House votes to repeal ObamaCare’s Medicare cost-cutting board

House votes to repeal ObamaCare’s Medicare cost-cutting board

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The House on Thursday voted to repeal a controversial Medicare cost-cutting board that has drawn the ire of both parties.

Lawmakers voted 307-111 to abolish what is known as the Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB). The board is tasked with coming up with Medicare cuts if spending rises above a certain threshold but has been criticized as outsourcing the work of Congress.

It has also been the target of the false attacks from ObamaCare opponents that the board enables unelected bureaucrats to helm “death panels.”

The bill now moves to the Senate, but it’s not likely the upper chamber will act before the end of the year. Even then, Republicans may not get the 60 votes needed to pass it as a stand-alone bill.

Nobody has been appointed to the panel and budget experts have estimated they don’t expect IPAB to be triggered until 2021 or 2022. Democrats say Congress has the authority to overrule any recommendations the panel could make.

This was not the first time the House has tried to get rid of the panel; they’ve been trying since 2012, but it is the first attempt with a Republican in the White House. It’s also the first vote since congressional Republicans failed to abolish IPAB as part of a larger ObamaCare repeal earlier this year.

The White House on Wednesday signaled support for the bill, noting in a statement that IPAB repeal was part of President Trump’s budget request.

The bill has bipartisan co-sponsors, but Democrats said during the bill’s committee markup that they wished Republicans were focusing on other priorities.

Democrats are also angry that Republicans are not seeking to offset the repeal, which is estimated to cost $17 billion but are requiring offsets to fund the Children’s Health Insurance Program.

Still, 76 Democrats backed abolishing the board despite the objections of leadership.

The panel’s proponents say the board is necessary to address Medicare’s runaway spending and keep the program fiscally solvent for future enrollees.

 

House GOP tax cut bill has pluses and pitfalls for healthcare stakeholders

http://www.modernhealthcare.com/article/20171102/NEWS/171109965/house-gop-tax-cut-bill-has-pluses-and-pitfalls-for-healthcare

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Healthcare companies, executives and professionals could enjoy lower business and personal taxes while facing reduced revenue due to Medicare and Medicaid cuts that may be used to pay for the tax reductions, under the House Republican tax reform bill released Thursday.

The 429-page Tax Cuts and Jobs Act—which congressional Republicans hope to pass quickly through the expedited budget reconciliation process with little or no Democratic support—would slash the corporate tax rate from 35% to 20%. That would benefit profitable companies like UnitedHealth Group, HCA and Universal Health Services, according to an analysis by Mizuho Securities.

The tax plan also would sharply raise the income threshold for individuals and families paying the top personal tax rate of 39.6%, to $500,000 for individuals and $1 million for married couples. In addition, it would abolish the alternative minimum tax. Those provisions would reduce personal income taxes for many healthcare executives and professionals.

But at the same time, the bill would cap corporate interest deductions at 30% of earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization. That could hurt companies carrying large debt loads such as Tenet Healthcare Corp. and Community Health Systems, which declined to comment on the bill.

“For companies that are profitable, the lower corporate tax rate is a powerful generator of cash flow,” said Sheryl Skolnick, managing director at Mizuho. “But for highly levered companies, the interest deduction is quite powerful for them in reducing their tax bill. If that deduction is no longer available, that would be a negative for money-losing companies with little cash flow to begin with.”

Healthcare industry groups will have to consider how the long-term budget impact of the tax cuts will affect broader health policies.

“This is clearly a package that will increase the deficit significantly,” said Matt Fiedler, an economist at the Brookings Institution’s Center on Health Policy. “Ultimately the lower revenues need to be financed by reduced federal spending. Since healthcare programs are a large portion of the budget, this will create pressure for cuts in those programs.”

The release of the House GOP bill Thursday was the first step in what’s likely to be a politically difficult process of passing a bill in the House and reconciling it with a separate Senate GOP tax bill scheduled for release as early as next week. The legislation is likely to come under heavy fire from various industry and consumer groups as well as Democrats as the winners and losers are identified.

But congressional GOP leaders and President Donald Trump believe they can’t afford another legislative failure following the collapse of their efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act. “We made a promise to deliver tax reform that creates more jobs, fairer taxes, and bigger paychecks,” House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Kevin Brady (R-Texas) said in a written statementaccompany the bill’s release.

Paul Keckley, a veteran industry analyst, said healthcare companies will hold off on making any financial adjustments based on this bill because it’s certain to undergo substantial changes before anything is passed. “With all the darts that will be thrown at this thing, it’s a long way from the finish line,” he said.

Beyond the immediate tax impact, however, analysts cautioned that healthcare companies should beware of big cuts in Medicare, Medicaid and Affordable Care Act funding that Congress may consider to offset the revenue losses from the bill’s tax cuts. The House and Senate budget resolutions capped the 10-year cost of the tax cut package at $1.5 trillion.

A Democratic analysis of the Senate budget blueprint passed by Republicans last month found that it would cut Medicaid by $1 trillion and Medicare by $473 billion over 10 years.

“This massive tax cut for the rich would add trillions of dollars to the national debt, allowing Republicans to then come after Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, and other middle-class priorities,” Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) said in a written statement.

“There’s no way you can offset $1.5 trillion in tax cuts without looking at entitlements,” said Anders Gilberg, senior vice president for government affairs at the Medical Group Management Association.

He worried that if congressional Republicans seek to cut Medicare to recoup those revenue losses, that could destabilize the current transition of physicians from fee-for-service to value-based payment. “We’ll be looking at what the offsets are,” he said. “This sounds easy until you have tension between cutting taxes and being accountable for the deficit.”

Skolnick agreed that hospital leaders need to watch out for possible cuts in federal healthcare programs as a way to pay for the tax cuts. “Unless you pay a whole lot of whopping taxes, tax reform will be a net negative for the hospital sector, both for-profit and not-for-profit,” she predicted. “Careful what you wish for, you may get it.”

The American Hospital Association raised objections to two provisions of the bill affecting hospitals. One would stop treating tax-exempt bonds as investment property. The AHA warned that if hospitals’ access to tax-exempt financing is limited or eliminated, they would have a harder time investing in new technologies and renovations.

The other measure would impose a 20% excise tax on executive compensation above $1 million. The AHA said the law already requires a rigorous process for hospital boards to set compensation based on competitive market rates for top talent.

Physician groups were left behind on the bill’s provision reducing tax rates for pass-through entities. Passive owners of S corporations and limited liability corporations — the structures used by many medical groups — would be able to pay just a 25% tax rate rather than the 39.6% top rate for personal income. But medical groups and other professional service firms would not receive that reduced rate unless they were able to show the income was not labor-related.

“I’m disappointed we wouldn’t see a benefit for our members,” said Tina Hogeman, the MGMA’s chief financial officer.

She also worried about the bill’s $500,000 cap on home mortgage interest deductions, down from the current $1 million. “That’s a real problem for our members,” she said. “The average physician has a home that cost more than $500,000.”

A controversial provision of the House GOP bill that affects consumers is the proposed elimination of itemized deductions for high medical expenses, including long-term care costs. That deduction costs the Treasury about $10 billion a year. The AHA opposes ending that deduction.

The Brookings Institution’s Fiedler said that while the deduction isn’t well-targeted to help people with high medical costs, it’s a bad idea to repeal it to help pay for tax cuts for corporations and wealthier Americans.

“It could be sensible policy to repeal the deduction, but here it’s just financing regressive tax cuts,” Fiedler said.

Healthcare industry groups and supporters of the Affordable Care Act were relieved that the House GOP tax bill did not include provisions Republicans were considering to repeal the ACA’s individual mandate or erase the ACA’s taxes on wealthier people’s investment earnings. Those provisions could have undermined the individual insurance market and the financing for the law’s coverage subsidies.

“The bill is most notable for what’s not in there,” Fiedler said.

Voters Soured on Key GOP Senators During Height of ACA Repeal Push

https://morningconsult.com/2017/11/02/voters-soured-on-key-gop-senators-during-height-of-aca-repeal-push/

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Three Republican senators who cast deciding votes against repealing the Affordable Care Act in July saw a decline in support among GOP voters in the third quarter, according to Morning Consult’s latest Senator Approval Rankings.

But the health care vote is likely just one piece of a broader trend that is driving negative swings against GOP Sens. Susan Collins (Maine), Lisa Murkowski (Alaska) and John McCain (Ariz.), according to several Republican political experts.

At the heart of the downturn, they say, is growing dissatisfaction with elected Republicans’ failure to fulfill their campaign promises this year, despite the party being in control of the White House and both chambers of Congress.

“You had Republicans and conservatives that were upset that the Senate wasn’t able to follow through on its promise,” Brian Walsh, a GOP political strategist at public affairs firm Rokk Solutions, said in a Tuesday phone interview. “I definitely think that Obamacare is part of it, but to me there’s just a broader voter unhappiness with the state of affairs in Washington.”

Twenty-two of the 52 GOP senators saw double-digit declines among Republican voters between the second and third quarters of this year. That compares to five of 48 Democratic senators who dropped 10 percentage points or more among Democratic voters.

Many Republican voters prioritize repealing or reforming the ACA, according to recent Morning Consult/Politico polls. Sixty-seven percent of GOP voters said passing a health care reform bill should be a top priority for the Republican-controlled Congress, according to an Oct. 26-30 poll, compared to 44 percent of Democratic voters who said the same. And 78 percent of Republican voters said Obamacare should be partially or completely repealed, according to a survey conducted from Oct. 19-23.

Of the three senators to buck their party on health care in July, Collins’ approval among Republican voters declined the most, from 65 percent in the second quarter to 46 percent by the end of September, and her disapproval numbers increased — a negative swing in net approval of 40 points.

Murkowski’s approval among GOP voters also declined, from 63 percent in the second quarter to 45 percent in the third quarter. Murkowski’s disapproval among Alaska Republicans also rose from 30 percent to 43 percent during that time period.

McCain’s disapproval among Arizona Republicans, already at 49 percent in the second quarter, rose to 51 percent in the third quarter, just above the 1 percentage point margin of error. His approval rating declined 1 percentage point to 44 percent.

One Maine political expert – former state Sen. Phil Harriman – said Collins’ opposition to several GOP plans to repeal Obamacare reflects conservatives’ longtime frustration with her moderate voting record.

“It’s the icing on the cake of why support by Republicans has dropped so significantly,” Harriman said in a Thursday phone interview.

Another factor in Collins’ case could be negative rhetoric against her from the state’s Gov. Paul LePage (R), a hard-liner and ally of President Donald Trump. LePage’s attacks came while Collins considered — but ultimately opted against — running for governor. LePage, who is term-limited, is the nation’s seventh-most unpopular governor — but is more popular than Collins among Maine Republicans, with 73 percent approval.

Michael Leavitt, former executive director of the Maine Republican Party, said Collins’ approval among Republicans will recover. He noted Maine Republicans have long backed the senator, despite her voting record. Collins has also never faced a serious primary challenge from the right since first being elected to the Senate in 1996.

Particular issues like health care “may momentarily affect polling up or down, but overall I think that Susan Collins is extremely well-respected by Republicans, Democrats and independents alike,” Leavitt, a co-founder of campaign firm Red Maverick Media, said in a phone interview Wednesday.

While Collins, Murkwoski and McCain’s votes against Obamacare may have cost them GOP support, they did play well with other parts of the electorate.

For instance, Collins has the fourth-highest approval rating in the Senate, and the 16th-highest approval rating among Democratic voters (75 percent). McCain’s overall net approval rating increased by 6 percentage points between the second and third quarters. And Murkowski’s overall approval rating of 49 percent is tied with that of her Alaska colleague Sen. Dan Sullivan (R), who supported the repeal bills.

GOP plan would ax two health care tax breaks

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House Republicans’ Tax Cuts and Job Act would repeal two tax breaks related to health care: one that allows patients to deduct some particularly expensive health care bills, and another designed to spur the development of new drugs to treat rare diseases.

The bottom line: Both of these changes would affect relatively small — but also especially vulnerable — groups of people. Although Republicans spared the most widely used and most expensive health care-related tax provisions, don’t be surprised if Democrats seize on the deduction for medical expenses as a key point in their criticism of the bill.

How it works: Current law allows you to deduct certain health care expenses, if those expenses add up to more than 10% of your income. The GOP bill would repeal that deduction.

  • This is an especially big deal for people with chronic diseases or who need long-term care, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation’s Larry Levitt. It would also affect families who pay for a relative’s care, particularly for expensive conditions like Alzheimer’s.
  • The deduction costs the government roughly $10 billion per year, according to figures from the Joint Committee on Taxation.
  • Existing law also provides a tax credit to drug companies that develop “orphan drugs” — new products to treat rare diseases. The House bill would eliminate that credit, for a savings of roughly $54 billion over a decade.

What they’re saying: The Biotechnology Industry Organization yesterday praised the larger attempt at a tax overhaul but said Congress should retain the credit for orphan drugs “to ensure that our nation’s tax code most effectively encourages innovation.”

What they’re not saying: For all the anticipation, the bill ended up treading pretty lightly in the health care world. It wouldn’t touch any of the ACA’s taxes or penalties, nor would it change the tax exclusions for employer-provided insurance — one of the most expensive tax breaks in the entire code.

Researchers suggest delusion may be at the heart of Obamacare Critics

http://www.latimes.com/business/lazarus/la-fi-lazarus-healthcare-republican-delusion-20171103-story.html

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This week’s open enrollment for Obamacare once again made me wonder: How can conservatives be so convinced of the healthcare law’s failure when the opposite is demonstrably clear? Obamacare is far from perfect, but it’s in no way a “disaster,” a “catastrophe” or “imploding.”

In 2010, the year the Affordable Care Act was signed into law, nearly 50 million people in this country were uninsured. As of 2016, that number had dropped to about 29 million, according to the National Center for Health Statistics.

People with preexisting conditions could no longer be charged more or denied coverage by insurers. Young people could remain on their parents’ plans up to age 26.

Yet Republican politicians and voters remain determined to do away with Obamacare, regardless of the shortcomings of their proposed replacements.

Those are fancy ways of saying conservatives are more willing than liberals to accept what their leaders say as true and have little appetite for rocking the boat.

“This underlying difference helps to explain why conservatives resist new consumer offerings that represent dramatic change — for example, Obamacare,” he said.

The Australian academics delved into complaint databases run by America’s Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, National Highway Traffic Safety Administration and Federal Communications Commission. They inferred political leanings with county-level data from the 2012 U.S. presidential election.

According to the paper, research on right-wing authoritarianism “shows that conservatives are more likely than liberals to yield to authority figures.”

At the same time, it says, conservatives are more willing to “justify potential failings of the existing social system and its institutions.” Such system justification aims to legitimize the status quo, “seeing it as ‘good, fair, natural, desirable and even inevitable.’”

This reflects conservatives’ belief that people should act “in ways to preserve either societal orderliness or its illusion.”

Note that last bit: societal orderliness or its illusion.

That goes a long way in explaining why so many Republicans are willing to accept a party line that U.S. healthcare was much better before former President Obama tinkered with things, despite the Affordable Care Act’s obvious improvements.

“Obamacare is a total and complete disaster,” President Trump said at a campaign rally in February 2016.

He tweeted in March: “Obamacare is imploding. It is a disaster and 2017 will be the worst year yet, by far!”

In June he said that “we’re going to come out with a real bill, not Obamacare. And the results are going to be fantastic … and everybody is going to be happy.”

Republicans never passed such a bill. In October, Trump resorted to an executive order slashing subsidies for Obamacare, which most experts said would, yes, cause the program to implode.

Marketers have long understood that political ideology can shape consumer behavior.

“Messages appealing to individuality were more effective for liberal than conservative consumers, while those appealing to a sense of duty to the group were more effective for conservative than liberal consumers,” the Australian researchers found.

Obviously there are pitfalls in generalizing people’s attitudes. So I contacted Joseph Antos, a resident scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute who focuses on health policy.

He laughed when I described the Australian study’s conclusions and said it was “quite comical” that conservatives would be characterized as having a knee-jerk aversion to change.

“Any normal human being is going to be concerned about changes where the impact is unclear,” Antos said. “Ordinary people don’t care about the Affordable Care Act. They care about their insurance and the cost of healthcare.”

Fair point. And, yes, premiums on the Obamacare exchanges have climbed much more than expected.

However, that’s not the disaster Trump makes it out to be. It’s primarily a factor of insurers failing to anticipate a surge in claims as millions obtained coverage, as well as a too-weak mandate that allowed healthier people to avoid buying insurance, thus raising costs for everyone else.

These are problems awaiting solutions from reasonable people capable of having grown-up discussions.

I find the Aussie researchers’ work reassuring. The dysfunction of our pre-Obamacare health system was so profound that it’s hard to imagine anyone thinking those were the good old days. Again: 50 million uninsured, coverage denied to people with preexisting conditions.

Not to mention annual and lifetime caps on insurance payouts, women paying more than men, premiums in the individual market rising by 10% annually, skimpy coverage for many plans, a very real fear of being uninsured if you lose your job.

If Republicans can build on Obamacare’s advances, they should do so — there’s certainly room for improvement. What we’ve gotten instead has been dozens of votes to repeal the law without a viable alternative to replace it.

The party’s most recent healthcare bill, known as Graham-Cassidy, would have slashed Medicaid spending by $1 trillion, stripped insurance from millions of people and eliminated consumer protections for many with preexisting conditions.

“Graham-Cassidy Bill is GREAT!” Trump said in a tweet.

As the Aussie researchers found, conservatives “act in ways to preserve either societal orderliness or its illusion.”

That’s a polite way of saying these people are deluding themselves.

 

CMS finalizes 340B drug program cut

https://www.healthcaredive.com/news/cms-finalizes-340b-drug-program-cut/509892/

Dive Brief:

  • The CMS on Wednesday released a final rule that will significantly cut drug payments to hospitals that use the 340B Drug Pricing Program. The changes to the Hospital Outpatient Prospective Payment and Ambulatory Surgical Center Payment Systems and Quality Reporting Program take effect Jan. 1, 2018.
  • The rule also puts a moratorium on enforcement of the direct supervision policy in certain cases, increases outpatient payments by 1.35%, removes six measures from the Outcome Reporting Program and removes total knee arthroplasty from the inpatient only list.
  • The American Hospital Association released a statement blasting the 340B cut, saying it “will dramatically threaten access to healthcare for many patients, including uninsured and other vulnerable populations.” AHA, America’s Essential Hospitals and the Association of American Medical Colleges plan to sue the administration over the change.

Dive Insight:

The cut to drug payments in the 340B program, which is mostly used by safety net hospitals, is dramatic. Instead of being paid the average sales price plus 6%, they will now be paid 22.5% less than the average price. Children’s hospitals and community hospitals in rural areas are exempt from the reduction.

Hospitals that use the program say it is necessary to helping them care for vulnerable populations, and have cautioned the cut will jeopardize that. There is little oversight, however, over how hospitals track and use the savings generating through 340B. Some lawmakers have said hospitals should be required to make this information readily available.

A controversial study released last month showed hospitals participating in 340B had more of a decline in charity care than other hospitals. AHA said the report is misleading and doesn’t take into account other community benefits hospitals provide.

Hospitals will also be angered by the CMS decision to allow total knee replacement surgeries to take place in outpatient settings. The agency is following the lead of commercial payers, who are pushing for care to move away from more expensive inpatient settings. CMS has said the change will let Medicare beneficiaries get a knee replacement at lower cost, but hospitals say the quality of care for those procedures could decrease.

 

Medicaid enrollment flat in 2017, but managed care keeps gaining steam

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/cms-chip/medicaid-enrollment-pwc-managed-care?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWlRaa01EZzJZakk1WmpkaSIsInQiOiJMcEZmcHJyY1VuSUtMZVhjMXkrZ2NnSDZNTkVoVTErWExDd0x2SjNcLzQrbVpobTFJeVhIb3M0MUZFYWt3b1p2MXRpNlFqQVVaWDhUY1VhTGxaRGFySjJySzN3bFR2WnFtbmJCTWNJcERrc1pLZDJac0J5UkIwOFc5WFBWSW9WU0YifQ%3D%3D&mrkid=959610&utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal

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For the first time in four years, overall enrollment in Medicaid did not grow significantly in 2017—though managed care continues to become more prevalent.

PwC’s annual report (PDF) on the state of the program—released this week to coincide with the Medicaid Health Plans of America conference—found that total enrollment in 2017 was 74.8 million. That’s just 98,000 above the enrollment total in 2016.

The reasons for that flattening growth include the fact that no new states expanded Medicaid this year, a strengthening economy, and some states’ moves to “aggressively redetermine eligibility status.”

By comparison, total enrollment was 72.9 million in 2015, 66.6 million in 2014 and 57.1 million in 2013. Thanks to that steady growth over the past five years, 23.2% of the U.S. population is now enrolled in Medicaid.

On the state level, enrollment changes in 2017 were more varied than in years past, the report notes. Twenty-two states reported declines, while 28 states and the District of Columbia saw increases—including a 23% rise in Alaska and a 20% rise in Montana tied to the states’ decision to expand Medicaid.

Looking at the last five years, divergent enrollment trends in Nevada and Maine offer a prime example of how powerful an effect state decision-making can have on Medicaid programs.

Nevada, whose leaders embraced the Affordable Care Act, has seen its program grow by 105% since 2013. But Maine has seen its Medicaid enrollment decline by 18% since 2013. The primary reason? Maine’s anti-ACA governor Paul LePage, who has vetoed the state legislature’s attempt to expand Medicaid five times.

Policy decisions at the national level can also have a big impact on Medicaid enrollment, the PwC report’s author, Ari Gottlieb, said during the MHPA conference. For example, the Trump administration’s ACA outreach cuts and conflicting information about whether the individual mandate will be enforced will affect more than just the individual insurance market.

Gottlieb predicted that total Medicaid enrollment might be lower next year because of those factors.

Meanwhile, the number of enrollees in private managed care plans continued its steady rise.

In 2017, 73% of Medicaid beneficiaries were in managed care plans, an increase of 1.9% year over year, or an additional 1 million Americans. In addition, 12 states now have at least 90% of their Medicaid populations covered by private plans, compared to just nine last year and four in 2013.

Over the past five years, an additional 20.9 million people were served by a managed care plan, while 3.1 million fewer were served by Medicaid fee-for-service.

But while the past year was mostly a stable one for Medicaid managed care, “the future is going to be more complicated,” Gottlieb said.

One reason is that all the talk about changing Medicaid, while not likely to result in major coverage reductions, will likely result in changes to how it’s paid for, which could prove challenging for health plans.

Further, the trend of consolidation in the managed care industry shows no signs of abating.

That means, according to Gottlieb, that “you’re going to need more scale to participate in the Medicaid of the future.”

Clean Up on Aisle 12! The Obamacare Pop-Up Store is Open but Stocks are Limited

Clean Up on Aisle 12! The Obamacare Pop-Up Store is Open but Stocks are Limited

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The fifth Open Enrollment period under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) started on November 1st, and will continue for a scant 45 days ending on December 15, 2017. This year, not only has the Open Enrollment been cut in half, but obstacles abound – obstacles that were not part of the 2016 Open Enrollment Period. For example:

  • Healthcare.gov is undergoing maintenance that could interfere with access during the Open Enrollment Period;
  • Federal support for Open Enrollment outreach and advertising is substantially lower this year than it has been in prior Open Enrollment periods; and
  • The number of health insurers participating in the exchanges has dropped significantly from last year (prompted in part by well-founded concerns regarding the future of federal cost-sharing reduction (CSR) payments), and in some counties, only one plan is available to individuals and families seeking coverage through the exchanges.

Plan Departure: A Continuing Trend from Prior Years

In 2016, a significant number of large, national insurance companies announced that they were withdrawing from the exchanges and would no longer offer health insurance coverage during 2017. As for 2018, the following chart identifies, as of October 12, 2017, both (1) those national insurance companies that will fully withdraw from one or more exchanges effective January 1, 2018, and (2) those national insurance companies that will continue to offer plans on the state exchanges in 2018 as they did in 2017.

Insurance Company: Insurance Exchange Exits for 2018: Insurance Exchange Participation in 2018:
Aetna Delaware, Iowa, Nebraska, Virginia None
Anthem Indiana, Maine, Missouri, Nevada, Ohio, Wisconsin California, Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Kentucky, Missouri, New Hampshire, New York, Virginia
Centene None Arizona, Arkansas, California, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Kansas, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Texas, Washington
Cigna Maryland Colorado, Illinois, Missouri, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia
Molina Wisconsin, Utah California, Florida, Michigan, New Mexico, Ohio, Texas, Washington
Humana Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Louisiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri, Mississippi, Ohio, Tennessee, Texas None
UnitedHealthcare Virginia Nevada, New York

Who Ordered the Retreat?

There are a variety of reasons that large national insurers are retreating from the federal and state exchanges, but as a general rule, they stem from uncertainty regarding the profitability of state exchange participation.

CSR Funding Uncertainty

President Trump’s inauguration spurred speculation that the ACA’s CSR subsidy payments could be discontinued, and insurance companies priced exchange plans accordingly. The Congressional Budget Office estimated that the cessation of CSR payments for the 2018 calendar year – which has since come to pass – would result in a 25% increase in premiums by 2020 and at least a temporary increase in the number of areas with zero individual exchange offerings (as a result of further insurer exits and stifled entry / expansion).

The Individual Mandate

One year-over-year driver of the insurance company exodus from the exchanges is the weakness of the individual mandate.

The individual mandate is critical to whether the health insurance companies can turn a profit on the exchange plans. In an ideal world, the individual mandate would successfully induce all eligible citizens to obtain health coverage. Under such circumstances, health insurers would have a much easier time estimating enrollment, risk pools and, ultimately, profits from participation on the insurance exchanges. In practice, however, many of the “young invincibles” whose participation in the health insurance market could offset the costs of insuring older and sicker populations elect to incur the relatively modest tax penalty resulting from a failure to obtain coverage.

Even if the penalty were tougher (and as a consequence, presumably more effective), enforcement is rather lax, and the Trump administration has signaled in 2017 it may instruct the Internal Revenue Service to deprioritize enforcement of the individual mandate.

Enrollee Fraud and Gaming the System

The large national insurance companies have also complained about enrollee fraud that increases the actuarial unpredictability of the performance of a particular risk pool. For example, insurers have complained that enrollees in an exchange plan may have an expensive procedure early in the year, and then stop paying premiums after the insurance plan has paid for the procedure.

The Importance of the Big Players in the ACA Exchanges

Because they have greater resources to understand, and hedge, the actuarial risks of the exchange plans – including balancing the prospects of fraud, unhealthy patient mix and less then desirable compliance with the individual mandate – large national health insurers are better positioned than their smaller counterparts to succeed in the ACA exchanges.

As such national insurers have migrated away from exchange participation, they have in many instances been replaced by regional players, such as health plans associated with regional hospital systems, physician groups and faith-based organizations. Such entities generally do not have the same financial wherewithal as the large national insurance companies to successfully diversify risk or endure greater potential losses with respect to the exchange risk pools. As a result, many healthcare analysts and commentators have concluded that regional plans are ill-equipped to fully replace the large national insurance plans if the large national insurance plans continue to leave the state exchanges.

Notwithstanding the foregoing concerns regarding regional plan participation on the exchanges, Centene Corporation, a publicly-traded healthcare company that is the parent corporation of multiple state-based plans that participate in the state exchanges, has elected to expand its participation in 2018. Whether Centene Corporation succeeds with its expansion into more state ACA exchanges, and whether it chooses to further expand in future years, will be an important indicator of the health of the ACA health insurance exchanges in years to come.

“Repair and Encourage”

The remedy for stabilizing the exchanges is not overly complicated, and realizable, if the political will existed to accomplish what needs to be done.

A strong first step would be changing the conversation in Washington D.C. about the ACA – get rid of the “repeal and replace” mantra and instead make the conversation about “repair and encourage.” The point is that the manner in which the political class is addressing healthcare and the ACA is toxic, and the result is driving the insurance companies away from participation. A change in tone from our elected leaders would probably do remarkable good in stabilizing the state insurance exchanges over time.

In addition to calming the political dialogue regarding the ACA, for 2018 (ahead of the 2019 open enrollment period), we propose some specific policies that we think would help encourage participation by the large, national insurance companies in the exchanges in 2019 and beyond:

  • The judicial branch needs to resolve, ideally favorably, whether CSRs will continue.
  • The individual mandate needs to be strengthened by increasing the applicable tax penalty and more vigorously pursuing enforcement.
  • Congress should consider incentives, whether tax-based or otherwise, to specifically encourage the large, national insurance companies to increase participation on the exchanges.

In the current political climate, such dedicated action seems unlikely, but the political winds may yet shift and blow the health insurers safely home to the exchanges.

Hospital CEOs could face new taxes 

The Republican tax overhaul bill also includes a small section that would levy a 20% excise tax on any wages of more $1 million for executives who work at tax-exempt organizations. Guess who’s not thrilled about that? Hospitals.

What they’re saying: The American Hospital Association said it was “concerned” about that provision because “there is already a rigorous process prescribed by the Internal Revenue Service for setting up executive compensation.”

Go deeper: As Axios’ Bob Herman has reported, hospital and health system CEOs command some of the highest salaries in the not-for-profit world.

Site-neutral payments called an assault on the financial stability of hospitals

http://www.healthcarefinancenews.com/news/site-neutral-payments-called-assault-financial-stability-hospitals?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWVdWa1lXTTBORFJpWTJSayIsInQiOiJndXNTdWM2czNvZzR6dDlRVXA4N3ZZWUhiV29FTzZ4VndOT3VGeUkzSGtGcms1QnlhSnNRTTlQbGRmcmY5UEpEY2VuWWg1UHIwTXVQUkg1ZklLZGN6SGYxMmpwc3lmZGJtK1pBcTNDNnZZZ0FmYzQ3Q2R2YWloNjVJSlorWStcL3QifQ%3D%3D

To integrate care, provide more services and stay competitive, hospitals are still building outpatient facilities.

Site-neutral payments all but stopped hospitals from building outpatient facilities in 2016.

Outpatient development effectively froze in 2016, down from $19.6 million in projects in 2015, to $16.4 million in 2016, according to Revista, a resource for healthcare property data.

Historically, hospital-owned outpatient centers received significantly higher reimbursement than private physician offices or ambulatory surgical centers performing the same procedures.

The Medicare Payment Advisory Commission recommended closing the gap between the rates. There was also concern that hospitals were buying up physician practices to take advantage of the higher reimbursement rate.

Congress enacted the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2015, putting site-neutral payments into effect.

New outpatient facilities that used to be paid on the outpatient prospective payment system are now reimbursed by Medicare on the physician fee schedule. The estimate on savings to Medicare runs into the billions.

Those hospitals that had new off-campus departments and began billing before Nov. 2, 2015, were still reimbursed at the higher outpatient rate. Outpatient facilities built later than the cut-off date are now paid under the less lucrative physician fee schedule.

The result of the legislation that went into effect on January 1, was to effectively freeze the geographic footprint of hospitals that rely heavily on Medicare reimbursement, according to Larry Vernaglia, an attorney and chairman of Foley & Lardner’s healthcare practice group in Boston.

For some hospitals, Medicare represents half of their operating revenue.

“It’s one more assault on the financial stability of hospitals,” Vernaglia said. “It definitely means the economics of outpatient services are dramatically different now. Hospitals have to work twice as hard to structure their outpatient buildings to get proper reimbursement.”

While some experts predicted a continued freeze in outpatient building, a surprising thing happened in 2017. The amount of outpatient projects soared to $22.9 million, the highest it has been in four years, according to Revista. However, that could be driven by the latest way skirt site-neutral rules.

“There was a big jump in 2017, that may come down a little bit,” said Revista principle Hilda Martin. “There was a sudden hold-off while systems wrapped their head around (the new policy). It is coming back. I’m wondering if this is beginning of a new trend, because so much inventory is starting this year.”

Martin said Revista is still analyzing the building boom, especially the new focus on micro-hospitals.

There’s been a significant uptick in micro-hospital development, she said. At medical real estate conferences, micro-hospitals are the hot topic because they offer a way to circle around the change in reimbursement, Martin said.

Also, the outpatient slowdown in 2016 may reflect in pause as providers submitted applications to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services to show they were far enough along in planning to get an exemption and remain on the outpatient prospective payment system.

The 21st Century Cures Act provided exemptions. Hospitals in the middle of building an off-site facility could submit an application under the mid-build requirement by Feb. 13.

Many hospitals submitted mid-build applications before the deadline, including 40 in New York, seven in Massachusetts and five in Maine, Vernaglia said.

Applications are still being reviewed, and CMS did not respond to a request for information on the total number of submitted requests, or the names of the applicants.

“I’m familiar with at least 86 of them,” said Vernaglia, who also did not give specific information.

Exemptions allow hospitals to build new outpatient settings on-campus and be reimbursed at the outpatient rate.

“You’re going to see hub and spoke arrangements,” Vernaglia predicted of facility design.

Hospitals can also can build an emergency facility and still receive the higher reimbursement.

In a proposed 2017 payment rule, CMS originally required off-campus provider-based sites to offer the same services they did on Nov. 2, 2015, in order to be excluded from the site-neutral payment provisions, but opted not to include that requirement in the final rule.

For 2017, CMS finalized a Medicare physician fee schedule policy to pay non-excepted, off-campus provider-based departments at 50 percent of the outpatient rate for most services. For 2018, CMS proposed to reduce those payments further, by 25 percent.

Site neutrality creates hardships for hospitals trying to provide more services, integrate care and stay competitive in regions where patients have numerous choices for healthcare.

“There is quite a bit of cynicism in Congress and others that led to passage of Section 603 of the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2015,” Vernaglia said. “It assumed the only reason hospitals were developing these sites was to take advantage of preferential outpatient payment.”

Site neutrality also gave an advantage to hospitals that were early movers in getting their outpatient facilities built. The downside, said Vernaglia, is they’re stuck with what they’ve got. They can’t build another one or relocate. And if they don’t own the building, they can’t threaten to move if the landlord jacks up the rent.

“Soon we’ll see facilities getting long in the tooth,” he said. “There will be fewer outpatient facilities off-campus. I think you’ll see more on-campus. It’s status quo for sure, unless you do some creative things like off-campus emergency.”

Developer Henry Johnson, chief strategy officer for Freese Johnson in Atlanta, Georgia, said hospitals are still building, because not to do so would mean the loss of a competitive edge. The ambulatory facilities may be less profitable now, but there’s the risk that the gap for off-site care will be filled by another facility, or physician practice.

“There’s a greater impact not filling these gaps in the marketplace,” Johnson said. “Right now it’s a battle for marketshare, rather than site-neutral payments.

Johnson has been in the business for over 20 years, working with healthcare systems and large physician practices.

“We’re building micro hospitals, ambulatory surgery centers, outpatient surgery centers,” Johnson said. “Everyone is trying to build a network.”

Value-based care has also given incentives to have patients visit outpatient clinics, rather than the more expensive emergency room.

“They want to keep less expensive procedures in a less expensive environment,” Johnson said.

Providers are being cost-conscious on square-foot costs as well, he said.

“Most of our clients are saying, ‘This is expensive real estate. Let’s build a building that costs half as much, that’s what we want to do.'”

The two trends he’s seeing are micro hospitals, and smaller, acute care facilities, which he likens to “a hospital without beds.”

These freestanding ER facilities are still reimbursed at outpatient rates.

Patients would also rather go to a local, smaller facility, than drive to a hospital, try to find parking and walk the long hallways.

“They’re not going to go places if it’s inconvenient,” Johnson said.

Off-campus buildings, he said, invite people in.

“I’m personally seeing in healthcare, patients aren’t just patients now, they’re consumers,” Johnson said. “The biggest trend we’re seeing, is the consumerization of healthcare.”