-sharing. California and the federal government equally split the cost of services for most Medi-Cal enrollees. However, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) included more generous federal cost-sharing for certain beneficiaries. The federal government pays 93% of the cost for the Medi-Cal expansion population, which consists of low-income non-elderly adults who became newly eligible in 2014. In addition, federal dollars fund 88% of the cost for children who are enrolled in Medi-Cal as part of the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP). Like a see-saw, higher federal cost-sharing leads to lower state cost-sharing, freeing up state General Fund dollars.
  • Creative financing. California has tapped into alternative in-state financing sources to support Medi-Cal, including local matching funds (such as from counties and public hospital systems), provider fees, and a tax on MCOs. These alternative sources of financing allow California to draw down more federal funding for Medi-Cal while minimizing the impact on the General Fund.
  • The 2016 state tobacco tax increase. Proposition 56 raised the state’s excise tax on cigarettes by $2 per pack and triggered an equivalent increase in the state tax on other tobacco products. Medi-Cal’s share of these revenues — roughly $1 billion per year — is primarily used to boost payments to doctors and other Medi-Cal providers, relieving the need for the General Fund to support such rate increases.

What about General Fund support for Medi-Cal as a percentage of the total General Fund budget? Medi-Cal’s share of the General Fund has increased by just seven-tenths of a percentage point over the past decade — from 13.63% in 2007–08 to an estimated 14.35% in 2018–19. Yes, Medi-Cal receives a slightly larger slice of the General Fund “pie” than it did 2007–08. But this increase has been modest given the substantial benefit experienced by millions of Californians newly covered by the program. As a result, more state dollars have been available for other public services and systems than if General Fund support for Medi-Cal had risen at a much faster pace.

Medi-Cal’s Big Financing Issues Create Uncertainty for Medi-Cal and the General Fund

Over the past decade, state policymakers have deftly balanced the needs of a growing Medi-Cal program with those of other public services and systems. However, Medi-Cal faces a number of near-term financing issues that could make this balancing act more challenging in the coming years. These financing issues include:

  • Reductions in federal cost-sharing. The federal government is scheduled to reduce its share of costs for CHIP-funded children as well as for adults enrolled in Medi-Cal starting in 2014 under the ACA. The state’s share of CHIP costs will increase in two steps, rising from 12% to 23.5% on October 1, 2019, and then to 35% on October 1, 2020. For the expansion population, the state’s share of cost will rise from 7% to 10% on January 1, 2020, where it will remain unless revised by Congress. Upon full implementation, these changes will increase annual state General Fund spending on Medi-Cal by more than $1 billion compared to 2018–19, according to estimates from the state’s nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO).
  • The pending expiration of the MCO tax. California’s MCO tax expires on June 30, and Governor Gavin Newsom is not proposing to extend it. If the MCO tax expires, California would forgo a net annual General Fund benefit of $1.5 billion, based on the current structure of the MCO tax package. These dollars could help to pay for a number of state policy advances, including efforts to move California closer to universal health coverage. The governor “has not laid out a convincing rationale” for declining to seek an extension of the MCO tax, according to the LAO. If the tax were allowed to expire, annual state General Fund costs for Medi-Cal would ultimately increase by well over $1 billion but without any additional benefit to the Medi-Cal program. Instead, state General Fund dollars would simply replace lost MCO tax revenues in order to keep the program whole.
  • The pending expiration of two major federal waivers. California’s current Section 1915(b) waiver expires on July 1, 2020. Under this waiver, counties are allowed to deviate from standard Medicaid rules and provide or arrange for a broad array of “specialty mental health services” for eligible Medi-Cal beneficiaries. In addition, California’s Section 1115 Medi-Cal 2020 waiver expires at the end of 2020. Under this waiver, the federal government is providing the state with billions of dollars to help improve access to care as well as to transform how care is delivered. Will the Trump administration agree to renew these waivers without significantly reducing federal funding or imposing new requirements that California would find objectionable? Time will tell.
  • The next recession. Medi-Cal could face spending cuts when the next recession comes and policymakers seek ways to close budget shortfalls. Fortunately, California has been building up its reserves. The state expects to have more than $15 billion in its constitutional reserve, the Budget Stabilization Account, by the end of 2019–20. In addition, Governor Newsom wants to add $700 million to the state’s new Safety Net Reserve for Medi-Cal and CalWORKs. (The balance now is $200 million.) These reserves will reduce the need for state budget cuts during the next downturn, although Medi-Cal would not be guaranteed a specific share of the funds. State reserves will be crucial to shoring up Medi-Cal’s budget because the federal government may do little to help states pay for their rising Medicaid costs when the next recession arrives.

One of the biggest challenges — and opportunities — that California lawmakers and the governor face each year is allocating the state’s limited General Fund revenues among many vital priorities. The financing issues that Medi-Cal is facing — and how these issues are resolved — will help to determine whether policymakers can continue improving the Medi-Cal program while also ensuring that other vital public services are adequately funded.

 

 

 

Obamacare’s exchanges face their moment of truth

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2017/06/21/obamacares-exchanges-face-their-moment-of-truth/?_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8F5Et7EX-urS45blQiAgeOiovYIB4wXwv7AdGl1uVqRN78tI5gRCLl9EBfi-9z5qrbDTnToj2wGgiL5MWgwa6otTMFYA&_hsmi=53440118&utm_campaign=KHN%3A%20First%20Edition&utm_content=53440118&utm_medium=email&utm_source=hs_email&utm_term=.3252edd9c52b

Insurers hit a major deadline Wednesday: They must inform regulators in 39 states whether they will sell insurance on many Affordable Care Act marketplaces and, if so, how much they would like to charge.

It’s something of a moment of truth for the Affordable Care Act’s marketplaces, whose health depends in large part on the participation of private insurers. And so far, states are seeing mixed results: One major insurer has made a big pullout, while a different one announced it would expand into new states.

Insurance giant Anthem announced it would leave the marketplaces — also called exchanges — where individuals can use federal subsidies to buy health plans in two states in 2018, Indiana and Wisconsin. Oscar Health, a start-up company that was co-founded by Ivanka Trump’s brother-in-law, announced it would expand in Ohio, New Jersey, Texas, Tennessee, California and New York.

The deadline applies to all 39 states whose marketplaces are run by the federal government. An evolving map by the Kaiser Family Foundation showing which counties are at risk of having no insurance options next year highlights 44 counties in four states, where about 30,000 people buy insurance through the marketplaces.

People who buy individual insurance plans in the marketplaces can take advantage of federal tax credits that are pegged to income and reduce monthly premium payments. To date, there has not been a county with zero insurers selling policies on its marketplaces, and it’s not totally clear what will happen if a county is left without any plans. It’s possible, however, that without a functional exchange, would-be participants would have to shoulder the full costs of their health insurance — or go without.

The future of the marketplaces has become a major political talking point, with the White House declaring the marketplaces a failure. Democrats blame the struggles of the market on Republicans’ failure to offer insurers reasonable clarity about the future. In particular, insurers have complained that decision-making has been difficult without certainty that cost-sharing reduction subsidies, federal payments that help bring down the out-of-pocket costs for lower-income Americans, will be paid next year.

The business of selling health coverage on the Affordable Care Act marketplaces has become “difficult due to a shrinking and deteriorating individual market, as well as continual changes and uncertainty in federal operations, rules and guidance, including cost sharing reduction subsidies and the restoration of taxes on fully insured coverage,” Anthem said in a statement announcing the decision.

Mario Schlosser, chief executive of the start-up Oscar, made the opposite decision to expand its small footprint because of his faith in the long-term business of selling insurance to individuals.

“When the dust settles, there is more work to be done on the regulatory side to make sure it will be stable, but I’m confident we will see a stable market there,” Schlosser said.

MDwise Marketplace, an insurer in Indiana also announced it would leave that state’s exchange. That could put four counties at possible risk of having no insurer next year, according to Kaiser, although that is uncertain because a different insurer, Centene, has announced it is expanding in the state. A spokeswoman for Centene said the company was still working through the filing process and would not share information until it was complete.

Kaiser found counties in Ohio, Missouri and Washington are at risk of having no insurers.

A warning from the polls about letting Obamacare “explode”

https://www.axios.com/a-warning-from-the-polls-about-letting-obamacare-explode-2347777457.html

Image result for A warning from the polls about letting Obamacare "explode"

President Trump has said the Democrats will take the fall politically if and when Obamacare “explodes.” But new polling shows that the public will hold Trump and the GOP accountable for failing to address problems in the marketplaces, not the Democrats. That means they’ll have to think twice about some of the moves they might make that could make the Affordable Care Act’s problems worse.

What’s on the line: The polling has direct implications for some of the specific actions Republicans could take, or not take, in the months ahead:

  • Eliminating the $7 billion in federal cost sharing subsidies to insurers to compensate them for providing smaller deductibles to lower income enrollees.
  • No longer enforcing the individual mandate that helps get younger, healthier people into the insurance pools to lower premium costs.
  • No longer marketing the healthcare.gov plans to boost enrollment.

These steps would cause insurers to exit the non-group market, cause premiums to spike, and could leave millions without affordable coverage.

As the chart from our latest tracking poll shows, 62% of the public say Trump and the Republicans in Congress are in charge of the government and are responsible for problems with the ACA from now on; just 31% say President Obama and the Democrats are responsible. As is always the case with the ACA, there are party differences; 81% of Democrats and 65% of Independents said Trump and the Republicans “own it”, but just 35% of Republicans feel that way.

Trump has also said that the collapse of the ACA would bring Democrats to the table to forge a new “deal” with him on health care. That’s not impossible, but it seems unlikely: it’s hard to think of a single major element of health reform where the Democrats agree with the president and the Republicans.

As we saw when the Freedom Caucus refused to support the American Health Care Act because it wasn’t conservative enough for them, the substance and the details matter to policymakers far more than they appear to the President. He has suggested that he mostly wants a deal on health care.

Basic rules of politics seem to be holding up pretty well in the fights over the ACA. One rule, that benefits once conferred on the American people cannot be taken away, was a primary reason for the collapse of the GOP health care plan. The other: If severe problems develop in the marketplaces, or are caused by actions the administration takes to undermine the law, the party in charge gets the blame.