Risk-Adjustment Fix Finalized for 2018 After Bout of Uncertainty

https://www.healthleadersmedia.com/finance/risk-adjustment-fix-finalized-2018-after-bout-uncertainty

Officials have made no secret of their disdain for the ACA, so some accused them of making an excuse to destabilize the market. Not so, says the CMS administrator.


KEY TAKEAWAYS

The fix follows a brief freeze last summer, when the Trump administration said it was just following a judge’s order.

The payments are a permanent fixture of the ACA designed to compensate insurers who cover sicker groups.

Five months after the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services sent a wave of uncertainty across the health insurance industry by freezing risk-adjustment payments, the agency has finalized a fix for the 2018 benefit year.

The move seeks to appease a federal judge in New Mexico who ruled last February that the government had failed to justify its methodology for calculating the payments for benefit years 2014-2018. That ruling was the basis, CMS said, for the administration’s decision to freeze payments suddenly last July.

The freeze lasted only two-and-a-half weeks until CMS announced a final rule to resume the payments for the 2017 benefit year. That final rule re-adopted the existing methodology, with an added explanation regarding the program’s budget neutrality and use of statewide average premiums. A similar fix for the 2018 benefit year was proposed two weeks later.

Risk-adjustment payment policies for the 2019 benefit year, which weren’t subject to the judge’s ruling, were finalized in April.


The risk-adjustment payments are a permanent feature of the Affordable Care Act designed to offset the law’s requirement that insurers offer coverage without regard to a consumer’s health status. Since some insurers will inevitably attract sicker patient populations than others, the ACA redirects money from insurers with healthier populations to those with higher utilization.

Trump administration officials have made no secret of their disdain for the ACA, so some accused them of using the February ruling as an excuse to inject uncertainty into the market, one exhibit in the menagerie of alleged “sabotage.” Even the nonprofit health plan that filed the lawsuit that prompted the freeze accused the government of making “a purely self-inflicted wound” when it could have instead promulgated a new rule all along.

Conservative critics, meanwhile, accused the administration of capitulating to political and industry pressure by ending the freeze, when it should have instead “ended its micromanagement of the insurance market.”

CMS Administrator Seema Verma said in a statement Friday that the final rule “continues our commitment to provide certainty regarding this important program, to give insurers the confidence they need to continue participating in the markets, and, ultimately, to guarantee that consumers have access to better coverage options.”

Kris Haltmeyer, vice president of legislative and regulatory policy for the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association, lauded the fix.

“We are pleased to see CMS issue this final rule to keep the risk adjustment program in place for the 2018 benefit year, ensuring stability in health care coverage for millions of Americans,” Haltmeyer said in a statement. “This important program has worked for years to balance the cost of care between healthy Americans and those with significant medical needs and, as CMS has stated, is working as intended.”

“The program’s continued smooth operation is vital to ensure access to a broad range of coverage options for millions of individuals and small businesses,” he added.

Verma noted that the litigation is still pending.

 

 

 

Calls for trying again on bipartisan ObamaCare fix

https://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/418689-dem-senator-murray-calls-for-trying-again-on-bipartisan-obamacare-fix

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Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) on Wednesday called for reviving bipartisan efforts to reach a deal to fix ObamaCare after an agreement she was part of collapsed last year.

“Mr. Chairman, I’m really hopeful that we can revive discussions in the new Congress and find a way past the ideological standoffs of the past,” Murray said to Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), her Republican partner in forging last year’s deal, at a hearing on health care costs.

The deal last year, which came to be known as Alexander-Murray, sought to lower premiums and stabilize the ObamaCare markets, but was stalled for months amid the bitter partisan divide over the health law and a dispute about including abortion restrictions on the funding in the bill.

Alexander on Wednesday expressed skepticism about the ability to reach a new agreement, but said he is willing to try if Murray wants to.

“We can revisit the so-called Alexander-Murray proposal if you would like,” Alexander said, but added that Democrats opposed the previous version, in his view, because they would not support restrictions on abortion funding known as the Hyde Amendment. Democrats countered that the measure actually would have expanded the scope of the abortion restrictions in an unacceptable way.

“I regretted that that didn’t work and maybe we can find a way to make it work in the new session,” Alexander added. “Certainly we’ll try on the issue of health care costs, which are the larger issue.” 

There is still no clear path beyond the abortion dispute, making a new agreement difficult.

The ground has also shifted since last year, making many Democrats call for bolder action, like expanding the generosity of ObamaCare’s financial assistance and overruling actions President Trump has taken that Democrats say undermine the market.

Both of those proposals would be hard for many Republicans to support.

Still, Alexander and Murray have not sat down to reopen negotiations and it is unclear what each side would be pushing for in these early stages.

One change is that Democrats will control the House next year, which could add new pressures. Many Democrats saw House Republicans as the main obstacle to a deal last year, so it could change the dynamic that House Republicans will have less power next year in the minority.  

 

The Curious Case of Reinsurance

https://www.thinkrevivehealth.com/blog/curious-case-reinsurance

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Although much of the Affordable Care Act has been contentious, one provision that has bipartisan support as well as proven efficacy is reinsurance. Simply put, reinsurance is insurance for health insurance companies. It essentially provides individual and small-group insurers “coverage” purchased from the federal government to protect against risk of high cost enrollees. Importantly, reinsurance is a market stabilization mechanism. It protects against risk, keeps premiums increases at bay, and encourages market competition in the individual insurance market.

Unfortunately, it’s also a temporary solution. In the ACA, the “innovation” waiver was only designed to be active for three years, 2014 through 2016. In March 2017, former Secretary Price issued a letter to states reiterating the law’s key requirements for “innovation” waivers and offered states assistance in the development and implementation of innovation programs. It’s still up in the air how the waiver will be interpreted, but for now states should take the waiver on its face and consider ways in which the waiver can make improvements to their healthcare markets.

It’s no secret that the individual market is not thriving. Although few states have signaled an interest in using reinsurance programs, recent exits from the individual insurance market like Aetna and Humana may encourage more states to consider waivers to stabilize these markets.

Below are a few states that decided to enact reinsurance programs:

Alaska was the first state to try on the program. With a small population and massive size, it’s no surprise the state has the highest premiums in the country. Adopting the reinsurance program kept premium hikes at bay, a 7% increase versus the expected 42%. In 2018, the federal government will fund $48M in reinsurance and the state will pay $11M.

Minnesota also approved a reinsurance program of $600M through shifting funds that would otherwise come from its MinnesotaCare program for low-income residents. The hope is the program will have an immediate effect on premium affordability for consumers in 2018, but it has been widely hailed as a semi-bipartisan solution.

Iowa is seeking to alter multiple ACA requirements, with the threat of having no insurers participate in the marketplace in 2018. Despite a large and dominant Blue Cross plan, Iowa is proposing several changes to the insurance marketplace. Their Iowa PSM plan would cost around $304M, $220M of tax credits and the remaining to pay for reinsurance.

Other states are considering the possibility but their buy-in will likely depend on how health reform policy changes shake out. And the latest news out of Washington, D.C. indicates a quick resolution or a clean solution isn’t likely.

So, what does all of this mean? A few things:

  1. The rising cost of health insurance premiums directly affects the ability of small businesses and self-employed workers to provide or obtain healthcare coverage.
  2. State-sponsored reinsurance programs that target health insurance markets for small groups and individuals make insurance more affordable and accessible.
  3. If reinsurance continues to expand to other states, new (or returning entrants) to the individual and small-group market can be expected to expand as well.

Whether you’re a health system, a health plan, or a health services organization, the opportunity for reinsurance to drive down premium costs and increase market competition directly impact your business. The revitalization of the individual market has direct impact on managed care, hospital operations, and access to care for patients. Keep an ear to the ground and watch this trend closely, especially as the open enrollment period approaches.

 

 

ACA Slow Enrollment as Uninsured Rate Remains Steady

https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/hblog20181120.831184/full/

Image result for ACA Slow Enrollment as Uninsured Rate Remains Steady

In most states across the country, the open enrollment period for 2019 began on November 1 and will end on December 15, 2018. As we near the halfway point for enrollment—at least for the states with a federal marketplace—recent federal data suggests that enrollment in Affordable Care Act (ACA) marketplace plans is lagging relative to last year.

In its “week 2” enrollment snapshot, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) announced that nearly 1.2 million consumers selected a plan between November 1 and November 10 in the 39 states that use HealthCare.gov. Of these consumers, about 275,000 were new consumers while about 901,000 were renewing their coverage from last year. This reflects a significant increase from the first three days of open enrollment when about 371,000 consumers selected a plan.

“Week 2” plan selections are down by about 302,000 consumers relative to last year. This can be read as between an 8 to 13 percent decline in plan selections compared to last year, when a total of 11.8 million consumers in all 50 states and DC selected or were automatically reenrolled in a marketplace plan. Enrollment remained largely stable from 2017 to 2018 despite a shortened open enrollment period and significant cuts to advertising and navigator funding.

This year, however, brings additional changes that could be contributing to what is, at least so far, depressed enrollment through HealthCare.gov. These changes include repeal of the individual mandate penalty; 2019 is the first year that consumers will no longer pay a penalty for being uninsured under the ACA. In addition, new federal rules are enabling expanded access to non-ACA plans (such as short-term, limited-duration insurance and association health plans). These non-ACA plans typically have a much lower premium than ACA plans and could lure consumers away from the marketplace.

It is too early to tell if the reduced enrollment trend will hold and if this pattern will continue. Enrollment may increase significantly before the December 15 deadline, and millions of Americans will enroll in coverage before the end of the year.

The declines are, however, significant. The former chief marketing officer for HealthCare.gov recently noted that the data “should be a wake-up call to everyone who cares about people having health care … on the need to step up efforts to raise awareness.” CMS intends to release enrollment snapshots on a weekly basis. Each snapshot also includes point-in-time estimates of call center activity and visits to HealthCare.gov and CuidadoDeSalud.gov, among other data.

The new open enrollment data comes at a time when the uninsured rate continues to remain steady. Data from the National Center for Health Statistics—in reports both from late August and November—shows that the uninsured rate of about 8.8 percent for 2018 remains largely unchanged from 2017. Although there was not a significant shift from 2017 to 2018, there has been a sizable drop in the uninsured rate since the ACA was enacted in 2010. Between 2010 and the first six months of 2018, the uninsured rate dropped from 16 percent (48.6 million people) to 8.8 percent (28.5 million people).

 

 

Pre-existing conditions: Does any GOP proposal match the ACA?

https://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2018/oct/17/pre-existing-conditions-does-any-gop-proposal-matc/?fbclid=IwAR2QXSwiwRryxaHWJVgO3evTUtJPk6QcV1HkxkaI2qq3iPWqsrXqGA0qPeY

From a routine visit to a critical exam, the stethoscope remains one of the most common physician tools. (Alex Proimos, via Flickr Creative Commons)

In race after race, Democrats have been pummeling Republicans on the most popular piece of Obamacare, protections for pre-existing conditions. No matter how sick someone might be, today’s law says insurance companies must cover them.

Republican efforts to repeal and replace Obamacare have all aimed to retain the guarantee that past health would be no bar to new coverage.

Democrats aren’t buying it.

In campaign ads in NevadaIndianaFloridaNorth Dakota, and more, Democrats charged their opponents with either nixing guaranteed coverage outright or putting those with pre-existing conditions at risk. The claims might exaggerate, but they all have had a dose of truth.

Republican proposals are not as air tight as Obamacare.

We’ll walk you through why.

The current guarantee

In the old days, insurance companies had ways to avoid selling policies to people who were likely to cost more than insurers wanted to spend. They might deny them coverage outright, or exclude coverage for a known condition, or charge so much that insurance became unaffordable.

The Affordable Care Act boxes out the old insurance practices with a package of legal moves. First, it says point-blank that carriers “may not impose any preexisting condition exclusion.” It backs that up with another section that says they “may not establish rules for eligibility” based on health status, medical condition, claims experience or medical history.

Those two provisions apply to all plans. The third –– community rating –– targets insurance sold to individuals and small groups (about 7 percent of the total) and limits the factors that go into setting prices. In particular, while insurers can charge older people more, they can’t charge them more than three times what they charge a 21-year-old policy holder.

Wrapped around all that is a fourth measure that lists the essential health benefits that every plan, except grandfathered ones, must offer. A trip to the emergency room, surgery, maternity care and more all fall under this provision. This prevents insurers from discouraging people who might need expensive services by crafting plans that don’t offer them.

At rally after rally for Republicans, President Donald Trump has been telling voters “pre-existing conditions will always be taken care of by us.” At an event in Mississippi, he faulted Democrats, saying, they have no plan,” which ignores that Democrats already voted for the Obamacare guarantees.

At different times last year, Trump voiced support for Republican bills to replace Obamacare. The White House said the House’s American Health Care Act “protects the most vulnerable Americans, including those with pre-existing conditions.” A fact sheet cited $120 billion for states to keep plans affordable, along with other facets in the bill.

But the protections in the GOP plans are not as strong as Obamacare. One independent analysis found that the bill left over 6 million people exposed to much higher premiums for at least one year. We’ll get to the congressional action next, but as things stand, the latest official move by the administration has been to agree that the guarantees in the Affordable Care Act should go. It said that in a Texas lawsuit tied to the individual mandate.

The individual mandate is the evil twin of guaranteed coverage. If companies were forced to cover everyone, the government would force everyone (with some exceptions) to have insurance, in order to balance out the sick with the healthy. In the 2017 tax cut law, Congress zeroed out the penalty for not having coverage. A few months later, a group of 20 states looked at that change and sued to overturn the entire law.

In particular, they argued that with a toothless mandate, the judge should terminate protections for pre-existing conditions.

The U.S. Justice Department agreed, writing in its filing “the individual mandate is not severable from the ACA’s guaranteed-issue and community-rating requirements.”

So, if the mandate goes, so does guaranteed-issue.

The judge has yet to rule.

Latest Republican plan has holes

In August, a group of 10 Republican senators introduced a bill with a title designed to neutralize criticism that Republicans don’t care about this issue. It’s called Ensuring Coverage for Patients with Pre-Existing Conditions. (A House Republican later introduced a similar bill.)

The legislation borrows words directly from the Affordable Care Act, saying insurers “may not establish rules for eligibility” based on health status, medical condition, claims experience or medical history.

But there’s an out.

The bill adds an option for companies to deny certain coverage if “it will not have the capacity to deliver services adequately.”

To Allison Hoffman, a law professor at the University of Pennsylvania, that’s a big loophole.

“Insurers could exclude someone’s preexisting conditions from coverage, even if they offered her a policy,” Hoffman said. “That fact alone sinks any claims that this law offers pre-existing condition protection.”

The limit here is that insurers must apply such a rule across the board to every employer and individual plan. They couldn’t cherry pick.

But the bill also gives companies broad leeway in setting premiums. While they can’t set rates based on health status, there’s no limit on how much premiums could vary based on other factors.

The Affordable Care Act had an outside limit of 3 to 1 based on age. That’s not in this bill. And Hoffman told us the flexibility doesn’t stop there.

“They could charge people in less healthy communities or occupations way more than others,” Hoffman said. “Just guaranteeing that everyone can get a policy has no meaning if the premiums are unaffordable for people more likely to need medical care.”

Rodney Whitlock, a health policy expert who worked for Republicans in Congress, told us those criticisms are valid.

“Insurers will use the rules available to them to take in more in premiums than they pay out in claims,” Whitlock said. “If you see a loophole and think insurers will use it, that’s probably true.”

Past Republican plans also had holes

Whitlock said more broadly that Republicans have struggled at every point to say they are providing the same level of protection as in the Affordable Care Act.

“And they are not,” Whitlock said. “It is 100 percent true that Republicans are not meeting the Affordable Care Act standard. And they are not trying to.”

The House American Health Care Act and the Senate Better Care Reconciliation Act allowed premiums to vary five fold, compared to the three fold limit in the Affordable Care Act. Both bills, and then later the Graham-Cassidy bill, included waivers or block grants that offered states wide latitude over rates.

Graham-Cassidy also gave states leeway to redefine the core benefits that every plan had to provide. Health law professor Wendy Netter Epstein at DePaul University said that could play out badly.

“It means that insurers could sell very bare-bones plans with low premiums that will be attractive to healthy people, and then the plans that provide the coverage that sicker people need will become very expensive,” Epstein said.

Insurance is always about sharing risk. Whether through premiums or taxes, healthy people cover the costs of taking care of sick people. Right now, Whitlock said, the political process is doing a poor job of resolving how that applies to the people most likely to need care.

“The Affordable Care Act set up a system where people without pre-existing conditions pay more to protect people who have them,” Whitlock said. “Somewhere between the Affordable Care Act standard and no protections at all is a legitimate debate about the right tradeoff. We are not engaged in that debate.”

 

 

IN SEARCH OF INSURANCE SAVINGS, CONSUMERS CAN GET UNWITTINGLY WEDGED INTO NARROW-NETWORK PLANS

https://www.healthleadersmedia.com/search-insurance-savings-consumers-can-get-unwittingly-wedged-narrow-network-plans?utm_source=silverpop&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=ENL_181101_LDR_BRIEFING%20(1)&spMailingID=14541829&spUserID=MTY3ODg4NTg1MzQ4S0&spJobID=1520057837&spReportId=MTUyMDA1NzgzNwS2

Wedged Into Narrow-Network Plans

Despite federal rules requiring plans to keep up-to-date directories, consumers may lack access to clear information about which health plans have ‘narrow networks’ of providers or which hospitals and doctors are in or out of an insurer’s network.

As a breast cancer survivor, Donna Catanuchi said she knows she can’t go without health insurance. But her monthly premium of $855 was too high to afford.

“It was my biggest expense and killing me,” said Catanuchi, 58, of Mullica Hill, N.J.

A “navigator” who helps people find coverage through the Affordable Care Act found a solution. But it required Catanuchi, who works part time cleaning offices, to switch to a less comprehensive plan, change doctors, drive farther to her appointments and pay $110 a visit out-of-pocket — or about three times what she was paying for her follow-up cancer care.

She now pays $40 a month for coverage, after she qualified for a substantial government subsidy.

Catanuchi’s switch to a more affordable but restrictive plan reflects a broad trend in insurance plan design over the past few years. The cheaper plans offer far narrower networks of doctors and hospitals and less coverage of out-of-network care. But many consumers are overwhelmed or unaware of the trade-offs they entail, insurance commissioners and policy experts say.

With enrollment for ACA health plans beginning Nov. 1, they worry that consumers too often lack access to clear information about which health plans have “narrow networks” of medical providers or which hospitals and doctors are in or out of an insurer’s network, despite federal rules requiring plans to keep up-to-date directories.

“It’s very frustrating for consumers,” said Betsy Imholz, who represents the advocacy group Consumers Union at the National Association of Insurance Commissioners. “Health plan provider directories are often inaccurate, and doctors are dropping in and out all the time.”

These more restrictive plans expose people to larger out-of-pocket costs, less access to out-of-network specialists and hospitals, and “surprise” medical bills from unforeseen out-of-network care.

More than 14 million people buy health insurance on the individual market — largely through the ACA exchanges, and they will be shopping anew this coming month.

TREND APPEARS TO BE SLOWING

For 2018, 73 percent of plans offered through the exchanges were either health maintenance organizations (HMOs) or exclusive provider organizations (EPOs), up from 54 percent in 2015.

Both have more restrictive networks and offer less out-of-network coverage compared with preferred provider organizations (PPOs), which represented 21 percent of health plans offered through the ACA exchanges in 2018, according to Avalere, a health research firm in Washington, D.C.

PPOs typically provide easier access to out-of-network specialists and facilities, and partial — sometimes even generous — payment for such services.

Measured another way, the number of ACA plans offering any out-of-network coverage declined to 29 percent in 2018 from 58 percent in 2015, according to a recent analysis by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.

For example, in California, HMO and EPO enrollment through Covered California, the state’s exchange, grew from 46 percent in 2016 to 70 percent in 2018, officials there said. Over the same period, PPO enrollment declined from 54 percent to 30 percent.

In contrast, PPOs have long been and remain the dominant type of health plan offered by employers nationwide. Forty-nine percent of the 152 million people and their dependents who were covered through work in 2018 were enrolled in a PPO-type plan. Only 16 percent were in HMOs, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation’s annual survey of employment-based health insurance.

The good news for people buying health insurance on their own is that the trend toward narrow networks appears to be slowing.

“When premiums shot up over the past few years, insurers shifted to more restrictive plans with smaller provider networks to try and lower costs and premiums,” said Chris Sloan, a director at Avalere. “With premium increases slowing, at least for now, that could stabilize.”

Some research supports this prediction. Daniel Polsky, a health economist at the University of Pennsylvania, found that the number of ACA plans nationwide with narrow physician networks declined from 25 percent in 2016 to 21 percent in 2017.

Polsky is completing an analysis of 2018 plans and expects the percent of narrow network plans to remain “relatively constant” for this year and into 2019.

“Fewer insurers are exiting the marketplace, and there’s less churn in the plans being offered,” said Polsky. “That’s good news for consumers.”

Insurers may still be contracting with fewer hospitals, however, to constrain costs in that expensive arena of care, according to a report by the consulting firm McKinsey & Co. It found that 53 percent of plans had narrow hospital networks in 2017, up from 48 percent in 2014.

“Narrow networks are a trade-off,” said Paul Ginsburg, a health care economist at the Brookings Institution. “They can be successful when done well. At a time when we need to find ways to control rising health care costs, narrow networks are one legitimate strategy.”

Ginsburg also notes that there’s no evidence to date that the quality of care is any less in narrow versus broader networks, or that people are being denied access to needed care.

Mike Kreidler, Washington state’s insurance commissioner, said ACA insurers in that state “are figuring out they can’t get away with provider networks that are inadequate to meet people’s needs.”

“People have voted with their feet, moving to more affordable choices like HMOs but they won’t tolerate draconian restrictions,” Kreidler said.

The state is stepping in, too. In December 2017, Kreidler fined one insurer — Coordinated Care — $1.5 million for failing to maintain an adequate network of doctors. The state suspended $1 million of the fine if the insurer had no further violations. In March 2018, the plan was docked another $100,000 for similar gaps, especially a paucity of specialists in immunology, dermatology and rheumatology. The $900,000 in potential fines continues to hang over the company’s head.

Centene Corp, which owns Coordinated Care, has pledged to improve its network.

Pennsylvania Insurance Commissioner Jessica Altman said she expects residents buying insurance in the individual marketplace for 2019 to have a wider choice of providers in their networks.

“We think and hope insurers are gradually building more stable networks of providers,” said Altman.

NEW STATE LAWS

Bad publicity and recent state laws are pushing insurers to modify their practices and shore up their networks.

About 20 states now have laws restricting surprise bills or balance billing, or which mandate mediation over disputed medical bills, especially those stemming from emergency care.

Even more have rules on maintaining accurate, up-to-date provider directories.

The problem is the laws vary widely in the degree to which they “truly protect consumers,” said Claire McAndrew, a health policy analyst at Families USA, a consumer advocacy group in Washington, D.C. “It’s a patchwork system with some strong consumer protections and a lot of weaker ones.”

“Some states don’t have the resources to enforce rules in this area,” said Justin Giovannelli, a researcher at the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University. “That takes us backward in assuring consumers get coverage that meets their needs.”

 

 

Anthem’s Q3 profit jumps 29% to $960M

https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/payer-issues/anthem-s-q3-profit-jumps-29-to-960m.html?origin=ceoe&utm_source=ceoe

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Anthem posted strong operating results in the third quarter of 2018.

Here are four things to know from the health insurer’s results:

1. Anthem’s operating revenue grew 4 percent in the third quarter of this year to $23 billion, up from $22.1 billion in the same period a year prior. The health insurer said premium increases and the return of the health insurance tax in 2018 positively affected operating revenue, as did growth in its Medicare business.

2. Anthem’s reduced footprint in the individual ACA exchanges, local group and Medicaid plans contributed to a year-over-year decline in membership in the third quarter of this year compared to the same three months in 2017. Anthem lost 753,000 members year over year and now has 39.5 million members. At the same time, Anthem grew its Medicare membership year over year by 267,000 members in the third quarter of this year through acquisitions and organic growth.

3. Anthem trimmed its medical loss ratio, or the amount the health insurer pays toward medical care versus overhead costs, to 84.8 percent in the third quarter of this year. That’s down from 87 percent in the same period last year. Lower taxes and better medical cost performance in its commercial and specialty insurance lines contributed to the improvement.

4. Including expenses and nonoperating gains, Anthem ended the third quarter of 2018 with $960 million in net income, up 29 percent from $747 million recorded in the same period last year.