The Misleading Chart That Killed the ACA Subsidies

GOP leaders cited data from a Trump-aligned think tank to argue the ACA is “unaffordable”. Health economists say the numbers were spun and the full story tells the opposite.

In December, when Capitol Hill was consumed by a debate over whether to extend the subsidies that had held down premiums for individual health insurance under the Affordable Care Act since the COVID-19 crisis, Senate Majority Leader John Thune took to the floor to make his case against any extension.

“Obamacare has utterly failed to control health care costs,” argued the South Dakota Republican, who also claimed the government-backed health plan is riddled with what he called “waste, fraud and abuse.” As Thune spoke, he stood before a supersized chart that he said clinched the case for ending the subsidies.

“This graph illustrates that, and it understates the problem,” the GOP leader said, pointing to the chart where a red line symbolizing the costs of ACA insurance jutted skyward. It made a case that since 2014 the premiums for Obamacare coverage have not just outstripped inflation but have increased more than double the rate of employer-based health plans.

In the days that followed, Thune’s GOP caucus held the line and successfully resisted a Democratic push to save the subsidies, even as many of their constituents were getting notices in the mail that their ACA-plan premiums for 2026 would increase sharply – doubling, or more, in some cases.

But some health care experts who looked at the large chart that was so central to Thune’s argument said they could not disagree more with the senator’s claim of an Obamacare affordability crisis. They note that while there was indeed a spike in ACA premium costs in 2017 and 2018 – largely the result of political decisions made by Thune’s fellow Republicans – in the years from 2019 through 2025 the ACA increases were actually lower than in employer-based insurance.

“This is being used as evidence that the individual market is, in some way, particularly inefficient – and I just don’t think there’s any reason for that,” said Matthew Fiedler, senior fellow at the Center for Health Policy at the Brookings Institute. He added: “There has been research that has compared individual-market to employer-market premiums. And what it actually finds is that individual-market premiums” – those offered under ACA – “seem to be a little bit lower than employer-market premiums.”

Thune wasn’t the only top Republican who offered the questionable statistics as a central argument for ending the Obamacare subsidies. House Speaker Mike Johnson tweeted out the same chart on the social-media site X on Dec. 15, lashing out at what he dubbed “the Unaffordable Care Act.”

But where did top Republicans get their arguably misleading information? The answer can be found in the small logo at the top of the controversial chart – that of a small and, until recently, fairly obscure Trump-aligned policy think tank called the Paragon Health Institute. It is led by Brian Blase, who was a member of Trump’s National Economic Council during the president’s first term.

Just a few years old, Paragon under Blase has positioned itself as the leading voice for a Trump-led health care overhaul that has promoted the belief that ACA-supported health insurance is both riddled with fraud and wildly inefficient for taxpayers. And its latest chart on ACA costs isn’t the first time Paragon has been accused of pushing misleading statistics to make its case.

In August, Blase and Paragon claimed that Obamacare is overrun with “phantom enrollees” – insisting that millions of ACA enrollees who’d filed no insurance claims was evidence that unscrupulous brokers had profited by signing up people without their knowledge. But Paragon’s report, which also was cited repeatedly by Republicans seeking to block the extended subsidies, was blasted by groups such as the American Hospital Association.

An AHA vice president, Aaron Wesolowski, wrote in a blog post “that Paragon developed these allegations using inaccurate data, dubious assumptions, and an apparent lack of understanding of how health insurance actually works.” He and other experts explained that while there was a real problem with 200,000 of the more than 25 million people who had signed up for coverage in the ACA marketplace, the vast number of zero-claims patients were not “phantoms” but young people who didn’t see a doctor, people who were only in Obamacare plans for months before getting a new job, or plan-switchers who were double-counted.

The story of Paragon is the health care version of a much bigger story that anyone who’s followed American politics over the last decade will recognize: How misinformation and distortions are amplified in a media and social media ecosystem.

Andrew Sprung, a health care writer who picked apart the Paragon chart on ACA costs in his Substack newsletter, said this type of propaganda “goes straight onto Fox News and into the mouth of Trump allies who deter the Republicans from cutting a deal” that might save the Obamacare subsidies and thus make health coverage more affordable for middle-class families, including their own constituents.

To Sprung and other health watchdogs, the statistical jiu-jitsu that Paragon performed in its analysis of ACA premiums versus employer-based plans is typical of how it helps ultra-conservatives win the PR wars against publicly supported health care in America. The spin helps leaders like Thune and Johnson keep their more moderate members in line.

In fact, Thune, again citing Paragon statistics, noted in his Senate floor speech that if you extend the chart back to 2013, Obamacare premiums appear to have risen some 221% – before he quickly acknowledged that this number is skewed by the difficulties insurers faced in setting rates in the first year of open enrollment.

But health care analysts note that other factors – most of them tied to Republican hostility toward any type of public health care – fundamentally undercut the argument from Paragon and its allies on Capitol Hill that Obamacare is a failure because inflation is baked into the program.

In a post headlined “Lies, damned lies, statistics, and Republican talking points about the ACA,” Sprung notes that the first spike in ACA premiums occurred in 2017 because a three-year, federally funded reinsurance program included in the original 2010 law had expired and insurers recalculated their costs based on a risk pool that was older and sicker than anticipated. As a result, premiums in the benchmark Silver plans under the ACA rose that year by 20%.

But that didn’t end the turmoil for Obamacare, because when Trump took office in 2017 and – with Blase in the White House as a policy adviser – Republicans pushed hard to repeal the ACA. That didn’t happen, of course, but the new administration did make changes like shortening the enrollment period and scaling back recruitment and marketing, as well as reducing cost-sharing payments to insurers.

The chaos the changes caused spooked insurers, who raised premiums a second time in 2018, by an average of 34%. But the failure of the ACA repeal effort in the Senate that same year ushered in a period of stability in which – contrary to Paragon’s argument about the inefficiency of Obamacare – ACA premiums actually outperformed health plans offered by employers. Sprung cited government statistics that premiums for individual plans rose from 2018-23 by 13%, compared to 29% for employer plans.

Brookings’ Fiedler agreed. “You’ll see there’s this period where premiums are actually declining in the individual market,” he said, noting that not only did insurers overshoot with the Obamacare premium hikes of the mid-2010s but that the enhanced subsidies that began under COVID-19 brought in younger, healthier enrollees while encouraging increased competition for new customers.

None of the non-fiction narrative around what has really happened in the marketplace since the passage of Obamacare supports the GOP’s core argument that health care backed by the ACA is riddled with “waste, fraud and abuse.” Instead, Paragon looks to be spinning its own storyline that is to the liking of its donors, like the billionaire libertarians of the Koch family, which supported the think tank in 2021 with a $2 million donation from the aligned organization, Stand Together. Groups aligned with Leonard Leo, the former Federalist Society officer who was the architect of the right-wing takeover of the Supreme Court, have also donated.

The failure by Congress to extend the ACA subsidies ahead of their expiration shows that the right’s deceptive spin-doctoring is working, for now.

That zeitgeist may change once the voodoo economics of a misleading line chart is swamped by the tide of horror stories about soaring out-of-pocket costs for regular folks who can no longer afford the care they need.

How much will TrumpRx really cut down your drug costs?

President Trump on Thursday unveiled his lower-cost drug platform TrumpRx, touting it as “one of the most transformative health care initiatives of all time.”

“This launch represents the largest reduction in prescription drug prices in history by many, many times,” he added. 

But health policy experts and consumer advocates are skeptical about how many people will benefit, and how significant the deals are. 

The platform features coupons for 43 drugs, ranging from 33 to 93 percent off the list price and treating conditions for obesity, respiratory illnesses, infertility, bladder issues and menopause.

Several observers were quick to note that the advertised prices achievable with the coupons were still higher than the prices one might pay with insurance coverage. 

“If you have insurance, your out-of-pocket costs are probably going to be less than the discounted list price that’s being advertised on TrumpRX,” Juliette Cubanski, deputy director of the Program on Medicare Policy at KFF, told The Hill.  

“For people who are looking at this website and maybe they recognize a drug that they take, they really need to understand how their out-of-pocket cost under insurance would compare to the TrumpRx price.” 

Cubanski noted, however, that some of the medications on TrumpRx aren’t well covered by insurance — such as weight loss and in vitro fertilization drugs, meaning a wider swathe of Americans may find savings on TrumpRx. 

“It’s a valuable effort for some medications, for some people, and I think especially people who don’t have good coverage of some of these medications,” she said. 

Notably, the offerings on TrumpRx are all branded versions of the drugs sold directly by drugmakers who’ve entered “most favored nation” (MFN) pricing agreements with the Trump administration. 

Many of the medications listed on the website have generic alternatives available on the market at significantly lower prices. 

Protonix, a branded medication made by Pfizer that reduces stomach acid, is advertised as having a 55 percent discount on TrumpRx, taking the medication from $447.28 to $200.10 for 30 tablets at a strength of 20 mg. 

But according to GoodRx, its generic equivalent, pantoprazole, can be bought for $10.47 for the same number of tablets at the same dosage with the coupon it offers. Without the coupon, the cost is estimated at just less than $80. 

Another Pfizer product, Tikosyn, for an irregular heartbeat, is shown to have a 50 percent discounted price of $336 for 60 0.125 mg capsules. Generic Tikosyn, dofetilide, is shown to be available for $23.06 on GoodRx with a standard coupon, signifying a 94 percent discount from the $373.96 cost. 

Generics currently make up the majority of prescription medications taken in the U.S., with the Food and Drug Administration estimating in 2023 that 91 percent of prescriptions are filled as generics. 

Anthony Wright, executive director of FamiliesUSA, a nonpartisan consumer health advocacy group, dismissed TrumpRx as a “trumped-up catalog of coupons.” 

“This is not actually lowering drug prices. It steers consumers to the existing drug company programs for uninsured patients that have been around for a while,” said Wright. “This is pretty limited in terms of both who it effects, what drugs it offers and what the benefits are, especially compared to what already existed previously.” 

Ashish Jha, who served as the Biden administration’s White House COVID-19 response coordinator, did not share that skepticism. He called TrumpRx a “good thing” that “is going to be really, really helpful for people who don’t have health insurance” in remarks to The Hill’s sister network NewsNation.

TrumpRx.gov explicitly states that people on government health plans such as Medicaid are ineligible to use the coupons. 

The prohibition on federal health plan enrollees from using TrumpRx coupons likely has to do with the anti-kickback statute in the U.S., which criminalizes willfully offering or exchanging anything of value for reimbursable items through federal programs like Medicaid. 

The Hill has reached out to the Trump administration for clarity on whether all private health insurance enrollees can use TrumpRx coupons. 

But even if this cohort can access the coupons, the scope of TrumpRx appears to be “quite limited in scale,” according to Yunan Ji, assistant professor of strategy at Georgetown’s McDonough School of Business.

It really only applies to cash-pay patients. So, just considering the scale is cash-pay patients we’re thinking about, you know, a percent of the uninsured, plus some of the people who may be underinsured because their insurance coverage may be limited, but the scope is quite limited at the moment,” she said. 

Roughly 8 percent of the U.S. is uninsured, and with its current offering of just 43 drugs, TrumpRx currently stands to benefit a small subset of that population. Administration officials said more medication would be added in the coming weeks. 

“The thing about MFN in general — so this is interesting, because MFN is something I teach my MBA students — is that actually, in the long run, it actually puts upward pricing pressure,” said Ji.

Trump’s signature drug price policy requires countries to sell drugs in the U.S. at least as cheaply as they are offered in other countries. 

When companies are aware that their clients, like the U.S., are expecting MFN pricing, they may set their initial launch prices of new drugs at an elevated level, Ji said. Another outcome of MFN pricing could be that drug launches in other countries with strict pricing regulations will be delayed.

Trump acknowledged the global impact that his MFN pricing policy could have on other countries when announcing the launch of TrumpRx. 

“Drug prices in other nations will go up by doing this, they had to agree,” he said. “In many cases, the drug costs will go up by double and even triple for them, but they’re going way down for the United States.” 

Companies are tired of absorbing tarifffs

Businesses that held the line on tariff-related price increases last year might be passing more of those costs on to consumers at the start of 2026.

Why it matters: 

The Trump administration is celebrating how little its huge levies have impacted inflation. But new signs indicate the policies are appearing with a lag, complicating their push to address affordability concerns.

Zoom out: 

Many companies reassess pricing at the start of the year — one factor that historically makes January a month of above-average price increases.

  • Tariffs could be supercharging that historic trend: Companies might finally be raising prices to address the costs they ate throughout much of last year.
  • Adobe’s Digital Price Index rose by the most, month on month, in its 12-year history in January — even faster than at the height of the inflation shock in 2022.
  • “The strong increase could be a sign of greater tariff pass-through to start off the new year,” with large price changes for electronics, furniture, bedding and appliances, economists at UBS wrote in a note.

Yes, but: 

The bank’s economists caution that the series can be volatile, and it was down sharply in November, so it could be a head fake.

State of play: 

Official government inflation data for January is not scheduled to be released until next week, pending a government shutdown. Still, there’s other evidence that January could be a spicy month for price hikes.

  • The Institute for Supply Management’s manufacturing survey sub-index for prices ticked up to 59 in January, from 58.5, the highest since September.

Zoom in: 

While there is still caution that higher prices could crimp demand, several references in the Federal Reserve’s compilation of anecdotal information from across the U.S. point to price increases in the new year.

  • In Atlanta, for instance, “many contacts expect to implement price increases in the first half of 2026 to preserve margins, especially those who held prices steady in 2025,” according to the most recent Beige Book.
  • The Philadelphia Fed notes that many businesses anticipated “tariffs to seep into general price levels.”

In a speech this morning, Richmond Fed president Tom Barkin said that he has spoken with about 75 companies since the start of the year, and described a dynamic within companies regarding price-setting.

  • “In boardrooms around the country, sales and finance teams are debating how aggressively to increase prices, for example, in the context of increased tariff-driven input costs,” Barkin said.
  • “If I can stereotype: Sales doesn’t want to pass through those costs at the risk of lost volume; finance doesn’t want to eat the cost at the risk of reduced margins,” Barkin said.
  • “I imagine some finance teams have done well recently (at least based on the increases I’ve seen in my streaming services and homeowners insurance),” he added.

What they’re saying: 

“The Fed is telling us, ‘Don’t worry, the inflationary effects of [tariffs] will subside,’ but I am a little bit skeptical of that,” James Knightley, chief international economist at ING, told reporters in Washington, D.C., this morning.

  • “I do get the sense that there is some delay related to the Supreme Court decision — a lot of companies are hoping it will just disappear,” Knightley said, referring to a pending decision about the legality of the bulk of President Trump’s tariffs.
  • “There is a risk that costs end up getting passed along to you and I in time … it just will come through more slowly,” Knightley said.

Trump administration pressed on details of drug price deals

https://www.axios.com/2026/02/03/trump-drug-price-deals-pfizer-eli-lilly

The Trump administration is facing new pressure to disclose details about its confidential pricing agreements with big drug companies and whether they meaningfully lower costs for patients.

Why it matters: 

President Trump has touted the “most favored nation” drug pricing deals as one of his signature accomplishments, but most of the details have been kept under wraps, including how the new prices are calculated.

Driving the news: 

The advocacy group Public Citizen filed a Freedom of Information Act suit last week, seeking the text of the deals the administration struck with Eli Lilly and Pfizer.

  • Those and other agreements were touted in high-profile Oval Office ceremonies as a step toward lowering U.S. drug prices and aligning them with what’s paid in other developed countries.
  • The deals have been described in broad terms, but questions remain about basic matters like what exactly the companies agreed to.
  • The administration is “shaking hands with pharma CEOs and telling us they fixed drug pricing and then not disclosing any text,” said Peter Maybarduk, access to medicines director at Public Citizen. “It makes it hard to believe, makes it hard to understand, makes it hard to assess.”

Congressional Democrats also wrote to Pfizer, Eli Lilly, AstraZeneca and Novo Nordisk in December asking for details of their respective agreements.

  • The letter to Pfizer said the company and the administration seem to be “attempting to shield themselves from oversight, accountability, and specifics that could inform consumers about whether this agreement will save money.”
  • An administration official said: “Because the drug pricing agreements contain confidential, proprietary and commercially sensitive information, they will not be released publicly.”
  • None of the four companies provided more details when asked about the agreements. A Novo Nordisk spokesperson said “this agreement will bring semaglutide medicines to more American patients at a lower cost,” referring to the active ingredient in its blockbuster weight-loss drugs.

Between the lines: 

The deals would for the most part not lower existing drug prices for a huge segment of the public that gets coverage through Medicare or workplace insurance.

  • Instead, the most-favored nation prices would apply to Medicaid. One unanswered question is how much lower would those prices be, since drugmakers already are required to have low prices for Medicaid.
  • The deals also anticipate most-favored nation prices for newly launched drugs in future years. But it’s not fully clear how that would work, since drugs are usually launched in the United States first and there wouldn’t yet be prices abroad to use as a comparison.
  • There would also be discounted drugs sold through the government’s direct-to-consumer website TrumpRx. But the portal is built around cash purchases, which many cannot afford.

The big picture: 

Trump has railed against what he calls “global freeloading” and ending the way the U.S. pays more for drugs than other developed countries. But policy experts have questioned whether manufacturers will only meet him halfway, raising prices abroad without cutting them in the U.S.

  • “You can kind of see why the pharmaceutical industry wouldn’t be so opposed if what they end up getting is maybe a slightly lower price in the U.S. and higher prices in other countries,” said Juliette Cubanski, deputy director of the Program on Medicare Policy at KFF.
  • The Trump administration has also proposed new payment models to incorporate most-favored nation pricing into Medicare, which would lead to savings.
  • But the changes are tests that would only apply in certain geographic areas, and analysts say they would not have a drastic impact on Medicare spending.

The bottom line: 

Maybarduk, of Public Citizen, acknowledged that the goals of the drug pricing efforts are laudable, even if the practical effects remain unclear.

  • “The thing that we agree with here, of course, is that Americans pay too much for drugs, and we pay more than other countries for drugs.”

What is “Medically Necessary”?

How Big Health Insurers hijacked a medical term and built a denial machine around it.

We hear the term “medically necessary” used every day by insurance companies as a reason to deny or delay health care. While doctors were hard at work treating patients, insurers quietly co-opted the term, and that’s causing serious problems now.

If you ask most doctors to define ‘medically necessary,’ you’ll get some version of: “The test, therapy, drug or procedure that will do the best job of treating my patient.” It’s that simple: whatever is best for my patient.

If you ask an insurer, you may get some legal definition about care “provided for the cure or relief of a health condition, illness, injury or disease (looks good so far, but wait there’s more!), and is not for experimental, investigational or cosmetic purposes and is necessary for and appropriate to the….” The problem begins with the meaning of “necessary and appropriate.”

The terms ‘necessary’ and ‘appropriate’ are left to interpretation. My doctor may feel that a certain test or medication is necessary and appropriate, but someone else may disagree. So how do insurers resolve that disagreement? This is where things go off the rails.

They resolve it by having a medical director they employ review what my doctor wants for me – and that medical director becomes the sole arbiter of what care I can have that will be covered by my health plan. That medical director can sign off on a denial of a claim or a request, and many times they justify that denial by saying the treatment isn’t medically necessary – for reasons that are entirely defined by the health plan.

It seems a clear conflict of interest when an anonymous medical director – possibly lacking in both expertise and experience – rejects a course of treatment laid out by a physician specializing in that disease or condition who has a history with that particular patient. But it happens all the time.

These medical directors work for the company that is denying the claim or request. They have been granted stock and stock options in that company. Their bonus is tied to the financial performance of the company. To say they are impartial and doing what is best for the patient is laughable at best.

Frequently, these medical directors are reviewing requests in areas outside their specialty. In addition, they make these determinations without ever seeing the patient, or reviewing the medical records, studies or lab results that led the treating physician to make the recommendation in the first place. An investigation by ProPublica found that Cigna medical directors were signing off on denials once every 1.2 seconds. This isn’t clinical review; this is profit enhancement.

This brings us to another problem: “coverage policies.” Insurance corporations have created a whole library of coverage policies, and they differ from health plan to health plan. If you’ve never read one of these coverage policies let me save you some time and trouble. Get up now and place your head between the door and the door jam. Now slam the door. You just achieved the headache and confusion that reading a long coverage policy would give you in a fraction of the time. You’re welcome.

Even if you read the policy and think it’s got you covered, you still aren’t home free. A medical director can overrule the policy and still deny the care. Also, that coverage policy may be different for each health plan, and they change from time to time. I am struck by this basic question: Why should the care you receive depend on the insurance card in your wallet and not your clinical situation? The answer, of course, is because that’s how the insurance companies want it.

So, what do we do about this? Let me give you two relatively easy solutions.

First, follow a coverage policy.

If only there was a group of doctors that represented every specialty, we could get them to meet and determine universal coverage policies that could be mandated for all health insurance, both government and commercial. Wouldn’t that be nice? Doctors could then provide good care to patients without having to figure out a library of different coverage policies. Wait, a group like that does exist. It’s called the RUC.

The RUC (Relative Value Scale Update Committee) is an American Medical Association specialty panel, a volunteer group of 32 physicians and over 300 physician advisors who represent every medical specialty. The committee evaluates thousands of individual services across the medical spectrum. Why don’t we ask them to develop a universal set of clinical coverage policies?

Second, fix the denial system. Pass a law that says whenever an insurer denies payment or a request for care, that denial must be signed by a medical doctor, and signing that denial qualifies as “the practice of medicine.” This would make those denials and the doctor who signed off on them subject to all the responsibilities and accountabilities required to practice medicine.

This includes:

  • having an active license in the state where the patient is seeking care; practicing within your specialty;
  • documenting your decision-making in the patient’s medical record, including the information you reviewed to come to your decision; and
  • being liable for malpractice if your decision causes harm to the patient and is not clinically justified.

Let’s assume we had this in place right now and applied it to a real-world situation: the GLP-1 coverage debate. When these glucagon-like peptide-1 drugs for diabetes and weight loss came to market they would have gone before the RUC for a clinical coverage policy. Let’s say the RUC determines that the drugs should be covered for individuals with a BMI over 30 who have tried and failed other diet programs, or for people with a BMI between 25 and 30 who have significant cardiac risk or are diabetic.

Now we have a universal coverage guideline. The doctors prescribing the drug have a very clear understanding of who will be covered and when, and it would apply to all patients regardless of which insurance company they had. As long as the prescribing physician stays inside the guidelines, no denials would be expected.

Let’s take an example from the flip side. A doctor wants to prescribe an expensive chemotherapy regimen to an elderly patient with cancer. The insurer could have that request reviewed and possibly denied by a medical director. However, that medical director would need to be an oncologist with a valid license in the state where the patient is getting treatment. If that oncologist reviews the patient information, denies the chemotherapy for valid clinical reasons, and documents those reasons in the patient’s chart, then the insurer can deny the request.

These two changes would eliminate so many problems, improve the lives of doctors, improve the lives of patients, and reduce administrative costs.

So why hasn’t this been done already? Well the one thing these changes would not do is increase the stock prices of insurance companies.

To put it more succinctly, it’s profits over patients. That’s why.

Senate Judiciary: UnitedHealth Turned Medicare Advantage Risk Adjustment Into a Profit Engine

A new report from the Republican-led Senate Judiciary Committee describes how UnitedHealth Group has turned a safeguard for sick patients in the Medicare Advantage program into a profit-making strategy.

The report, How UnitedHealth Group Puts the Risk in Medicare Advantage Risk Adjustment, details how Medicare Advantage (MA) payments (seemingly designed to compensate health insurers more for enrolling patients with greater health needs) have increasingly rewarded insurers with the resources, data and scale to capture and maximize diagnosis codes. According to the committee, UnitedHealth Group has leveraged its size, vertical integration and advanced data and AI capabilities to consistently stay ahead of efforts by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to curb excess payments tied to coding intensity.

Read the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee’s How UnitedHealth Group Puts the Risk in Medicare Advantage Risk Adjustment here.

After reviewing more than 50,000 pages of internal UnitedHealth documents, Judiciary Committee investigators found that the company built a vast diagnosis-capture infrastructure that includes in-home health risk assessments, secondary chart reviews, “pay-for-coding” arrangements with providers, and tightly controlled clinical workflows within UnitedHealth-aligned medical practices. These efforts, the report states, go well beyond neutral documentation and instead amount to an aggressive strategy to maximize risk scores and, by extension, federal payments.

The committee, chaired by Sen. Chuck Grassley, (R-Iowa), warns that even when CMS attempts to rein in abuse (such as excluding more than 2,000 diagnosis codes from the risk-adjustment model) UnitedHealth appears uniquely positioned to identify new, untapped diagnoses among the thousands that remain. Because UnitedHealth also sells its diagnostic criteria, coding tools and workforce to rival insurers, its strategies can quickly spread across the entire Medicare Advantage market.

The report concludes with this:

While Senator Grassley’s staff will continue to evaluate the information produced by UHG, this initial review has revealed how UHG has been able to profit from the way that CMS risk adjusts payments to MAOs. The investigation has also shown that risk adjustment in MA has become a business in itself—by no means should this be the case. MAOs should receive payments that are commensurate to the complexity and acuity of the Medicare beneficiaries that they insure, not their knowledge of coding rules and their ability to find new ways to expand inclusion criteria for diagnoses. Taxpayers and patients deserve accurate and clear-cut risk adjustment policies and processes.

But what makes these findings especially notable is who commissioned the investigation in the first place. Grassley was one of the original architects and longtime champions of Medicare Advantage when it was enacted back in 2003. In recent years, he now warns that the program’s “promise of efficiency and choice” has been undermined by vertical consolidation, blinded oversight and systemic risk-code gaming.

In past inquiries — spurred by reporting from outlets like The Wall Street Journal and findings from the Health & Human Services’ Office of Inspector General — he has demanded answers from UnitedHealth over the use of in-home assessments and chart reviews that allegedly drove billions of dollars in additional payments to the company.

Continuing the bipartisan scrutiny of MA insurers, CMS recently released its proposed payment rates for MA plans in 2027. Notably, CMS is proposing to exclude diagnosis codes added to a patient’s chart during chart reviews by AI or insurers from their risk score; something many reform advocates and I have long supported. These changes and this investigation are important steps in reining in the abuses by MA insurers and reason for hope we are on the right track.

If The House Votes for Senate-Approved Spending Package, PBM Reform Becomes Law

As early as today, the House of Representatives is expected to vote on a government funding package (approved by the U.S. Senate last Friday) that includes long-sought reforms to pharmacy benefit managers (PBM) – pharmaceutical middlemen, the biggest of which are owned by just three health insurance conglomerates – that sit between patients and their prescriptions.

None of this happened over night. PBM reform – even in the health care advocacy world – has only recently become a bi-partisan, winning issue. PBMs were largely only known to pharmacists, other middlemen, health-policy wonks and the small but mighty circle of advocates who understood how they squeeze patients and independent pharmacies and funnel profits back to Big Insurance. PBMs began life as intermediaries meant to negotiate lower drug prices on behalf of consumers, but over time their role changed as they huge profit centers for insurers like UnitedHealth, Cigna and Aetna merged with or created their own PBMs – which now control more than 80% of the PBM business in the country.

This monopolistic-evolution captured the attention of policymakers and watchdogs after HEALTH CARE un-covered and reform advocates began to raise the alarm about PBM abuses and profiteering.

The need for PBM reform was one of the reasons I started the Lower Out-of-Pockets (LOOP NOW) Coalition, in 2021. Over the years, the LOOP NOW Coalition, along with its 100 partner organizations, have worked to educate lawmakers about how PBMs restrict access to life-saving medications and contribute to the U.S. medical debt crisis. The coalition has endorsed legislation to ban several PBM business practices, like spread pricing, and to force PBMs to be far more transparent, especially in their dealings with employers that offer health benefits to their workers. Our work also led to an invitation for me to testify at a meeting of the Department of Labor’s Advisory Council on Employee Welfare and Pension Benefit Plans (the ERISA Advisory Council) and to meet with the Federal Trade Commission regarding the vertical integration of big insurers and the need for PBM (and Medicare Advantage) reform.

Through the work of advocates on the ground, things began to shift. What was once a side quest among health-policy activists became something real in Washington because the issue is easy to understand: PBMs have become unneeded profit centers insurers erected between patients and the medicines their doctors say they need.

We came close to reining in the PBM industry in late 2024 when reforms were included in House Speaker Mike Johnson’s first spending package, but they were scrapped after Elon Musk complained about the size and scope of the legislation.. His Tweets prompted GOP leadership to strip out the PBM provisions, even though they had broad bipartisan support in Congress and were backed by many consumer advocates and independent pharmacists. But now, it seems like the PBM language in the current spending package is more locked in. Here’s what the bill will do:

  • Change how PBMs get paid in Medicare Part D by moving them away from percentage-based payments tied to high drug list prices and toward flat, transparent service fees — so PBMs no longer profit more when drug prices are higher.
  • Require CMS to define and enforce contract terms between PBMs and Medicare Part D plans, giving the agency real authority to police abusive or one-sided arrangements.
  • Increase transparency by allowing CMS to track how PBMs pay pharmacies and which pharmacies are included (or excluded) from PBM networks, so regulators can finally see payment patterns and network practices across the system.
  • Lock into law existing protections requiring plan sponsors and PBMs to contract with any pharmacy that agrees to their standard terms — as long as those terms are reasonable and relevant — instead of quietly steering business to preferred or affiliated pharmacies.

These are important reforms, although more are needed. We’ll keep you posted on PBM-related efforts not only on Capitol Hill but also at the Department of Labor and in the states.

CMS’ 2024 Health Spending Report: Key Insights

As media attention focused on Minneapolis, Greenland and Venezuela last week, the Center for Medicaid and Medicare Services (CMS) released its 2024 Health Expenditures report Thursday: the headline was “Health care spending in the US reached $5.3 trillion and increased 7.2% in 2024, similar to growth of 7.4% in 2023, as increased demand for health care influenced this two-year trend. “

Less media attention was given two Labor Department reports released the Tuesday before:

  • Prices: The consumer-price index (CPI) for December came in somewhat higher than expected with an increase of 0.3% and 2.7% over the past 12 months. Overall inflation isn’t rising, but it also isn’t coming down.
  • Wages: The Labor Department reported average hourly earnings after inflation in the last year rose 0.7% during the first five months of this year, but real hourly earnings have declined 0.2% since May. They’re stuck.

Prices are increasing but wages for most hourly workers aren’t keeping pace. That’s why affordability is the top concern for voters.

Meanwhile, the health economy continues to grow—no surprise.  It’s a concern to voters only to the extent it’s impacting their ability to pay their household bills. They don’t care or comprehend a health economy that’s complex and global; they care about their out-of-pocket obligations and surprise bills that could wipe them out.

As Michael Chernow, MedPAC chair and respected Harvard Health Policy professor wrote:

“The headline number, 7.2% growth in 2024, is concerning but hardly a surprise. It follows 7.4% growth in 2023. This rate of NHE growth is not sustainable. It exceeds general inflation and growth in the gross domestic product (GDP), pushing the share if GDP devoted to health care spending to 18%  in 2024; the share of GDP devoted to health care is projected to rise to 20.3% by 2033. In fact, these figures may be an underestimate of the fiscal burden of the health care system because spending on some things, such as employer administrative costs, are not capturedGiven all the attention to prices and insurer profits, it is important to note that those factors are not the main drivers of spending growth—this time, it’s not the prices, stupid. There was virtually no excess medical inflation (medical inflation above general inflation) for 2023 or 2024. In fact, prices for retail drugs (net of rebates) rose at a rate below inflation. There will certainly be cases of rising prices driving spending, but on average, price growth is not the problem. This does not mean high-priced products and services are not an important component of spending growth, but instead it implies that their contribution to spending growth on average stems from their greater use, not rising prices. The main driver of spending growth is greater volume and intensity of care…”

My take:

Since 2000 to 2024, total healthcare spending in the U.S. has been volatile:

  • 2000–2007: High growth, typically 6–8% per year (driven by rising utilization and prices).
  • 2008–2013: Growth slowed to 3–4% during and after the Great Recession.
  • 2014–2016: Growth ticked up to 4.5–5.8% with ACA coverage expansion.
  • 2017–2019: Moderation around 4.5%.
  • 2020: COVID‑19 shock—growth slowed to ~2% due to deferred care.
  • 2021: Rebound to ~4%.
  • 2022: 4.8%, close to pre‑pandemic norms.
  • 2023: 7.4%, fastest since 1991–92.
  • 2024: 7.2%, reaching $5.3 trillion (18% of GDP)

Between 2000 and 2024, total health spending in the U.S. increased $3.9 trillion (279%) while the U.S. population grew by 58 million (20.4%). 2025 spending is expected to follow suit. The underlying reason for the disconnect between health spending and population growth is more complicated than placing blame on any one sector or trend: it’s true in the U.S. and every other developed system in the world. Healthcare is expensive and it’s costing more.

This is good news if you’ve made smart bets as an investor in the health industry but it’s problematic for just about everyone else including many in the industry who’ve benefited from its aversion to spending controls and cost cutting.

The current environment for the healthcare economy is increasingly hostile to the status quo. Voters think the system is wasteful, needlessly complicated and profitable. Lawmakers think it’s no man’s land for substantive change, defaulting to price transparency, increased competition and state regulation in response. Private employers, who’ve bear the brunt of the system’s ineffectiveness, are timid and reformers are impractical about the role of private capital in the health economy’s financing.

The healthcare economy will be an issue in Campaign 2026 not because aggregate spending increased 7-8% in 2025 per CMS, but because it’s no longer justifiable to a majority of Americans for whom it’s simply not affordable. Regrettably, as noted in Corporate Board Member’s director surveys, only one in five healthcare Boards is doing scenario planning with this possibility in mind.

Paul

P.S. The President released his Great Healthcare Plan last Thursday featuring his familiar themes—price transparency for hospitals and insurers, most favored pricing and elimination of PBMs to reduce prescription drug costs—along with health savings accounts for consumers in lieu of insurance subsidies. The 2-page White House release provided no additional details.

The health care hiring boom is losing steam

The health care job growth that’s powered the labor market since the COVID pandemic is stalling out.

Why it matters: 

Republican cuts to federal health programs, AI automation and rising costs are making health systems and other employers level off hiring — including for jobs requiring a professional license like nurses or physical therapists.

  • The results could widen gaps in care and exacerbate health disparities.

By the numbers: 

Health care employment drove most of the month-by-month job growth last year, increasing by an average of 34,000 jobs per month, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

  • But that’s less than health care’s monthly average increase of 56,000 roles in 2024.

Health care hiring has essentially returned to a pre-pandemic pattern of slower growth after a post-COVID surge driven by returning patients and hospitals replacing burned-out workers, said Neale Mahoney, an economics professor at Stanford.

  • “It was only a question of when … and we’re starting to see it now,” Mahoney said.

Federal policy changes could further chill hiring.

  • Hospitals face financial pressure from the nearly $1 trillion cut to federal Medicaid spending in the GOP budget law. That’s combined with rising costs from treating more uninsured patients and other factors.
  • New caps on federal student loan borrowing could also push students away from clinical careers, many of which require pricey advanced degrees.
  • It wouldn’t be a surprise if a rise in deportations — combined with fewer foreign-born health workers opting to come to the U.S. on visas — dried up the pipeline of available help, especially in segments like home care.

Case in point: 

Alameda Health System, a safety-net provider based in Oakland, California, announced last month that it’s laying off 247 employees, including clinicians.

  • Administrators cited the system’s precarious finances: It expects to lose $100 million annually by 2030 as a result of the Medicaid cuts, per CBS San Fransisco.

AI automation is also pushing some providers to cut administrative staff.

  • Revere Health, the largest physician-owned health system in Utah, announced in September that it will lay off 177 employees, citing a partnership with a company that automates claims processing.
  • Clinical jobs in health care are more insulated from automation, and AI may actually help extend the clinical workforce where shortages exist.
  • Still, some clinicians are concerned. Almost 15,000 nurses in New York City went on strike this month, demanding new safeguards around AI use in hospitals, among other things.

What they’re saying: 

This past year represented “a repositioning of the labor market,” said Rick Gundling, chief mission impact officer at the Healthcare Financial Management Association.

  • Health systems are doing more targeted hiring, he said. They might look to downsize in revenue management but increase their clinical staff.

The intrigue: 

Demand for care is still high. The “silver tsunami” of aging Baby Boomers may keep jobs plentiful, said Laura Ullrich, director of economic research in North America at the Indeed Hiring Lab.

  • The U.S. is projected to be short some 100,000 health care workers by 2028, after all.
  • The question is whether the sector will remain near full employment, or whether circumstances will drive another surge.
  • “My opinion as an economist is that the tailwinds are stronger than the headwinds in health care,” she said.