AT&T, Time Warner, and the Future of Health Care

https://www.commonwealthfund.org/blog/2018/att-time-warner-and-future-health-care?omnicid=EALERT%25%25jobid%25%25&mid=%25%25emailaddr%25%25

AT&T Time Warner Merger

Policymakers and private actors should not interpret a federal court’s AT&T and Time Warner ruling as an unconditional green light for vertical integration in health care.

The need for change in the U.S. health care system is obvious, but whether vertical integration is the change we need remains to be determined.

The recent federal district court ruling allowing the merger of AT&T and Time Warner — a case of so-called vertical integration — will likely encourage similar unions throughout the U.S. economy, including in health care. Nevertheless, a close look at the court’s decision, and at the wide variety of vertical health care mergers under way, suggests that policymakers and private actors should not interpret the court’s ruling as an unconditional green light for vertical integration in health care, or any other sector.

Vertical integration typically involves the combination of entities operating on different parts of a supply chain in the production of a particular product. Manufacturers of tires, for example, are part of the supply chain that results in a finished automobile. Similarly, ambulatory physician services are sometimes seen as an input on the supply chain of more advanced hospital services. The acquisition of physician practices by hospitals is often characterized as vertical integration.

Some antitrust experts question whether the analogy between manufactured products and health care delivery is accurate. Independent physicians, for example, often work within hospitals and help to produce their “products.” Nevertheless, there are clear differences between mergers across the same types of health care organizations, like hospitals, and those between different types of providers, like physicians and hospitals.

The AT&T/Time Warner case was the first time in 40 years that the government has taken a proposed vertical integration to court, and many commentators have noted that antitrust theory with respect to vertical integration could use some updating. In the meantime, however, Judge Richard Leon’s 172-page opinion seems to have relied on traditional antitrust considerations: would the merger increase or decrease competition, and thereby increase or decrease consumer welfare? His ruling rested heavily on what he viewed as the government’s failure to supply evidence that the merger would have adverse effects. In other words, if the government had produced more convincing data, the ruling could have gone the other way.

Judge Leon’s ruling may be appealed and, if so, may not stand. But if it does, what are its implications for vertical integration in health care? Simply put, the facts matter. And unfortunately, the facts about vertical integration in health care are obscure, and likely to vary enormously according to the details of the merger and from market to market.

Evidence on the effects of horizontal health care mergers has grown considerably in recent years, and generally shows that they increase prices. But studies of vertical health care mergers are much less common. Perhaps the most relevant experience concerns long-standing integrated health systems, such as Kaiser Permanente, Intermountain, Geisinger, and a handful of similar organizations.

Widely regarded as industry leaders in quality and efficiency, these systems seem to demonstrate the benefits of vertical integration: they are able to coordinate services across different types of providers, and, when incentives encourage it, they can easily substitute less expensive services (e.g., ambulatory care) for more expensive ones (e.g., hospital care). However, whether the experiences of these integrated systems are generalizable to the current flock of mergers is unclear. Each of these venerable organizations has a unique history and culture that have shaped its performance over decades.

Studies of vertical integration will have to take into account the type of merger under consideration. The most common type of vertical integration seems to be the acquisition of physician groups — both primary care and specialty — by hospitals. Between 2012 and 2016, the number of hospital-employed U.S. physicians increased from 95,000 to 155,000.

But health care is witnessing a variety of other types of vertical integration. Insurers are buying physician groups, as in the case of UnitedHealth Group’s acquisition of parts of DaVita’s physician network. Drug store chains are buying insurers, as in the case of CVS’s purchase of Aetna. And integrated health systems like Partners HealthCare are proposing to buy insurers like Harvard Pilgrim Health Care.

The effects of these varied mergers will depend on the types of services being combined and the markets affected. From both a societal and legal standpoint, the facts matter.

For example, it turns out that the CVS-Aetna merger includes an important horizontal union between Part D health plans owned independently by CVS and Aetna. Part D health plans provide drug coverage to Medicare beneficiaries. In recent testimony before the California Department of Insurance, economist Richard Scheffler showed that in a number of markets, the merger of these Part D plans would significantly reduce competition, and thereby, could potentially increase the prices of drug coverage for Medicare patients. Fear of consolidation among Part D plans has caused the American Medical Association to oppose CVS’s acquisition of Aetna.

Adding to the uncertainty surrounding these questions is the unique nature of the health market, in which governments are the largest purchasers and consumers often don’t know the prices or value of the products they buy. Traditional competition in local markets sometimes results in radically increasing prices and costs, as providers pile on new technologies and facilities and compete for star physicians in an effort to attract customers. And many parts of health care already have a high degree of consolidation that limits price competition.  The result is a level of dysfunction that has created an almost universal cry for radical disruption of the status quo.

Health care is a conundrum on many levels, and how and whether to regulate vertical integration among its varied components may turn out to be another one. The need for change is obvious. Whether vertical integration is the change we need, and how the courts will treat it, remain to be determined.

 

KHN’s ‘What The Health?’ California Here We Come

https://khn.org/news/podcast-khns-what-the-health-california-here-we-come/?utm_campaign=KFF-2018-The-Latest&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=63802439&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8uQV0eVmG6wiZv36zFavvka4x7M8g4pB9yDnPy-P8deurp_gxKZvOLOC81MBUTzeYS82F1UH-wLxvRh2GzcFnuXmwbtg&_hsmi=63802439

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Health care is a big political issue, but no place more than in California. In San Francisco last week, voters overwhelmingly approved a ballot measure upholding a ban on flavored tobacco products — over the vehement objections of the tobacco industry.

And the state’s activist attorney general, Xavier Becerra, is leading a group of Democratic officials from more than a dozen states defending the Affordable Care Act in a case filed in Texas. That is important given that the Trump administration’s Justice Department decided not to defend the law in full from charges that changes made by Congress in last year’s tax law invalidates the health law.

This week’s panelists for KHN’s “What the Health?” are: Julie Rovner of Kaiser Health News, Anna Maria Barry-Jester of FiveThirtyEight.com, Carrie Feibel of KQED San Francisco and Joanne Kenen of Politico.

Among the takeaways from this week’s podcast:

  • Republicans and Democrats had been gearing up for a midterm election debate on who is responsible for higher health insurance costs. But that shifted last week to an argument over whether consumers with preexisting conditions should be guaranteed coverage following the Justice Department’s brief saying changes to the ACA invalidated those protections.
  • In California, there is widespread support among Democrats for a single-payer health system. But the term is somewhat amorphous. For some officials, it is a catch-all phrase that seems to suggest strong efforts with current programs to get the uninsured rate down to zero, while still keeping much of the current insurance system in place.
  • Becerra has filed a suit against Sutter Health, a giant in the hospital industry in Northern California, alleging that consolidation has resulted in anti-competitive pricing practices.
  • San Francisco’s adoption of a referendum to ban flavored tobacco products could lead other local governments to follow suit. The measure included not only products with flavors allegedly geared to young people, but also menthol cigarettes, which make up about 30 percent of the market.

 

It’s the Monopolies, Stupid!

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2018/may/drug-monopolies-pricing?omnicid=EALERT1410094&mid=henrykotula@yahoo.com

Image result for pharmaceutical monopoly

At the core of the nation’s drug pricing problem is one fundamental fact: Drug companies enjoy government-sanctioned and -enforced monopolies over the supply of many drugs.

These monopolies result from patents awarded under federal law for novel molecules. Patents allow manufacturers to prevent competitors from selling the same drug for 20 years from the time the patent is filed. Given that the process of gaining regulatory approval to market their new drug takes time, research suggests new drugs have, on average, 12 to 13 years of market exclusivity.

Once new drugs are approved by the Food and Drug Administration, the monopolies assured by patents enable pharmaceutical companies to charge any price they choose. They generally pick prices that not only cover their development costs, but also generate profits that exceed those of most other industries: for example, the average profit margin for the 25 largest software companies (which are cited as having the same high R&D investment and low production and distribution costs as pharmaceutical companies) was 13.4 percent in 2015, while the average profit margin for the 25 largest drug companies was 20.1 percent in 2015. Drugmakers are also free to raise prices whenever they want at rates they alone determine.

The existence of patents does not totally prevent competition. Often, other companies introduce drugs that are distinct enough to justify their own separate patents and accomplish the same therapeutic goal. This results in competition that lowers drug prices, but often by not enough to make the medications affordable for many patients. In addition, the makers of patented drugs — for example, Mylan’s EpiPen and the weight-loss drug Suprenza — have developed effective mechanisms to extend the lives of their patents beyond 20 years. These approaches include making minor modifications in the formulations or packaging of drugs that have no clinical significance, as well as paying potential generic competitors not to introduce generic drugs.

That said, patents eventually expire, at which point generic drug companies can manufacture the drug and sell it at a much lower price. But even generic drug competition has been weakened recently by generic drug market monopolies, as these manufacturers have bought up their competition. As a result, the prices of old and familiar drugs have risen dramatically. The price of the cardiac drug isuprel has increased more than sixfold between 2013 and 2015, and the price of the antibiotic doxycycline has soared 90-fold over the same period.

As long as drug companies (or a small group) hold monopoly (or oligopoly) power over potent new therapies, there is no free market solution to lowering drug prices. Only a countervailing nonmarket force of equal strength can bring those prices down. Other western industrial countries, recognizing this, authorize their governments to step in and moderate drug prices for the benefit of their citizenry. Some set prices by fiat, while other negotiate with drug companies. In the latter case, the negotiations are sometimes guided by comparative effectiveness analysis that estimates the value of new drugs to patients. Of course, drug companies are free to walk away from such deals, but they generally choose not to, presumably because they still make money from those sales.

Drug companies say their monopoly earnings are necessary to sustain the research and development that produce new drugs. In effect they are saying that they need to be able to charge the very high prices we now see for patented drugs so they can innovate. This raises the questions of how much money society should allocate toward pharmaceutical innovation and who should decide. Setting those questions aside for the moment, we should be very clear about one thing: As long as pharmaceutical companies have uncontested market power to set prices for many patented and generic drugs, those prices will remain a huge problem for Americans and their elected representatives.

California Hospital Giant Sutter Health Faces Heavy Backlash On Prices

http://www.healthleadersmedia.com/quality/california-hospital-giant-sutter-health-faces-heavy-backlash-prices?utm_source=silverpop&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=20180516_HLM_Daily_resend%20(1)&spMailingID=13521389&spUserID=MTY3ODg4NTg1MzQ4S0&spJobID=1401466260&spReportId=MTQwMTQ2NjI2MAS2

 

The state’s top cop is suing Sutter, accusing one of the nation’s biggest health systems of systematically overcharging patients and illegally driving out competition.

Cooking dinner one night in March, Mark Frizzell sliced his pinkie finger while peeling a butternut squash and couldn’t stop the bleeding.

The 51-year-old businessman headed to the emergency room at Sutter Health’s California Pacific Medical Center in San Francisco. Sutter charged $1,555 for the 10 minutes it treated him, including $55 for a gel bandage and $487 for a tetanus shot.

“It was ridiculous,” he said. “Health insurance costs are through the roof because of things like this.”

California Attorney General Xavier Becerra couldn’t agree more. The state’s top cop is suing Sutter, accusing one of the nation’s biggest health systems of systematically overcharging patients and illegally driving out competition in Northern California.

For years, economists and researchers have warned of the dangers posed by large health systems across the country that are gobbling up hospitals, surgery centers and physicians’ offices — enabling them to limit competition and hike prices.

Becerra’s suit amounts to a giant test case with the potential for national repercussions. If California prevails and is able to tame prices at Northern California’s most powerful, dominant health system, regulators and politicians in other states are likely to follow.

“A major court ruling in California could be a deterrent to other hospital systems,” said Ge Bai, an assistant professor at Johns Hopkins University who has researched hospital prices nationwide. “We’re getting to a tipping point where the nation cannot afford these out-of-control prices.”

Reflecting that sense of public desperation, Sutter faces two other major suits — from employers and consumers — which are wending their way through the courts, both alleging anticompetitive conduct and inflated pricing. Meanwhile, California lawmakers are considering a bill that would ban some contracting practices used by large health systems to corner markets.

Sutter, a nonprofit chain, is pushing back hard, denying anticompetitive behavior and accusing Becerra in court papers of a “sweeping and unprecedented effort to intrude into private contracting.” Recognizing the broader implications of the suit, both the American Hospital Association and its California counterpart asked to file amicus briefs in support of Sutter.

In his 49-page complaint, Becerra cited a recent study finding that, on average, an inpatient procedure in Northern California costs 70 percent more than one in Southern California. He said there was no justification for that difference and stopped just short of dropping an expletive to make his point.

“This is a big ‘F’ deal,” Becerra declared at his March 30 news conference to unveil the lawsuit. In an interview last week, he said, “We don’t believe it’s fair to allow consolidation to end up artificially driving up prices. … This anticompetitive behavior is not only bad for consumers, it’s bad for the state and for businesses.”

To lessen Sutter’s market power, the state’s lawsuit seeks to force Sutter to negotiate reimbursements separately for each of its hospitals — precluding an “all or nothing” approach — and to bar Sutter employees from sharing the details of those negotiations across its facilities. Becerra said Sutter has required insurers and employers to contract with its facilities systemwide or face “excessively high out-of-network rates.”

Heft In The Marketplace

Overall, Sutter has 24 hospitals, 36 surgery centers and more than 5,500 physicians in its network. The system boasts more than $12 billion in annual revenue and posted net income of $958 million last year.

The company’s heft in the marketplace is one reason why Northern California is the most expensive place in the country to have a baby, according to a 2016 report. A cesarean delivery in Sacramento, where Sutter is based, cost $27,067, nearly double what it costs in Los Angeles and New York City.

For years, doctors and consumers have also accused Sutter of cutting hospital beds and critical services in rural communities to maximize revenue. “Patients are the ones getting hurt,” said Dr. Greg Duncan, an orthopedic surgeon and former board member at Sutter Coast Hospital in Crescent City, Calif.

Sutter says patients across Northern California have plenty of providers to choose from and that it has held its average rate increases to health plans to less than 3 percent annually since 2012. It also says it does not require all facilities to be included in every contract — that insurers have excluded parts of its system from their networks.

As for emergency room patients like Frizzell, Sutter says its charges reflect the cost of maintaining services round-the-clock and that for some patients urgent-care centers are a less costly option.

“The California Attorney General’s lawsuit gets the facts wrong,” Sutter said in a statement. “Our integrated network of high-quality doctors and care centers aims to provide better, more efficient care — and has proven to help lower costs.”

Regulators in other states also have sought to block deals they view as potentially harmful.

In North Carolina, for instance, the state’s attorney general and treasurer both expressed concerns about a proposed merger between the University of North Carolina Health Care system and Charlotte-based Atrium Health. The two dropped their bid in March. The combined system would have had roughly $14 billion in revenue and more than 50 hospitals.

Last year, in Illinois, state and federal officials persuaded a judge to block the merger between Advocate Health Care and NorthShore University HealthSystem. The Federal Trade Commission said the new entity would have had 60 percent market share in Chicago’s northern suburbs. Still, Advocate won approval for a new deal with Wisconsin’s Aurora Health Care last month, creating a system with $11 billion in annual revenue.

Antitrust experts say states can deliver a meaningful counterpunch to health care monopolies, but they warn that these cases aren’t easy to win and it could be too little, too late in some markets.

“How do you unscramble the egg?” said Zack Cooper, an assistant professor of economics and health policy at Yale University. “There aren’t a lot of great solutions.”

A Seven-Year Investigation

California authorities took their time sounding the alarm over Sutter — a fact Sutter is now using against the state in court.

The state attorney general’s office, under the leadership of Democrat Kamala Harris, now a U.S. senator, started investigating Sutter seven years ago with a 2011 subpoena, court documents show. Sutter said the investigation appeared to go dormant in March 2015, just as Harris began ramping up her Senate campaign.

Becerra, a Democrat and former member of Congress, was appointed to replace Harris last year, took over the investigation and sued Sutter on March 29. His aggressive action comes as he prepares for a June 5 primary against three opponents.

Sutter faces a separate class-action suit in San Francisco state court, spearheaded by a health plan covering unionized grocery workers and representing more than 2,000 employer-funded health plans. The plaintiffs are seeking to recoup $700 million for alleged overcharges plus damages of $1.4 billion if Sutter is found liable for antitrust violations. Sutter also has been sued in federal court by five consumers who blame the health system for inflating their insurance premiums and copays. The plaintiffs are seeking class-action status.

San Francisco County Superior Court Judge Curtis E.A. Karnow granted Becerra’s request to consolidate his case with the grocery workers’ suit, which is slated for trial in June 2019.

The judge sanctioned Sutter in November after finding that Sutter was “grossly reckless” in intentionally destroying 192 boxes of evidence that were relevant to antitrust issues. As a result, Karnow said, he will consider issuing jury instructions that are adverse to Sutter.

In a note to employees, Sutter chief executive Sarah Krevans said she deeply regretted the situation but “mistakes do happen.”

In an April 27 court filing, Sutter’s lawyers criticized the state for piggybacking onto the grocery workers’ case. “The government sat on its hands for seven years, exposing the public to the alleged anticompetitive conduct. … Rather than driving the agenda, the Attorney General seeks to ride coattails.”

Outside court, California legislators are taking aim at “all or nothing” contracting terms used by Sutter and other hospital chains. The proposed law stalled last year amid opposition from the hospital industry. But consumer and labor groups are seeking to revive it this year.

In the meantime, Frizzell said he will probably wind up at one of Sutter’s hospitals again despite his disgust over his ER bill. “Most of the hospitals here are Sutter,” he said. “It’s difficult to avoid them.”

St. Joseph Health hit with anti-trust lawsuit for allegedly stifling competition: 5 things to know

https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/legal-regulatory-issues/st-joseph-health-hit-with-anti-trust-lawsuit-for-allegedly-stifling-competition-5-things-to-know.html

Image result for unfair competition

Wahidullah Medical Corp., which owns Eureka, Calif.-based Redwood Urgent Care and its outpatient medical testing laboratory, filed an anti-trust lawsuit against Eureka-based St. Joseph Hospital claiming the hospital used unfair business tactics and stifled competition to protect 10-fold price markups, according to The North Coast Journal.

Here are five things to know.

1. Wahidullah Medical Corp. filed the lawsuit in early April seeking a preliminary injection to bar St. Joseph from attempting to monopolize the outpatient laboratory testing industry. In addition, the medical company is seeking a jury trial, legal fees and damages.

2. The lawsuit claims St. Joseph Hospital, which is owned by Irvine, Calif.-based St. Joseph Health, illegally conspired to stifle competition for medical lab testing in the Eureka market by actively tarnishing its competition’s reputation, misleading consumers and implementing an EMR that was incompatible with Redwood Urgent Care.

3. The suit claims lab tests at St. Joseph’s medical lab were nearly 10 times more expensive than the Redwood outpatient testing lab, citing an instance where St. Joseph charged a patient without insurance $327 for a vitamin D test — a test that would cost $36 at Redwood for an uninsured patient. Specifically, the suit alleges St. Joseph’s failed to inform patients that there was another medical testing facility that could save them money.

4. “St. Joseph Health … decided to protect its lab-testing business from fair competition by resorting to tortuous and anticompetitive behavior designed to put Redwood Lab out of business and thereby leave consumers of out-patient medical laboratory testing services in Eureka with no option but St. Joseph Health,” the lawsuit reads, according to The North Coast Journal.

5. In total, the suit accuses St. Joseph’s of seven specific violations of state and federal anti-trust laws.

 

Hearing Planned In Boston For Proposed 13-Hospital Merger

http://boston.cbslocal.com/2018/04/08/massachusetts-hospital-merger-boston-council-hearing/

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The Boston City Council is planning to hold a public hearing on one of the largest hospital mergers ever proposed in Massachusetts.

The 13-hospital deal would result in the merger of Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center hospitals, The Lahey Health system, along with New England Baptist Hospital in Boston, Mount Auburn Hospital in Cambridge, and Anna Jaques Hospital in Newburyport.

The hospitals hope to create a health network that can compete with Partners HealthCare, the parent company of Massachusetts General and Brigham and Women’s hospitals.

Not everyone is on board. Critics say creating a second hospital behemoth is the wrong direction for the state.

The hearing is scheduled for Tuesday morning at Boston City Hall.

A staff report from the state Department of Public Health has recommended the deal’s approval.

Consolidating California: Concentrated Provider Markets and Rising Prices

http://www.healthleadersmedia.com/finance/consolidating-california-concentrated-provider-markets-and-rising-prices?utm_source=edit&utm_medium=ENL&utm_campaign=HLM-FIN-SilverPop_04092018&spMailingID=13279518&spUserID=MTY3ODg4NTg1MzQ4S0&spJobID=1380773897&spReportId=MTM4MDc3Mzg5NwS2#

A UC Berkeley study suggests that provider and insurer consolidation is increasing, reducing competition in regional markets, and leading to higher healthcare prices across California.

In the midst of a nationwide consolidation trend, California is witnessing a swell of mergers among health providers and insurers, resulting in higher prices for consumers and large-scale employers across the state.

A recent study found most counties in California, especially those in the rural northern portion of the state, have highly concentrated hospital markets, noting provider consolidation rose as average insurer consolidation decreased statewide.

The report, released last month by the Nicholas C. Petris Center on Health Care Markets and Consumer Welfare School of Public Health at the University of California, Berkeley, concluded that Californians pay for healthcare services that are “considerably above what a more competitive market would produce.”

Of the 54 counties surveyed, 44 were highly concentrated hospital markets and six were moderately concentrated. According to the study, seven of these counties warrant “concern and scrutiny” by the Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission.

The report found from 2010 to 2016, there was a 15% increase in physicians working for a foundation owned by a hospital or health system rather than physician practices, due in part to health system mergers, as well as a 13% increase for primary care physicians, and a 29% increase for specialist physicians.

Additionally, the study found 42 counties surveyed for commercial health plans were highly concentrated while 16 were moderately concentrated. The study also recommended federal agencies review the concentration levels of the insurer market in seven counties.

Breeding anticompetitive behavior

Bill Kramer, MBA, executive director for national health policy at the Pacific Business Group on Health, told HealthLeaders Media the consolidation trend in California is a “serious problem” that employers have been dealing with for years.

Kramer said large health systems, physician groups, and health plans recognize that consolidation leads to increased market power, which in turn provides the opportunity to raise healthcare service prices above what is allowed in a competitive marketplace.

Two weeks ago, California Attorney General Xavier Becerra sued northern California’s Sutter Health, for anticompetitive practices. Sutter, a health system with $12.4 billion in operating revenue in 2017, is charged with foreclosing price competition on its competitors, imposing prices for healthcare services exceeding a competitive market value, and restricting negotiations with insurers to an “all-or-nothing” basis.

Since 2014, Sutter has also been the focus of a class-action lawsuit filed by a grocery worker’s health plan alleging violation of antitrust and unfair competition laws.

“When a provider or any other healthcare entity gains significant market share, it can use that power to negotiate higher prices,” Kramer said. “But they also can put in place mechanisms that strengthen their market power further. That’s what [Becerra] and complainants in this other lawsuit have alleged, that anticompetitive behavior further strengthens their market power and their ability to raise prices. It’s all part of the same picture.”

State and federal blocks on insurers, not providers

Becerra’s lawsuit against Sutter is not the first time state or federal officials have stepped in to address concerns in California’s healthcare industry.

In June 2016, California Insurance Commissioner Dave Jones requested the federal government block the proposed Aetna-Humana merger, citing concerns about an “already heavily concentrated commercial insurance” market. A federal judge agreed with his request and blocked the move in January 2017.

Despite recent and growing recognition among state and federal officials that action must be taken, Kramer says provider consolidation remains an issue without a simple solution. Efforts to enact antitrust statutes against health system mergers in recent years have not always been successful, and are often looked at as the “nuclear option” by industry watchers.

A potential path to offsetting provider consolidation is greenlighting insurer consolidation, though Kramer says there is mixed evidence about whether that would be effective. He said some argue that two large industries competing against each other can result in lower prices, while others claim there is no guarantee that consumers will see lower prices if savings are secured by insurers.

The Berkeley report recommends legislative and regulatory action to address “significant variation” in prices and Affordable Care Act (ACA) premiums across the state, specifically suggesting the implementation of reference pricing by public marketplaces and private employers.

Kramer says the consolidation dilemma is not unique to California, which offers state officials a chance to adopt proactive measures taken by other states to address rising healthcare costs associated with consolidation.

In 2011, Massachusetts Attorney General Martha Coakley authored a report similar to the Berkeley study that analyzed the rise in high prices due to health system mergers. The study ultimately led to the creation of the Health Policy Commission in 2012, with the purpose of monitoring healthcare prices in the state.

NoCal versus SoCal

Another important aspect of the consolidation trend in California is the divide between the rural northern counties and the more populous southern metropolitan area.

Northern California is a sparsely populated region dominated by large health systems, giving insurers less leverage to negotiate prices. A 2017 study from the Bay Area Council Economic Institute (BACEI), the Center for Health Policy at Brookings, and The Nelson A. Rockefeller Institute of Government found that the hospital concentration in northern counties, where only two insurers cover the entire region, is five times higher than the Inland Empire.

Micah Weinberg, PhD, president of BACEI, told HealthLeaders Media the consolidation trend is not tied to one particular factor such as geography.

BACEI’s report cited the consolidation of a few health systems in northern California as a “perennial concern” and driver of rate variation between regions. However, Weinberg said that when low-price, for-profit systems in southern California are removed from the equation, there is a fair amount of parity between prices charged there compared to those charged in northern California.

Related: 3 Reasons Why Health Insurers and PBMs Are Merging

According to Weinberg, another aspect to California’s healthcare market that affects prices has been the implementation of a “very successful experiment” in managed competition through the state exchange. In 2010, California became the first state to create its own insurance marketplace under the ACA.

He argues that Covered California, the state’s insurance marketplace, has standardized healthcare products, instituted financial incentives for providers to embrace limited networks, and fostered competition.

“What that does is it emphasizes the importance of not only payers and providers, but of the structure of the marketplace, in which consumers are making choices across different provider groups linked to particular insurance plans,” Weinberg said.

The BACEI report did cite the ACA as an unintended driver of increased regional consolidation among providers, which has made achieving profitability in northern California a challenge for insurers such as UnitedHealth Group Inc., which exited the statewide ACA marketplace entirely in 2016.

 

 

California attorney general sues Sutter Health for anticompetitive practices

https://www.fiercehealthcare.com/regulatory/california-ag-sues-sutter-health-for-anticompetitive-practices?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiTkdNMU56bGxOVGRpWlRRMyIsInQiOiJOQmExNkliUVBkRFNHMGRBUFZiRG5MazRJVHJxQjFvRTl3NjVNV0pxeDlHc0dyVEhBS01HRjlcL1ZLaXFcL3hpOHVzVkxtdEpZb1BPYTc3SE82VnN3U05nejlNNEVOWUhhY2h2NThFdUluTjY1SU5zUkgxZEExRTFTemI5a3dSNkZJIn0%3D&mrkid=959610

Gavel

California’s attorney general has filed a lawsuit against Sutter Health, the largest system in the northern part of the state, claiming the organization’s anticompetitive practices have driven up healthcare prices throughout the region

The charges in the lawsuit (PDF) are “not new to Sutter,” AG Xavier Becerra said at a press conference Friday afternoon. The filing follows a statewide investigation into healthcare costs that revealed wide price disparities between the northern and southern parts of the state.

“Sutter Health is throwing its weight around in the healthcare market, engaging in illegal, anticompetitive pricing that hurts California families,” Becerra said in an announcement. “Big business should not be able to throttle competition at the expense of patients.”

Sutter was able to jack up prices for care at its facilities in several ways, according to the lawsuit:

  • Forcing insurance companies to negotiate with it in an “all-or-nothing” systemwide fashion
  • Blocking payers from offering patients low-cost health plan options
  • Charging extremely high rates for out-of-network visits
  • Limiting price transparency

Karen Garner, a spokesperson for Sutter, said in a statement emailed to FierceHealthcare that the system is “aware that a complaint was filed, but we have not seen it at this time, so we cannot comment on specific claims.”

Garner said that data from the state’s Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development show lower prices at Sutter Health facilities compared to other providers operating in Northern California. Sutter has also kept rate increases for its health plan in “low single digits since 2012,” she said.

“It’s also important to note that healthy competition and choice exists across Northern California,” Garner said. “There are 15 major hospital systems and 142 hospitals in Northern California, including Kaiser Permanente, Dignity, Adventist, Tenet, UC and more. And health plans can elect to include or exclude parts of the Sutter Health system from their networks, and health plans have been doing so for many years.”

Multiple California employers and labor unions have taken action against the health system for anticompetitive practices prior to the AG’s involvement. Sutter came under fire late last year after it was revealed that in 2015 it destroyed 192 boxes of documents that these entities sought as evidence, which the system said was a regrettable mistake.

A California judge said there was “no good reason” for Sutter to have destroyed the documents and said the “most generous interpretation” was that the system was “grossly reckless.”

The AG’s lawsuit also alleges that in addition to driving up healthcare costs in Northern California, Sutter’s actions enriched its executives, and fueled acquisitions that led to further consolidation and funding for its own health plan.

Becerra’s office was spurred to act, according to the announcement, following the release earlier this week of a report from the University of California that detailed how much consolidation has impacted healthcare costs in the state, with northern regions especially affected.

The average cost for an inpatient stay in Northern California was $223,278, compared to an average of $131,586 in the southern regions, according to the report (PDF).

Kathleen Foote, senior assistant attorney general in California who heads the antitrust unit, said at the press conference that taking action against Sutter’s practices should lead to increased competition that benefits both price and care quality.

A video of the full press conference is embedded below:

 

 

State of California files suit against Sutter Health over antitrust allegations

https://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/news/2018/03/30/state-files-antitrust-suit-against-sutter-health.html

Sutter Medical Center in Sacramento

The State of California on Friday filed an antitrust suit against Sutter Health, accusing the Sacramento-based health system of practices that have driven up the cost of care in Northern California.

Sutter is accused of preventing insurance companies from negotiating with the health system on anything but an all-or-nothing basis, which requires insurers to contract with the entire health system, and not just parts of it. The lawsuit also alleges the health system has prevented insurance companies from offering low-cost health plan options and set excessively high out-of-network rates, while restricting the publication of provider cost information for patients’ review.

A Los Angeles Times analysis of medical care costs, which is referenced in the lawsuit, found that hospitals in Northern California’s six most populous counties collect about 56 percent more revenue per patient per day from insurance companies and patients compared to hospitals in Southern California’s six largest counties.

At a news conference this morning, Attorney General Xavier Becerra said the investigation has been in the works for about six years, prompted by complaints from patients and employers about high medical care costs in Northern California.

“It’s time to hold health care corporations accountable,” Becerra said at the news conference. “If we do nothing, it will continue to happen.”

The state attorney general’s office said in a statement that the “excess profits” Sutter took in from its allegedly illegal conduct was put toward “waves of acquisitions, extreme levels of executive compensation and financing its own insurance arm.”

“Much of the increased cost of health care in Northern California is attributable to Sutter and its anticompetitive contractual practices which it has imposed as a result of its market power,” the complaint against Sutter states. “Specifically, Sutter embarked on an intentional, and successful, strategy of 
securing market power in certain local markets in Northern California.”

The lawsuit seeks to enjoin Sutter from continuing its allegedly illegal contracting practices, including all-or-nothing contract negotiations and so-called price-secrecy terms. The lawsuit also seeks to “restore competition” by requiring Sutter to stagger its negotiations between its providers of inpatient services, outpatient services and affiliated physician groups that refer patients to non-Sutter hospitals.

The lawsuit also seeks to stop Sutter from transferring money earned by its health care providers to finance its health plan, Sutter Health Plus.

“We are aware that a complaint was filed, but we have not seen it at this time, so we cannot comment on specific claims,” said Karen Garner, a spokeswoman for Sutter, in an emailed statement. “It’s important to note that publicly available data (from the OSHPD) show that on average, total charges for an inpatient stay in a Sutter hospital are lower than what other Northern CA hospitals charge.” The OSHPD is the Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development.

 

Why DOJ must block the Cigna-Express Scripts merger

Why DOJ must block the Cigna-Express Scripts merger

Why DOJ must block the Cigna-Express Scripts merger

If one message is becoming clear, it’s that increased concentration is harming consumers and leading to less competition, decreased choice and higher cost. The need for corporations to compete is dampened when markets are dominated by a small number of firms. Worse, when consumers don’t have the ability to discipline markets there is a lack of transparency or accountability.

Nowhere is that more true than in the market for Pharmacy Benefit Managers (PBMs) — the unregulated entities that control the reimbursement of drugs. These little known, unregulated middlemen are able to ramp up the cost of drugs by demanding rebates and other payments from drug manufacturersand because of a lack of transparency and choice they are able to pocket much of these rebates, escalating the cost of drugs.

The Council of Economic Advisors, after a comprehensive review of rising drug costs, identified the lack of PBM competition as a major culprit. It found that only three PBMs controlled more than 85 percent of the market, “which allows them to exercise undue market power against manufacturers and against the health plans and beneficiaries they are supposed to be representing, thus generating outsized profits for themselves.”

The effect of market power on rebates and other payments to PBMs is clear. As one study found pharmaceutical manufacturer rebates skyrocketed 108 percent from 2011 to 2016 — rising from $66 billion to $127 billion in those five years.

Do skyrocketing rebates benefit consumers? Not much. As Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar has observed, “this thicket of negotiated discounts makes it impossible to recognize and reward value, and too often generates profits for middlemen rather than savings for patients.” Consumers pay more because their copays are based on list prices that are inflated by the rebates and other payments secured by the PBMs.

You do not need a Ph.D. in economics to figure out that the market is not competitive and that consumers are paying more than they otherwise would. FDA Commissioner Scott Gottlieb observed, “Kabuki drug-pricing constructs — constructs that obscure profit taking across the supply chain that drives up costs; that expose consumers to high out of pocket spending; and that actively discourage competition.”

Gottlieb identifies the lack of PBM competition and transparency as the real culprit. “The consolidation and market concentration make the rebating and contracting schemes all that more pernicious. And the very complexity and opacity of these schemes help to conceal their corrosion on our system — and their impact on patients.”

Now the two largest PBMs seek to merge with two insurance giants — CVS Caremark’s proposed acquisition of Aetna and Cigna’s proposed acquisition of Express Scripts. I have already observed how the CVS deal will harm competition and consumers. Adding another deal is like fighting a fire with gasoline.

These mergers rightly face tough scrutiny before the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice. As the American Antitrust Institute’s recent comprehensive white paper documents in detail, these mergers significantly threaten competition in health insurance, pharmacy and PBM markets and must be blocked.

And as Rep. Rick Crawford’s (R-Ariz.) recent letter to Attorney General Jeff Sessions opposing the CVS/Aetna merger nicely emphasizes, such “vertical integration does not encourage competition or lower prices, but rather, could limit the choices and access for patients, driving out competitors while driving up prices and reimbursements for themselves.”

The reasons are straightforward and compelling. Many insurance companies want the service of an independent PBM — one not aligned with a rival insurance company. PBM services and the ability to control pharmaceutical costs are a crucial input for any insurance company, especially since the costs of drugs is an increasing part of the costs that need to be controlled.

Such reforms would include meaningful transparency and disclosure of rebates to payers, eliminating pharmacy gag clauses that prevent pharmacists from disclosing lower priced drugs, preventing PBMs from egregious reimbursement practices that force pharmacists to dispense below cost, and proper disclosure of pricing to pharmacists. As a basic first step both Express Scripts and Cigna must commit to pass through rebates to lower consumer costs as UnitedHealthcare has done.

But even these commitments are probably not enough. History tells a dismal story — past mergers have harmed consumers through less choice and higher costs as PBM profits have soared. No promises of good conduct can overcome the excessive concentration in the PBM market. The CEA recommended, “policies to decrease concentration in the PBM market … can increase competition and further reduce the price of drugs.” DOJ can begin this process by preventing the market from getting worse and simply blocking these mergers.