Debt Sickened a Hospital Giant. Now the Doctors Are Revolting

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-09-21/debt-sickened-a-hospital-giant-now-the-doctors-are-revolting?

 

The standoff over Lutheran shows how for-profit chain CHS, once the nation’s largest, allowed its facilities to decay, compromising care and destroying investor value.

Four doctors from Lutheran Hospital in Fort Wayne, Ind., showed up at parent company Community Health Systems Inc. in May with a message for Chief Executive Officer Wayne Smith and his board. Physicians were in widespread revolt, they said. Facilities were cash-strapped and crumbling. Powerful locals wanted CHS to reinvest or leave.

The doctors urged Smith to sell the eight-hospital Lutheran Health Network to their physician group, which already owned a 20 percent stake, and an investor partner, for $2.4 billion—triple CHS’s current market value. The combative 71-year-old CEO denied authorizing cost cuts in Fort Wayne and demanded the names of those who did, say people in the meeting. The board refused the offer, and rather than pursue the budget-cutters, Smith fired Lutheran’s CEO, who’d sided with the doctors.

The standoff over Lutheran provides a window into how CHS, once the largest for-profit hospital chain in the U.S., has allowed facilities to languish, possibly compromising care and destroying investor value in the process. Smith presided over a decade-long acquisition binge that saddled CHS with total debt of almost eight times its earnings and a network of underperforming facilities. The company lost $2 billion in the past six quarters, during which doctors from Key West to Spokane have accused the chain of pinching pennies and regulators have fined it for overcharging Medicare. Says Indiana Republican Representative Jim Banks, who’s sided with the Fort Wayne doctors: “It’s buy, squeeze, and repeat.”

“At some point you reach a dead end, and you can’t cut the expenses anymore”

Smith took CHS public in 2001, just four years after coming to the company from Humana Inc., where he’d been head of hospital operations. The big acquisitions began in 2007, when the chain bought Texas-based Triad Hospitals Inc. for $6.4 billion, more than quadrupling its debt. Smaller deals followed. By the end of 2014, CHS had nearly doubled its debt again to finance its buyout of Health Management Associates LLC (HMA), a Florida-based group of mostly rural facilities that required costly upgrades.

Smith’s plan was to try to increase doctor productivity and slash costs, often replacing experienced doctors with loyal patients for younger ones who were willing to work longer hours. Like most for-profit operators, “they focused on cost control,” says Joshua Nemzoff of Nemzoff & Co., who advises hospitals on sale transactions. “At some point you reach a dead end, and you can’t cut the expenses anymore.”

Along with the rest of the hospital industry, CHS expected the Affordable Care Act to provide a windfall of insurance money from the newly covered. Investor enthusiasm soured when 19 states—including Florida and Texas, two key CHS markets—declined to expand Medicaid eligibility, leaving many low-income people without coverage. At the same time, insurers and other government programs began working to divert patients from hospitals into doctors’ offices, outpatient clinics, and other less expensive venues. The combined effect was particularly hard on rural hospitals, a large share of CHS’s network.

Raising prices while slashing costs has been a hallmark of CHS under Smith. In Fort Wayne, Lutheran charges more than rival Parkview Medical Center Inc. for 8 of 10 common medical procedures. During the first half of this year, patients were placed in beds in Lutheran’s emergency room hallways because the wards they should have been moved to were understaffed, and a leaking air conditioner in the neonatal care unit was dripping water on infants’ beds, according to people familiar with the conditions. While Parkview invested in its cancer and cardiac units, Lutheran doctors said at the board meeting that the CHS hospital was using lower-priced monitors they feared would miss potentially fatal heart rhythms.

Company spokeswoman Tomi Galin said in an email that many other hospitals use the same monitors. Nevertheless, CHS plans to spend $500 million on improvements and will recruit new doctors at Lutheran, she wrote, adding that employee retention there is rising.

Other critics of Smith have taken their complaints to court. After Gregg Becker quit his job as chief financial officer of CHS’s Rockwood Clinic in Spokane, Wash., in 2012, he filed a whistleblower claim with the U.S. Department of Labor, saying his superiors told him to reduce the facility’s forecast loss from $12.8 million to $4 million and threatened to fire him if he didn’t. Becker was awarded a settlement of almost $1.9 million by an administrative law judge, according to court documents. CHS has appealed the case to the Washington Supreme Court and the federal Arbitration and Review Board. (CHS sold Rockwood earlier this year.)

In 2014, CHS agreed to pay $98.15 million to the Department of Justice to settle lawsuits in five different districts accusing the company of charging for higher-cost inpatient services at hospitals, including Lutheran, when less expensive outpatient services would have been sufficient. CHS didn’t admit wrongdoing. But the DOJ in a statement said the company had “engaged in a deliberate corporate-driven scheme to increase inpatient admissions of Medicare, Medicaid, and the Department of Defense’s Tricare program.”

With losses mounting and the stock down more than 80 percent from its peak in June 2015, Smith has resorted to selling hospitals to pay off debt. One result: CHS will soon be about the same size it was before it attempted to digest HMA. Hedge fund ASL Strategic Value, a CHS shareholder, sent a letter to the board on Aug. 8 asking directors to replace Smith. Tom Kelley, a Fort Wayne car dealer whose employees rely on Lutheran for care, quit the Lutheran board in July and says he’s reviewing his employee medical plan. He tried and failed to broker a peace deal between the doctors and Smith.

“He’s a street fighter,” Kelley says of Smith. “He has survived government actions against him. He has survived lawsuits. He has survived all of this by being a tough SOB.”

BOTTOM LINE – Community Health Systems used acquisitions to become a major for-profit hospital operator. But the added heft wasn’t matched by profitability gains.

 

Docs, Hospitals, Insurers Blast Last-Ditch ACA Repeal

http://www.healthleadersmedia.com/leadership/docs-hospitals-insurers-blast-last-ditch-aca-repeal?spMailingID=11982714&spUserID=MTY3ODg4NTg1MzQ4S0&spJobID=1241926561&spReportId=MTI0MTkyNjU2MQS2#

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With one exception, most physician groups stating a position viewed the bill as dangerous.

As momentum builds for the GOP’s latest Obamacare repeal effort, most major physician and hospital groups skewered the proposal.

But some held their tongues or even welcomed certain new “freedoms” the bill could afford.

Last week senators Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), Bill Cassidy (R-La.), Dean Heller (R-Nev.), and Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) introduced a healthcare bill to pool money that would have been funnelled into premium and cost-sharing subsidies and Medicaid expansion and direct it instead to states in the form of block grants.

The proposal would also repeal the Affordable Care Act’s individual and employer mandates, the medical device tax, and “strengthen the ability for states to waive Obamacare regulations,” according to a Sept. 13 press release posted on Cassidy’s website. It appears the bill will have no committee hearings or markups before coming to the Senate floor for a vote.

With one exception, most physician groups stating a position viewed the bill as dangerous.

Physicians: ‘Do No Harm’

The new bill “violates the precept of ‘first do no harm,'” said James Madara, MD, CEO and executive vice president of the American Medical Association, in a letter to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky,) and Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.).

“Similar to proposals that were considered in the Senate in July, we believe the Graham-Cassidy Amendment would result in millions of Americans losing their health insurance coverage, destabilize health insurance markets, and decrease access to affordable coverage and care,” he wrote.

The AMA is especially concerned about repealing the premium subsidies, cost-sharing reductions, small business tax credits, and Medicaid expansion, and described the Medicaid block grants, which would run through 2026 as “inadequate and temporary.”

“Per-capita caps (a form of block grant) fail to take into account unanticipated costs of new medical innovations or the fiscal impact of public health epidemics, such as the crisis of opioid abuse currently ravaging our nation,” he wrote.

Rebecca Parker, MD, president of the American College of Emergency Physicians, also penned a letter to Senate leadership highlighting the dangers her members see in the bill.

“ACEP cannot support any legislation that does not include emergency medical care as a covered benefit in health insurance,” she wrote. “Yet, [the Cassidy-Graham bill] allows states to easily forego requiring insurers to adhere to important consumer protections, including the requirement to cover the ten essential health benefits, and protections for those with pre-existing conditions.”

Ninety-five percent of Americans believe health plans should cover emergency medical care, Parker noted, which is currently one of the ACA’s essential benefits.

“[E]mergency physicians agree with them. Patients can’t choose when and where they will need emergency care, and they shouldn’t be punished financially for having emergencies,” she continued.

And a joint letter from six specialty organizations representing more than 500,000 physicians — the American Academy of Family Physicians, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the American Osteopathic Association, the American College of Physicians, and the American Psychiatric Association — described the bill as “disruptive” and “harmful” to patients.

In addition to failing to preserve the coverage and consumer protections enacted by the ACA, the groups said the new bill “would create a health care system built on state-by-state variability that would exacerbate inequities in coverage and most likely place millions of vulnerable individuals at risk of losing their health care coverage.”

The groups continued to urge Congress to pursue “regular order” including hearings, debates, and committee markups and not to rush a vote.

Hospitals Disappointed

Because the new bill’s approach is similar to previous repeal proposal’s, Bruce Siegel, MD, MPH, the president and CEO of America’s Essential Hospitals, said he anticipates a similar result: “millions of Americans losing coverage. ”

“Unlike those previous proposals, the Graham-Cassidy bill provides no meaningful relief from looming cuts to Medicaid disproportionate share hospital (DSH) payments,” he noted, while stressing that the new bill would also limit “how states raise support for the safety net.”

“Rather than providing flexibility, this would limit states’ coverage and financing choices,” he said.

Similarly, “This proposal would erode key protections for patients and consumers and does nothing to stabilize the insurance market now or in the long term,” said Rick Pollack, CEO of the American Hospital Association, in a press statement.

On Board, On the Fence

Not all physicans want to see the bill shredded.

Despite her “mixed feelings,” Jane Orient, MD, executive director of the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons, said on the whole, “I think that it may in the long-term make things a tiny bit better by permitting a wedge of freedom.”

Examples of this freedom include giving block grants to states and rolling back federal regulation so that states can experiment and make their Medicaid programs more efficient.

“The idea that we can just infinitely expand the money that we’re pouring into Medicaid is going to come to a halt. It has to. How can you keep spending money that you don’t have?” Orient asked.

Half of all Medicaid funding is money coming from creditors, because the government has to borrow 50 cents of every dollar it spends, she said.

The American Association of Neurological Surgeons/Congress of Neurological Surgeons indicated that members like giving states more control over how healthcare dollars are spent, and repeal of the medical device tax. But the group is concerned about “backsliding” on other insurance reforms, such as those involving pre-existing conditions, a press representative told MedPage Today in a phone call.

“Without a [Congressional Budget Office] score, it’s impossible to predict what the states are going to do at this point,” the representative said. No CBO analysis of the bill other than its effect on the federal budget is expected.

Other specialty groups have remained silent on the bill.

Insurers Skeptical

Another important set of stakeholders also stated opposition to Graham-Cassidy: the health insurance industry, whose chief trade group declared it “cannot support this proposal.”

Marilyn Tavenner, CEO of America’s Health Insurance Plans, outlined six “guiding principles” in a letter to McConnell and Schumer on Wednesday. They included: stabilizing the individual insurance market, a strong Medicaid program, guaranteed coverage for all, sufficient lead time to implement reforms smoothly, improved affordability, and reliance on the private market.

“The Graham-Cassidy-Heller-Johnson proposal fails to meet these guiding principles,” the letter said, “and would have real consequences on consumers and patients by further destabilizing the individual market; cutting Medicaid; pulling back on protections for pre-existing conditions; not ending taxes on health insurance premiums and benefits; and potentially allowing government-controlled, single payer health care to grow.”

Senate leadership aims to bring the bill to the floor for a vote next week. The body faces a Sept. 30 deadline to pass legislation with budgetary implications without needing 60 votes to overcome a filibuster.

What Are the Potential Effects of the Graham-Cassidy ACA Repeal-and-Replace Bill? Past Estimates Provide Some Clues

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2017/sep/potential-effects-of-graham-cassidy

Graham Cassidy

Last week, Sens. Lindsey Graham (R–S.C.) and Bill Cassidy (R–La.) unveiled congressional Republicans’ latest bill to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has indicated that it will not release a score of the bill that includes its effects on insurance coverage for several weeks, but Senate leaders have indicated they will hold a vote without a score. The bill, however, is similar to prior ACA repeal-and-replace bills for which we do have CBO scores. Based on those estimates, it is likely that the bill, if enacted, would lead to a loss of health insurance for at least 32 million people after 2026.

The bill can be boiled down to five key provisions:

  • Repeals the ACA marketplace subsidies and federal funding for the Medicaid expansion in 2020.
  • Creates temporary block grants for states that end in 2026. States can use the funds for a wide range of purposes.
  • Repeals the individual and employer mandates.
  • Creates a waiver program for states that would allow insurers to charge people more based on their health and cut benefits like maternity care.
  • Places per capita spending limits on funding for the traditional Medicaid program.

Repeal with Temporary Block Grants. The bill repeals the ACA’s marketplace subsidies and Medicaid expansion, which currently cover about 30 million people. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) estimates Graham-Cassidy would cut $239 billion from current spending levels, and then divide the remaining funding among states according to a complicated block-grant scheme that results in gains for some states at the expense of deep losses in other states. CBPP projects that the states that would lose the most funding are those that expanded Medicaid, including highly populated states like California and New York.

But all of that grant funding vanishes after 2026. CBO estimated the effects of a repeal of the ACA’s subsidies and Medicaid expansion in January. The bottom line: elimination of those provisions in combination with a repeal of the law’s individual mandate could lead to a loss of health insurance coverage for at least 32 million people. Compounding the coverage losses, Leighton Ku and colleagues at George Washington University have estimated that a repeal of the coverage expansions would have severe nationwide economic effects, leading to a loss of 2.6 million jobs.

Ingredients for Individual Market Instability. While supporters of the Graham-Cassidy bill claim it is market-based, it contains the ingredients for market instability, including the immediate repeal of the penalties for the individual mandate requiring health insurance. CBO’s prior analyses of the elimination of the individual mandate found that 15 million to 18 million people would become uninsured in the first full plan year after enactment (in this case 2019), as people dropped their coverage from all sources and insurers left the marketplaces. CBO also projected that premiums in the individual market would climb by 15 percent to 20 percent in the first plan year. The majority of that increase would come from the repeal of the mandate penalties: insurers would expect that those who remained in the pool would be the least healthy. And as the CBPP has pointed out, uncertainty over how states would use their block-grant funding would likely lead to even greater instability in the individual market.

Graham and Cassidy try to stem these potential market imbalances in two ways. The bill would bring back the temporary premium stabilization funds for insurers featured in both the Senate and House bills, but only for two years. Then it would allow states to apply for waivers that would let insurers charge people with health problems higher premiums, and change other ACA consumer protections such as bans on lifetime benefit limits and comprehensive coverage requirements. CBO’s analyses of a similar waiver in the House-passed American Health Care Act estimated that half the U.S. population could live in states that would likely take up such waivers, shutting out millions of older adults and people with health problems from the individual market, as in the pre-ACA days.

Reaching Beyond the ACA into Medicaid. The Graham-Cassidy bill, like the earlier Senate and House bills, reaches well beyond the ACA and makes the deepest cuts in the Medicaid program since its inception in 1965. Like those prior bills, it places a per-enrollee cap on what the federal government provides to states for their programs. This cap would threaten the health care of an additional 65 million people who depend on the program, including the elderly, disabled, children, pregnant women, and very poor adults. Cindy Mann and colleagues at Manatt Health Solutions estimated that the spending caps in a version of the Senate repeal-and-replace bill earlier this summer would result in federal  spending cuts of $172 billion over 2020 to 2026. And Al Dobson and colleagues found that, under the House-passed bill, the per-capita caps in that bill would result in a loss of $3.6 billion in revenues for safety-net hospitals alone over 10 years. The Graham-Cassidy bill imposes tighter annual limits in later years than both these bills, so losses may exceed these earlier estimates.

A Need for Public Discussion and Bipartisanship on Health Care

By repealing the ACA’s coverage expansions and cutting deeply into the Medicaid program, the Graham-Cassidy bill threatens the health care of as many as 100 million people, from newborns to the elderly. The fundamental purpose of insurance coverage — that it is essential to enabling people in the United States to get timely access to health care — has been sorely missing from this year’s debate over the future of our nation’s health insurance system. This is partly because of the lack of Congressional hearings on the Graham-Cassidy bill and its House and Senate repeal-and-replace predecessors. In stark contrast, the hearings held this month by Sens. Lamar Alexander (R–Tenn.) and Patty Murray (D–Wash.) to inform their search for a bipartisan solution to the ACA’s marketplaces have allowed for a vetting of options and their potential effects. Public discussion and deliberation may not guarantee sound, bipartisan policy solutions, but they at least enable their possibility.

Graham-Cassidy: Radical Change in the Federal–State Health Relationship

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2017/sep/graham-cassidy-and-the-states?omnicid=EALERT1276210&mid=henrykotula@yahoo.com

The Graham-Cassidy legislation contains many provisions that are consistent with previous Affordable Care Act (ACA) repeal-and-replace bills. But in its treatment of states and their envisioned role, it departs dramatically from those efforts.

Federal laws often create a flow of federal tax revenue to states to manage programs and services at a local level. Inevitably, some states gain more than others in the process. But Graham-Cassidy does something rare, if not unprecedented: moving funds from one group of states (those that expanded Medicaid) to another (those that did not) (See New York Times graphic). Under any circumstances, this transfer would raise significant questions of fairness. But in this case, there is a special twist. Most of the losers are blue states, most of the winners red. Whether or not the bill’s authors intended this, it creates a precedent that could result in tit-for-tat responses from blue-state legislators in the future. When political winners pillage losers, the savagery of political conflict is bound to increase, and that does not bode well for stable governance of these united states.

Graham-Cassidy’s second departure from past repeal bills is the extensive new authorities it gives states to manage the additional funds made available for health coverage under the Affordable Care Act (ACA). At least through 2026, when ACA-related funding would disappear, the federal dollars associated with Medicaid expansion and subsidies for purchase of individual private insurance would be reduced by an estimated $239 billion, and then be pooled at the federal level and allocated as block grants to each state.

States would have to apply for the use of these funds, but would have much more flexibility than exists under the Affordable Care Act. The bill doesn’t lay out clear federal goals for how the block grants are to be used, and therefore dilutes states’ responsibilities to expand the numbers of insured through stable private health insurance markets. States also can apply for waivers under the grant program to allow participating insurers to vary premiums based on health status, or to offer less comprehensive benefits. Many other requirements of the ACA would disappear — such as the individual and employer mandates. Together, these actions could lead to a loss of coverage for at least 32 million people.

Moreover, state applications for block grants would be due by March 31, 2019, a very short amount of time for states to develop the administrative structure for a state-based coverage expansion program. States that neither ran their marketplaces nor expanded Medicaid under the ACA may not apply at all.

The assertion of states’ prerogatives to control federal funds is a bedrock conservative principle, but there are also strong rationales for federal involvement in the use of such federal outlays. The federal government has a responsibility to ensure that federal taxpayers’ funds are properly used and that services are of acceptable quality and distributed equally among all eligible citizens. For these reasons, joint federal–state control has long been typical of the Medicaid program, and performance requirements accompany many other health grants to states.

There are other rationales for a federal role in health care affairs at the state level. The Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution has traditionally recognized the need for federal involvement in economic transactions that affect citizens in multiple states and are important to the national economy. Private health insurance markets often extend beyond state boundaries, as do the networks of providers who care for individuals insured in some states. Thus, intrastate health insurance activities may be subject to the Commerce Clause. Indeed, the strong support by Republicans of the sale of insurance across state lines suggests their desire to increase even further the participation of insurers in interstate commerce.

Virtually all uninsured citizens in the U.S. eventually become Medicare beneficiaries. Research has shown that previously uninsured individuals are much more expensive for Medicare than are the previously insured. Thus, states that choose to use their authority under Graham-Cassidy in ways that increase the numbers of uninsured will be affecting taxpayers in other states.

The correct balance between federal and state prerogatives in extending and regulating health insurance coverage is not straightforward. Graham-Cassidy takes a radical position that departs from precedent. As such, it raises important issues that deserve debate. However, when the bill is brought to the floor next week (as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has promised), there will be literally no time left under Senate rules for floor debate of the reconciliation legislation to which it will be attached. Nor has there been an opportunity to consider these issues in the extended hearings they deserve.

The proper role of states in ensuring health coverage for their residents has emerged as a core issue in the consideration of this most recent repeal effort. This is a critical issue that will almost certainly not get the attention it deserves.

Graham and Cassidy go into overdrive to win Murkowski vote

Graham and Cassidy go into overdrive to win Murkowski vote

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Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Bill Cassidy (R-La.) are going into overdrive to win over Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R), a pivotal vote for their bill to dismantle ObamaCare and give states more authority over healthcare.

The two have seen Murkowski, one of three Republicans to sink the GOP’s last repeal bill, as a critical vote for some time.

Graham told a meeting of conservative activists last week that special accommodations would have to be made in the bill for Alaska to win over Murkowski. The senator asked the groups to understand, and to not make a stink if concessions were made.

The Graham-Cassidy proposal would convert ObamaCare’s subsidies and funds for Medicaid expansion into block grants that would be given to states to design their own programs.

Right now it looks like an uphill battle to change Murkowski’s mind.

“I’d say the chances are less than 30 percent. Alaska doesn’t do very well in this bill. Her governor is lukewarm on it and her insurance commissioner is not for it,” one Senate GOP aide added.

Graham and Cassidy met with Murkowski on Wednesday in the office of fellow Alaska Sen. Dan Sullivan (R).

The face-to-face negotiations took a break Thursday as Graham traveled back to South Carolina and Murkowski flew back to Alaska, according to their offices.

Karina Petersen, a spokeswoman for Murkowski, said her boss is still vetting the bill and studying data from the Centers on Medicare and Medicaid Services and Department of Health and Human Services.

Alaska has higher health-care costs than other states because of its vast size and isolated geography.

Lori Wing-Heier, the director of Alaska’s Division of Insurance, testified before the Senate earlier this month that the state has some of the highest health-care costs in the nation because of its low population.

Under Graham-Cassidy, Alaska would see a $1 billion reduction in funding compared to current law for years 2020 through 2026, or about $1,350 per resident, according to a new study by Avalere, an independent consulting firm.

A study by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, a left-leaning think tank, projected a $255 million reduction in federal funding for Alaska in 2026 alone, a number made more daunting by the state’s small population of 742,000.

The Independent Journal Review reported Thursday that a new draft of Graham-Cassidy would allow Alaska as well as Hawaii to keep ObamaCare’s premium tax credits in addition to receiving block grants.

But Murkowski’s spokeswoman said she was not aware of any revised bill language being shared with her office.

Graham on Wednesday downplayed the notion that Alaska would fare better than other states in the bill but nevertheless acknowledged that something would have to be done to accommodate the state’s high costs.

“What we’re going to do is not deny Alaska the uniqueness of Alaska, but that’s it,” he said, according to The Washington Post.

The strategy could prove risky, however, as conservatives may balk at any language that might be seen as a special giveaway to Alaska.

One conservative Republican aide said extra funding for the state “possibly” could be a problem.

Graham’s office did to respond Thursday to a question about special aid for Alaska.

With Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) opposed to the bill and Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) seen as a likely no, Republicans can’t afford to lose another GOP vote.

Yet winning Murkowski won’t guarantee passage either.

Cassidy’s office is also working with Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), another conservative who has raised concern about waivers for states.

Lee was encouraged earlier this week by the progress of the talks.

Other Republicans have raised concerns or said they need more time to study the bill.

Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) has repeatedly told reporters that legislation as complicated as healthcare reform should go through the regular order of committee hearings and markups.

The Senate Finance Committee is scheduled to hold a last-minute hearing of the legislation on Monday, but it’s doing so on a rushed schedule as lawmakers are racing to vote before Sept. 30, when special budgetary rules that will allow it to pass with a simple majority instead of 60 votes expire.

Conservative Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) has raised concerns over whether the bill goes far enough to exempt states from ObamaCare’s insurance market regulations, which he believes have sent premiums soaring.

Asked this week if the bill’s insurance waivers go far enough, Cruz responded, “Not at the moment.”

Cruz, however, added that he is working with colleagues to “expand the regulatory freedom and lower premiums so that families who are struggling will be able to afford health insurance.”

Other Republicans say they need more time to make up their minds.

Sullivan, who shares some of Murkowski’s concerns about the potential impact on Alaska’s pricey insurance market, and Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R), whose home state of West Virginia has benefited ObamaCare’s Medicaid expansion, say they are still reviewing the bill.

Senate Republican aides say McConnell has gotten fully behind Graham-Cassidy over the past week.

He told Republican senators at a lunch meeting Tuesday that this is their last chance to repeal ObamaCare in the current Congress as the legislative vehicle they need to circumvent a Democratic filibuster expires on Sept. 30.

But while McConnell and his leadership team are engaged, they are not as fully in control of the negotiations as in July, when McConnell worked with Senate Finance Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), Senate Budget Committee Chairman Mike Enzi (R-Wyo.) and Senate Health Committee Chairman Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) to draft the healthcare bill Senate Republicans were pushing at the time.

In July McConnell’s office was in control of almost every decision and he handled much of the negotiation with wavering senators.

Now, Graham, Cassidy and their partner, former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum (R) are taking the point.

“It’s their bill, they’re the best ones to sell it,” said a senior GOP aide.

McConnell met with Murkowski and McCain on Monday to feel them out.

The GOP leader also met with Graham and Cassidy prior to their meeting with Murkowski on Wednesday.

Graham and Cassidy are after Murkowski’s vote

https://www.axios.com/graham-and-cassidy-are-after-murkowskis-vote-2488018309.html

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Sens. Lindsey Graham and Bill Cassidy are considering three new Alaska-specific changes to their health care proposal to gain the backing of Sen. Lisa Murkowski, according to the Independent Journal Review.

What they’re offering: 

  • Alaska and Hawaii would “continue to receive Obamacare’s premium tax credits” despite them getting repealed in the rest of the country.
  • Medicaid per capita caps are delayed for both Alaska and Hawaii.
  • Both states get “an increased federal Medicaid matching rate”
Why it matters: Murkowski was one 3 GOP no-votes on health care earlier this year.

What every major health group has said about Graham-Cassidy

https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/9/21/16340066/health-group-statements-graham-cassidy-bill

 

Senate Republicans are teeing up what appears to be one final vote on Obamacare repeal next week.

Notably, health care groups — from the American Medical Association to health insurance companies like Blue Cross Blue Shield — are beginning to release statements about the bill sponsored by Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Bill Cassidy (R-SC). Avalere Health, a health care consulting firm, predicted Wednesday that the bill would reduce federal funding to states by $215 billion through 2026 and by more than $4 trillion over a 20-year period.

Put simply, the bill would redistribute money allotted for Obamacare and Medicaid expansion to states that have resisted Obamacare implementation. Thirty-four states would lose funding they previously received from the federal government for health care, according to Avalere.

Republicans are rushing to pass this bill before the September 30 expiration of its special budget reconciliation status, and the Congressional Budget Office will not have time to give a full report on how many Americans would lose coverage under the bill.

But several health groups have reviews of the bill anyway — and so far, none of them are positive.

Here’s a roundup of what leading health organizations have said about the Graham-Cassidy Bill:

American Medical Association

“…the Graham-Cassidy Amendment fails to match this vision and violates the precept of “first do no harm.” Similar to proposals that were considered in the Senate in July, we believe the Graham-Cassidy Amendment would result in millions of Americans losing their health insurance coverage, destabilize health insurance markets, and decrease access to affordable coverage and care.”

American Academy of Pediatrics

“I [Fernando Stein, president, American Academy of Pediatrics] must speak out against this dangerous, ill-conceived policy on behalf of our 66,000 pediatrician, pediatric surgical specialist and pediatric medical sub-specialist members, and stop it from advancing.

“This bill may be disguised under a different name, but it contains the same dangerous policies as the legislation that failed to advance out of the Senate earlier this summer. In fact, Graham-Cassidy goes even further in its attacks on Medicaid.”

AARP

“Overall, the Graham/Cassidy/Heller/Johnson bill would increase health care costs for older Americans with an age tax, decrease coverage, and undermine preexisting condition protections. In addition, this bill would jeopardize the ability of older Americans and people with disabilities to stay in their own homes as they age and threaten coverage for individuals in nursing homes.”

Blue Cross Blue Shield Association

“The [Graham-Cassidy] bill contains provisions that would allow states to waive key consumer protections, as well as undermine safeguards for those with pre-existing medical conditions. The legislation reduces funding for many states significantly and would increase uncertainty in the marketplace, making coverage more expensive and jeopardizing Americans’ choice of health plans. Legislation must also ensure adequate funding for Medicaid to protect the most vulnerable.”

Planned Parenthood

“The Graham-Cassidy bill is a serious threat to the health care of millions of Americans. This bill is the worst Obamacare repeal bill yet: Millions of Planned Parenthood patients could lose their health care if the Graham-Cassidy bill were to pass — millions more would lose their coverage through Medicaid, and could lose essentials like maternity care and coverage for prescription drugs. Policy on women’s health care should not be written by a small group of male politicians behind closed doors. Enough is enough. With this latest version of Trumpcare, Americans will pay more and get less, but women will pay the biggest price of all.”

Kaiser Permanente

“At Kaiser Permanente, we believe that changes to our nation’s health care laws should increase access to high-quality, affordable care and coverage for as many people as possible. The Graham-Cassidy bill does not meet any of those tests.

“The block grant proposal in the bill would erode coverage of needed medical services and pose major issues for state budgets. Repealing the individual mandate without alternative incentives for enrollment will lead to fewer people enrolled and higher premiums.”

America’s Health Insurance Plans

“[The Graham-Cassidy-Heller-Johnson proposal] would have real consequences on consumers and patients by further destabilizing the individual market; cutting Medicaid; pulling back on protections for pre-existing conditions; not ending taxes on health insurance premiums and benefits; and potentially allowing government-controlled, single payer health care to grow.”

American Heart Association and 16 other patient and provider groups

“Affordable, adequate care is vital to the patients we represent. This legislation fails to provide Americans with what they need to maintain their health. In fact, much of the proposal just repackages the problematic provisions of the Better Care Reconciliation Act (BCRA), which we opposed. Fortunately, the BCRA was voted down by Congress earlier this year.”

Association of American Medical Colleges

“During the long debate regarding health care reform, the nation’s medical schools and teaching hospitals have continually advocated for a number of key principles as fundamental cornerstones of any successful health care system. These principles include offering high-quality, affordable health insurance to all; preserving and fortifying the safety net through Medicaid and other policies; and encouraging innovation in the delivery system, among others.

“The current proposal does not meet these principles and will almost surely lead to dramatic increases in the number of uninsured patients nationwide and put important existing patient protections at risk. Additionally, a proposal like this—a complete overhaul of the health care system—should be fully and adequately examined by the Congressional Budget Office before it is brought to a vote.”

HIV Medicine Association

Senators Cassidy and Graham’s proposal, like the ACA repeal proposals before it, would put the health and lives of tens of thousands of persons living with HIV at risk. We appeal once more to our senators to stop once and for all efforts to repeal the ACA and turn to improving rather than dismantling critical health coverage reforms.

The Alzheimer’s Association and Alzheimer’s Impact Movement

“The proposed changes to Medicaid outlined in the Graham-Cassidy Amendment could have a drastic impact on this vulnerable population given that more than 1 in 4 seniors with Alzheimer’s and other dementias are currently on Medicaid. The Alzheimer’s Association and AIM are also alarmed by the potential impact of this legislation on Americans living with pre-existing conditions, including the 200,000 Americans living with younger-onset Alzheimer’s.”

American Cancer Society

“Our analysis indicates the bill could allow insurers to:

  • Charge cancer patients and survivors far higher rates to make coverage unaffordable
  • Eliminate coverage for cancer care in their health plans
  • Re-institute arbitrary caps on annual and lifetime coverage”

Analysis: Senate’s health care cuts could top $4 trillion

https://www.axios.com/analysis-senates-health-care-cuts-could-total-more-than-4-trillion-2487504157.html

Change in federal funding under Graham-Cassidy compared to current law, 2020-2026

Image result for Analysis: Senate's health care cuts could top $4 trillion

The Senate’s health-care overhaul would quickly pull $215 billion in federal funding out of the health care system, and those cuts could later grow as high as $4 trillion, according to a new analysis from the consulting firm Avalere Health.

Why it matters: Avalere is a respected and independent voice, and because the Congressional Budget Office won’t have time to completely evaluate the bill’s effects before a vote, this will likely be one of the best estimates we have available.

What Avalere found: The bill, sponsored by Sens. Lindsey Graham and Bill Cassidy, would redistribute federal health care dollars while also shrinking the overall pot. Avalere’s analysis looks at how the cuts would grow over time:

  • 2020-2026: Total federal spending would shrink by $215 billion; 34 states and Washington, D.C. would lose money, compared with the status quo, while seven states would get more.
  • By 2027, the total national cut would climb to $489 billion.
  • 2027-2036: Federal spending would shrink by more than $4 trillion, and every state would be getting less than they’re on track to get under current law.

Key caveat: The Graham-Cassidy bill would roll federal funding for the Affordable Care Act’s premium subsidies and Medicaid expansion into a single pool, then convert it into block grants to the states. Those grants are set to expire in 2026. Avalere analyzed the bill as written — with that money disappearing completely — but the bill’s supporters say Congress would obviously step in to authorize a new round of grants.

Kaiser Permanente CEO Bernard J. Tyson ‘disappointed’ by Graham-Cassidy bill

http://www.beckershospitalreview.com/hospital-management-administration/kaiser-permanente-ceo-bernard-j-tyson-disappointed-by-graham-cassidy-bill.html

Image result for Kaiser Permanente CEO Bernard J. Tyson 'disappointed' by Graham-Cassidy bill

Oakland, Calif.-based Kaiser Permanente Chairman and CEO Bernard J. Tyson voiced his concerns about recent efforts to repeal and replace the ACA Sept. 20, arguing the proposed legislation does not increase access to high-quality care and affordable coverage.

In a recent blog post, Mr. Tyson relayed his opposition to a recent bill proposed by Sens. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., and Bill Cassidy, R-La., which the Senate reportedly aims to vote on next week.

He specifically cited his disappointment for the bill’s block grant proposal and the proposed repeal of the individual mandate, which he wrote “would erode coverage of needed medical services and pose major issues for state budgets. Repealing the individual mandate without alternative incentives for enrollment will lead to fewer people enrolled and higher premiums.”

“Only a few changes are needed to stabilize the ACA for the millions who are dependent upon the law for their care and coverage,” Mr. Tyson wrote. “Moving forward, we strongly encourage policymakers to focus on the 30 million Americans currently without coverage as the priority for any additional proposals around health reform, and to ensure that any proposals maintain or expand coverage, provide incentives for high quality, and tackle affordability.”

https://share.kaiserpermanente.org/article/chairman-ceo-bernard-j-tyson-graham-cassidy-health-reform-bill/

 

Insurers Come Out Swinging Against New Republican Health Care Bill

Blue States Face Biggest Cuts Under New Republican Health Care Plan

Which states would gain or lose federal funding in 2026.

The health insurance industry, after cautiously watching Republican health care efforts for months, came out forcefully on Wednesday against the Senate’s latest bill to repeal the Affordable Care Act, suggesting that its state-by-state block grants could create health care chaos in the short term and a Balkanized, uncertain insurance market.

In the face of the industry opposition, Senate Republican leaders nevertheless said they would push for a showdown vote next week on the legislation, drafted by Senators Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana.

That puts Republican senators in a squeeze, especially those whose states would lose money under a complicated formula in the bill. Generally, it would shift federal funds away from states that have been successful in expanding coverage to states where Republican leaders refused to expand Medicaid or encourage enrollment.

Republican senators from Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Ohio and West Virginia will all have to decide whether to heed the pleas of consumers who like the current health law — or yield to the will of Republican leaders, donors and voters who demand an end to the Affordable Care Act.

That has put the spotlight not only on the three Republicans who killed the repeal drive in July — Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, John McCain of Arizona and Susan Collins of Maine — but also on those who have been reluctantly supportive, such as Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, Cory Gardner of Colorado and Rob Portman of Ohio.

Senate Republicans are already under pressure from 11 governors — including five fellow Republicans and a pivotal Alaskan independent — who this week urged the Senate to reject the last-ditch repeal effort.

The two major trade groups for insurers, the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association and America’s Health Insurance Plans, announced their opposition on Wednesday to the Graham-Cassidy bill. They joined other groups fighting the bill, such as the American Medical Association, the American Hospital Association, AARP and the lobbying arm of the American Cancer Society.

“The bill contains provisions that would allow states to waive key consumer protections, as well as undermine safeguards for those with pre-existing medical conditions,’’ said Scott P. Serota, the president and chief executive of the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association. “The legislation reduces funding for many states significantly and would increase uncertainty in the marketplace, making coverage more expensive and jeopardizing Americans’ choice of health plans.”

America’s Health Insurance Plans was even more pointed. The legislation could hurt patients by “further destabilizing the individual market” and could potentially allow “government-controlled single payer health care to grow,” said Marilyn B. Tavenner, the president and chief executive of the association. Without controls, some states could simply eliminate private insurance, she warned.

Insurers had been reluctant to speak out against the Republicans’ previous proposals in hopes that the White House and Congress would agree to stabilize insurance markets by providing critical funding for subsidies aimed at low-income Americans. But with hopes of securing that money before they finalize their rates virtually extinguished, insurers have less to lose by coming out against the proposal.

And many within the industry are worried that the next two years will be chaotic, with little support for the current market while states scramble to come up with a new way for individuals to buy policies.

“It’s just basically injecting chaos in 50 state capitals for the next two years,” said Sabrina Corlette, a research professor at Georgetown University.

At this point, Republicans have not secured the 50 votes they would need to pass the bill, with help from Vice President Mike Pence to break a tie. But President Trump, in New York for meetings with world leaders at the United Nations, said he thought the health care bill had “a very good chance’’ of passing.

It has “tremendous support from Republicans — certainly we’re at 47 or 48 already,’’ he said, and “a lot of others are looking at it very positively.’’

“A great Bill,” Mr. Trump concluded on Twitter later Wednesday.

The latest Republican drive to repeal the Affordable Care Act has created painful choices for Republican senators from states that stand to lose money under the legislation.

The bill would eliminate penalties for people who go without insurance, and it would funnel federal funds to states in the form of block grants for health care or coverage. States could decide how to spend the money, which is now being used for the expansion of Medicaid and for subsidies to help low- and middle-income people buy private insurance.

State officials were racing to try to figure out the impact, looking to experts to help them do the calculations.

“States such as Alaska, Connecticut, Delaware, New Hampshire, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Vermont and Washington would see reductions of 25 percent or more over the 2020 to 2026 period,” compared with what they would receive under current law, said a monograph issued on Wednesday by Manatt Health, a unit of Manatt, Phelps & Phillips, a national law firm that advises many states on health care issues.

Among the Republicans agonizing over how to vote is Ms. Murkowski, who has said the bill’s effect on her state will be her paramount consideration.

The authors of the new repeal bill, Mr. Graham and Mr. Cassidy, say decisions about health care are best made at the local level.

Mr. McCain is a close friend of Mr. Graham, but is still studying the bill and has not said how he would vote.

The other Republican senator from Arizona, Jeff Flake, had no such hesitation. “Given the choice between Arizona or Washington deciding how federal health care dollars are spent in the state,’’ he said, “I’ll take Arizona every day of the week.’’

The Manatt study said Arizona would lose money under the bill, and a study by Avalere, a health policy consulting company, reached a similar conclusion. Both studies indicated that Tennessee would gain money.

Senator Bob Corker, Republican of Tennessee, said he liked the latest repeal bill. “I’d be ecstatic if we could finally make something happen on health care’’ by passing it, he said, adding: “I’m a states’ rights kind of guy. Our state has been well run for a long time. To know that our state would have the flexibility to carry out the program with more money than it now has could be a real win for us.’’

The studies by Manatt and Avalere suggest that West Virginia would lose money under the bill. Ms. Capito “is still evaluating the proposal,” said her spokeswoman, Ashley Berrang.

But the state’s senior senator, Joe Manchin III, a Democrat, said, “The numbers do not work at all for West Virginia, with an older, sicker population and an opioid addiction problem.”

“As a former governor, I like the concept of block grants because they give you flexibility,” Mr. Manchin said. “But the cuts are deeper than the needs we have, and our needs are greater than the money we would have under the bill.”