How Health Insurance Coverage Denials Affect Americans

Findings from the Commonwealth Fund 2025 Affordability Survey and Focus Groups.

U.S. adults with private insurance are anxious and frustrated about getting and paying for the care they need through their health plan. One of patients’ main concerns is uncertainty about whether their insurer will cover a health procedure or prescription drug that their doctor says they need, particularly for a serious medical condition.

Insurers can deny coverage for a variety of reasons. For example, they might deem a treatment or procedure to be medically unnecessary. Payment can also be denied for care delivered by an out-of-network provider, or for services the plan simply doesn’t cover. Administrative or billing errors can also trigger a denial.1

In this brief, we report findings from the Commonwealth Fund 2025 Affordability Survey on patients’ and families’ experiences with insurance coverage denials. We pair these findings with those from focus groups on the same topic. We examine experiences with two types of denials: those that occur before care is received, which we refer to as prior authorization denials, and those that occur after care has been provided, which we refer to as claim denials.

SSRS interviewed a nationally representative sample of 6,353 adults ages 19 to 64 from July 22 to October 27, 2025. Our analysis focused on 4,589 respondents with private insurance, either through an employer or the Affordable Care Act (ACA) marketplaces and individual insurance market. To gain a deeper understanding of people who experienced coverage denials, SSRS also conducted eight online focus groups with a total of 45 privately insured adults across the United States. To learn more about the survey and the focus groups, see “How We Conducted This Survey.”

Highlights

  • Experience with denials: One in five (21%) U.S. working-age adults with private insurance reported that they or a family member had experienced an insurance company denial of coverage for medical care recommended by a doctor in the past year, either before or after the care was provided.
  • Treatment delays: Forty-one percent of people who experienced a prior authorization denial said it led to a delay in medical care, and more than a quarter (28%) said a health problem got worse because of it. More than 60 percent said the denial caused worry and anxiety.
  • Out-of-pocket costs and medical debt: Among people who experienced a claim denial, nearly 70 percent said it cost them or their household more money. More than two in five (43%) adults who experienced a claim denial reported that the denial led to medical debt that they are still paying off.
  • Appeals: Only about half of those who experienced a denial appealed the decision, citing uncertainty over their right to do so and whether it would make a difference if they did, as well as confusion about who to contact.

Survey and Focus Group Findings

Who experiences coverage denials?

We asked U.S. working-age adults with private insurance coverage if their insurance, or the insurance of a household member, denied coverage for recommended medical care. One in five (21%) working-age adults reported a coverage denial in the past year for a health care service recommended by a provider, either their own or that of a family member. Thirteen percent reported a prior authorization denial, 8 percent reported a claim denial, and 1 percent experienced both a prior authorization denial and a claim denial.

In focus groups with people who reported having a prior authorization or claim denial, participants reported that coverage denials, and the process of challenging them, often had significant consequences for their finances, health, and well-being.

Denied: John’s Story

John, who is in his early 60s, had surgery on both rotator cuffs. His provider recommended physical therapy (PT) as part of his recovery. For the first surgery, his PT was fully covered. After the second surgery one year later, his insurance company denied coverage for PT.

He plans to appeal the denial through his PT provider. “I’m going back to the physical therapist to ask them to resubmit my application, see if they can reword it and make a better case for me.”

Coverage denials can harm peoples’ health and financial well-being. Over half (63%) of working-age adults with private insurance who experienced a prior authorization denial of coverage for medical care said it caused them or their households worry or anxiety. About 40 percent said that a prior authorization denial delayed medical care, and more than a quarter (28%) said that their health problem worsened as a result. Three in 10 said they spent more money because of the prior authorization denial. That’s because when coverage is denied, some patients may elect to pay for their care out of pocket.

Denied: Sally’s Story

Sally, who is in her 40s, was due for a routine mammogram. Her gynecologist recommended that she also get an ultrasound, because she has dense breasts. Sally was told the ultrasound would be covered when she called prior to her appointment, but after she had the procedure, her insurance company refused to pay for it.

Sally says she’s still fighting the claim denial, but she’s feeling discouraged. She feels her insurance provider “will try to wiggle out of anything they can.”

Having a claim denied after receiving care leaves patients and their families on the hook for medical bills they didn’t expect. Nearly 70 percent of people who experienced a claim denial said that the denial cost them or their household more money. Thirty percent reported the denial had led to a delay in their health care, possibly because they were reluctant or financially unable to seek additional care. One in five people said their health problem worsened as a result.

For focus group participants, coverage denials were often a source of financial stress. Some patients who appealed their insurer’s denial said their health care provider had threatened to send their overdue bills to collections while they awaited their insurance company’s decision. They feared that their credit score would suffer if they continued waiting for an insurer’s decision.

I’m very busy right now. I haven’t pursued any avenue. I just paid for [the test]. I didn’t want to; I was afraid, and I haven’t learned much about credit, how it affects me, or whether it affects me. . . . I decided not to proceed with any legal means. I just paid it.

Oscar, a man in his 30s who had a claim denial for lab tests

Coverage denials also affected peoples’ subsequent medical care decisions. Some focus group participants said they were avoiding getting needed medical care because of their coverage denial. Following a coverage denial, one participant stopped seeking care for her ongoing health issue, which remains unresolved. Others are postponing future checkups or procedures because of how uncertain insurance coverage can be. Even just the anticipation of coverage denials and unexpected bills led some participants to avoid seeking care.

I feel like I’ve been unable to address the initial issue. . . . I don’t want to go back [to the doctor] with the very high chance [care] gets denied again.

Mary, a woman in her 20s who had a claim denial for lab tests

Coverage denials can have serious financial consequences. More than two in five (43%) adults who had a claim denial said the denial caused them or their household to incur medical debt that they are still paying off. More than half of the adults said that their original bill was $1,000 or more.

For many focus group participants, the accumulation of medical debt because of a coverage denial had made them hesitant to get health care again. Worry about financial consequences of additional care further exacerbated the anxiety and stress they experienced.

Denied: Jaime’s Story

Jaime was at dinner with his wife when he lost consciousness. She called an ambulance from the restaurant, and Jaime was taken to the hospital. Arriving barely conscious, he was told the hospital was out of his plan’s network.

“Because of the type of insurance I have, they just said they couldn’t accept me due to the coverage. . . . I had to wait hours for them to call back and forth between the hospital and the insurance company before they finally allowed the hospital to provide coverage for me.”

Jaime’s insurance covered some of his tests at the hospital but not all of them — for example, they covered a magnetic resonance imaging scan but not an electrocardiogram. He said he was convinced that “anything they could find not to pay, basically, they didn’t.” A few months later, Jaime’s insurance notified him that they also would not cover the $3,000 ambulance bill.

Jaime was left with significant medical debt. He makes monthly payments, so the debt doesn’t affect his credit. He worries, however, about future medical bills.

Even though patients have a right to appeal an insurer’s decision to deny coverage for a health care service, only about half appealed. When asked why they didn’t appeal a coverage denial, many people believed it would not make a difference. Many also doubted they had a right to appeal a decision or expressed confusion about who they were supposed to contact.

Patients in focus groups described a time-intensive, confusing, and highly frustrating process to appeal coverage denials. They often weren’t sure if they should contest the denial with their provider or insurance company, or even why they should have to appeal at all, since the denial was for care their doctor recommended.

[I] gave it my all in appealing the whole situation. . . . I got the run around like, ‘Oh, you need to speak to this person.’ Then they transferred me back to that person and the phone would ring and ring, and I’d give a voicemail and they wouldn’t call me back for two or three days. I’m still fighting with them.

Sally, a woman in her 40s with a claim denial for ultrasound

Several focus group participants felt that appealing a coverage denial would be futile. One thought that insurance companies take advantage of patients’ lack of knowledge about the health system. Many expressed frustration with the lack of transparency from insurers, saying patients “have no clue what’s going to be covered” when a doctor recommends health care. Over time, this pattern eroded participants’ trust in both their health care providers and insurance plans.

I hate the way it felt like I got conned. . . . I think [the insurance companies] know that the average person is not going to ask the right questions or know the right information. They take advantage of that, which I think is terrible, especially . . . those who are elderly or anything like that who don’t have the help or the resources.

Jaime, whose claim for emergency care was denied

About half of people challenged their coverage denials, but they were not always successful. Among those who challenged prior authorization denials, 30 percent said that their insurer approved the recommended medical care, and a quarter received approval for a different type of care. But in one-third of appealed cases, the insurer continued to deny the care. Nearly 80 percent of people who challenged their prior authorization denial and had received a decision on their appeal at the time of the survey said they waited two weeks or more for their insurance company’s decision.

Among patients and their families who challenged a claim denial, only one-third (33%) said their insurer reduced or eliminated the amount of money they owed. Thirty-six percent said their insurer denied their appeal, similar to the share of people who were unable to reverse their prior authorization denials. More than 60 percent of those who challenged their claim denial and had received a decision on their appeal at the time of the survey said that their insurer took one month or more to reach a decision.

Some focus group participants described a time-consuming and stressful process to appeal coverage denials. They often felt “caught in the middle” between their provider and insurance company as they tried to navigate a system that seemed designed to work against them.

[The insurance company] said, ‘You’ve had enough [physical therapy appointments].’ My physical therapist [says I need more], he’s still arguing for me, but they said no. . . . It’s almost like they will always give you an initial denial and see whether or not you’ll actually fight them on it.

John, who had a prior authorization denial for physical therapy following shoulder surgery

When asked who they held responsible for their coverage denial, nearly nine in 10 people blamed their insurance company. And many also blamed the health care system in general. Others viewed their providers as responsible for the denial, and more than one in five blamed the government for their experience.

In focus groups, some participants described how their ordeal with a coverage denial caused them to “totally lose trust” in their health care provider or insurance company, particularly when they had been explicitly told by at least one party that their care would be covered. Participants’ frustration with the health care system was palpable, and many remarked that insurance companies or the health system needed to change.

Denied: Nathan’s Story

Nathan didn’t anticipate a months-long fight with his insurance carrier while his wife battled cancer. Early in her treatment, the oncologist ordered genetic testing to look for mutations that would influence her response to therapies. Nathan and his wife were initially told that diagnostic genetic testing would be covered by their insurance, at least partially. But after the testing was completed, they were shocked to learn their insurance would not cover it.

Nathan began the frustrating process of contesting the denial. “You get in this loop of, holy cow, you ask eight people the same question. You get eight completely different answers.”

The couple eventually appealed to the oncologist, who submitted additional information to justify the necessity of the testing. While the insurance company elected to cover part of the testing, Nathan still couldn’t get a clear answer on his final bill amount.

What Can Government Do to Help Consumers?

Prior authorization can be a useful tool for protecting patients from low-value care that provides little benefit or might actually harm them. However, the processes insurers currently use lack clear rationales that patients and their providers can understand. Most troubling is that prior authorization is preventing patients from getting the care they need while placing additional burdens on physicians and their staff.

When asked what policymakers might do to help consumers, focus group participants said there should be greater transparency in insurer decision-making with “no ambiguity” in which procedures are covered. Some participants thought there should be external oversight by “another entity outside the insurers themselves” and said there must be clear reasons “why an insurance company is rejecting coverage, particularly when the test or procedure is ordered or recommended by a doctor.” There was also a desire for transparency to see where their premium dollars were going. Said one participant, “They are not using the money to pay for my care, and that is what frustrates me a lot.”

A Patchwork of Inadequate Laws and Regulations

The United States has a dated and patchwork system of regulations governing coverage denials and patients’ right to appeal them. Denial rules for employer plans have not been updated since 2000.2 In 2010, the ACA extended those rules to apply to all nongrandfathered individual and marketplace plans.3 While the Biden administration issued a new set of regulations on denials in 2024, these apply only to plans that fall under the jurisdiction of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), including marketplace plans in the 30 states that use the federal HealthCare.gov platform. They do not apply to employer plans or marketplace plans in states that run their own marketplaces.

Several states have passed laws that go further than federal requirements. States, however, lack jurisdiction over large, self-insured employers, which employ the majority of Americans.

In 2025, the largest U.S. health insurers announced a voluntary commitment to streamline prior authorization processes, including reducing the number of services subject to prior authorization and honoring preapprovals for a set period when people switch health plans.4

Clearly, there is a need to bring order to the fragmented set of laws governing coverage denials. Congress can accomplish this through standardization across all types of insurance and through the expansion and strengthening of rules regarding transparency in coverage decisions, oversight of insurers, and patients’ rights to appeal decisions. Options include:

Expanding the right to appeal. Consumers in nongrandfathered health plans, including employer plans, have the right to appeal coverage denials, and insurers are required to review and reconsider their decisions. If an insurer still denies coverage, patients have the right to an independent third-party review, and the insurer must accept the outcome of that review.

However, federal regulations restrict third-party appeals to denials based on medical necessity, which one study found made up just 5 percent of all denials.5 The majority of denials are for unspecified reasons, administrative issues, excluded services, and lack of referral or prior authorization.6 Consumers would be better served if all denials were eligible for external review.

Standardizing and streamlining prior authorization procedures in all health plans. The Biden administration issued a rule in 2024 seeking to increase transparency and standardization of prior authorization procedures for insurers selling plans in the 30 marketplaces that use HealthCare.gov, as well as those in other public programs.7 Beginning in January 2027, these payers must maintain a secure electronic portal with their list of covered items and services, documentation requirements for prior authorization, and a record of prior authorization requests and responses. CMS recently introduced a new proposed rule that would extend these requirements to prior authorization of prescription drugs.8

The federal government could expand both rules to cover all marketplace and employer plans. It also could require much greater transparency about insurer criteria for selecting services that need prior authorization.9

Learning from states’ approaches to prior authorization. At least 10 states have implemented a “gold card” approach for providers that reach a threshold level of prior authorization approvals. This enables providers to deliver certain services or prescribe drugs without seeking prior authorization.10 Several other states have shortened timelines for insurers to respond to prior authorization requests, required reviewers to meet clinical qualifications, or exempted or limited some services from prior authorization review, such as mental health care or care for chronic conditions. Although these state actions do not affect people in self-insured employer plans, they can inform federal policy.

Funding consumer assistance programs. The ACA authorized Consumer Assistance Program (CAP) grants to help states establish or strengthen services for patients to inform them of their rights and help them resolve health plan disputes. In the first year, CAP grants allowed states to recover more than $18 million for patients.11

Although federal funding for CAP grants has ended, the programs still exist in 31 states and the District of Columbia and continue to save consumers money (for example, Connecticut recovered $4.3 million for patients in 2021).12 Reinstating federal funding could help establish CAPs in the 20 states that currently don’t have them.

Reporting health care claim denials and appeals. The ACA requires all nongrandfathered health plans, including all employer plans, to report data on claim denials, the reasons for the denial, and the total number of denied and appealed claims.13 However, the federal government has limited enforcement to just marketplace plans sold through 30 marketplaces operated by the federal government. The Biden administration’s 2024 rule increases data reporting requirements for these plans, but patients may not be aware that this information is available on an insurer’s website.14 Expanding public reporting of these decisions to include all marketplace plans and employer plans — and making the data accessible and understandable to consumers on publicly accessible websites — would further the public’s understanding of insurer practices.

HOW WE CONDUCTED THIS SURVEY

The Commonwealth Fund 2025 Affordability Survey was administered by SSRS from July 22 to October 27, 2025. The survey consisted of telephone and online interviews in English and in Spanish and was conducted among a random, nationally representative sample of 6,353 adults ages 19 to 64 years living in the United States. The survey interviews were completed via a multiframe approach, which included address-based samples (ABS), prepaid cell phone samples, and the SSRS Opinion Panel. Interviews were conducted online or on the phone via ABS (n=1,794), via prepaid cell phones (n=328), and online via the SSRS Opinion Panel (n=4,231).

The sample was designed to exclude anyone age 65 and older, while also allowing for a sufficient sample of those anticipated to experience more health care affordability challenges (such as coverage denials, billing errors, or medical debt). Statistical results were weighted in stages to compensate for sample designs and patterns of nonresponse that might bias results. In the first stage of weighting, base weights were applied to account for sampling probabilities and were computed separately for each of the three sample frames. The base-weighted samples were combined using a compositing adjustment. Finally, the combined sample was calibrated to match target population benchmarks.

The resulting weighted sample is representative of the approximately 196 million U.S. adults ages 19 to 64. The survey’s margin of sampling error is +/– 1.5 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level. The ABS portion of the survey achieved a 14.4 percent response rate, the prepaid cell portion achieved a 1.5 percent response rate, and the SSRS Opinion panel portion achieved a 2.5 percent response rate.

This brief focuses on 4,589 adults in the survey with private insurance. The resulting weighted sample is representative of approximately 130.6 million adults ages 19 to 64 with private insurance. The margin of sampling error for the subgroup of those with private insurance is +/– 1.7 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level.

SSRS conducted eight online focus groups in April 2025, prior to fielding the survey. Six focus groups were in English, and two were in Spanish, with a total number of 45 participants. The focus groups informed the development of survey questions designed to capture people’s experience with coverage denials, billing errors, and medical debt. This brief highlights the experiences of the 27 participants who experienced coverage denials.

Patients are often left ‘out of network’ as hospitals, insurers clash over cost

No one wants to see health insurance premiums rise. Individuals, small businesses and large employers are already under inflationary pressures. But it will be far worse if health insurance companies fail to help address rising costs facing healthcare providers

Lengthy contract negotiations between health insurers and healthcare providers are becoming the norm, leaving patients — our shared customers — in a confusing and concerning ‘out-of-network’ status, while health insurers and providers point fingers at each other.

An overused but accurate phrase applies: healthcare providers are facing a perfect storm of pressures, particularly in California, and especially systems that serve large shares of Medi-Cal and Medicare patients. 

Among our nation’s 6,000 hospitals, our flagship hospital, Community Regional Medical Center in Fresno, serves the fourth highest percentage of Medicaid patients and is fifth for overall government reimbursement. 

While being one of America’s most essential hospitals is rewarding, recent federal changes designed to slow the growth of healthcare spending have resulted in a 15% reduction in Medicaid funding — roughly $1 trillion in cuts nationally over the next decade.

At the same time, California legislation increased the minimum wage for healthcare workers to $25 per hour. While there is none more deserving of this than healthcare professionals, the ripple effects are significant. At our organization these adjustments add $100 million annually in labor costs and will only grow. 

Further constraining hospitals are the legal requirements to treat anyone who arrives in their emergency departments, regardless of ability to pay. What other industry is required to provide service first and figure out how to get paid for it later? 

Our health system absorbed a $231 million reimbursement shortfall last year for the care of government-insured patients, and we must brace ourselves for more. Higher numbers of ER visits from underinsured patients, as well as higher levels of charity care and bad debt will further widen the gap between our cost for providing care and how much we’re reimbursed. 

In the meantime, insurance companies want hospitals to agree to rates that don’t keep pace with rising costs. While government payers offer predictable approval processes and payment timelines, private health insurers increasingly rely on cumbersome prior authorizations, payment denials, paying less for services and slow reimbursement. These practices add administrative costs, strain cash flow, reduce overall reimbursement and threaten our fiscal stability.

Insurers face pressure from employers and members to limit the growth of premiums. But too often, that pressure is used to resist necessary and reasonable rate increases for providers. Health insurers often blame providers for the high cost of care, but hospitals like ours are keenly focused on greater efficiency. In fact, we’re a low-cost leader when compared to the average California hospital. 

In some cases, insurance companies propose quality incentive programs as a substitute for adequate reimbursement, then publicly criticize health care providers when we find this unacceptable. I wholeheartedly support performance incentives as a tool for improvement, but not when these programs are used as a mechanism to transfer greater financial burden to hospitals.

As stalled negotiations become increasingly common, regulators and policymakers should take a broader view of healthcare costs by examining health insurer reserves, and their administrative and marketing expenses. 

For safety-net healthcare providers like us, modest profit margins are not just about staying afloat, they are critical to reinvestment in technology, facilities, our workforce, and public health initiatives that are essential to the communities we serve.

There is much at stake if payers win the war of words over contract rates. Access to healthcare services, healthcare jobs and the stability of institutions that communities rely on will diminish. 

When providers are forced to make deeper cuts to manage this convergence of pressures, patients ultimately pay the price.

WSJ’s Editorial Board Contradicts What Its Newsroom Has Reported on Medicare Advantage

The Wall Street Journal’s Editorial Board vs. The Wall Street Journal’s Newsroom.

The paper that exposed Medicare Advantage’s $50 billion overbilling scheme is now urging the government to make it the default for every senior in America.

During my two decades working for Big Insurance, I learned what industry spin looks like. I know what it sounds like. And I know that when a major newspaper’s editorial board publishes a piece defending an industry that has spent millions cultivating its editorial goodwill, the result often reads exactly like the Wall Street Journal’s editorial yesterday, “The Truth About Medicare Advantage.”

The piece is a masterclass in selective evidence. But what makes it remarkable is that the most damning rebuttal to it doesn’t come from me, or from Medicare Advantage’s many critics, or from the political left. It comes from the Wall Street Journal’s own newsroom.

In the fall of 2022, a team of Journal reporters did something extraordinary. They negotiated a data-sharing agreement with the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, gaining access to 1.6 billion Medicare Advantage records over a 12-year period — every prescription filled, every doctor visit, every hospitalization. The investigation that followed was among the most rigorous pieces of health care journalism in years.

What they found was damning. Medicare Advantage plans received roughly $50 billion in payments between 2018 and 2021 for diagnoses that were questionable — conditions added to patients’ records not by their doctors, but by the insurers themselves. The Pulitzer Prize committee called it a series showing how health insurers gamed the Medicare Advantage program to collect billions for nonexistent ailments while shunting expensive cases onto the public.

The Journal’s editorial board was apparently not paying attention to its own reporters. Because in its editorial yesterday, the board cites a study funded by Elevance Health — one of the largest Medicare Advantage insurers in the country — to argue that private MA plans reduce Medicare spending. It calls opposition to Medicare Advantage “ideological, no matter the facts.”

“No matter the facts” certainly applies to the Journal’s editorial.

The central fact the editorial board cannot afford to acknowledge — because the entire argument would collapse if it did — is the ongoing Medicare Advantage overpayment scandal. MedPAC, the independent congressional agency that advises Congress on Medicare, projects that for 2026, Medicare Advantage payments will run $76 billion — or 14% — above what traditional Medicare would spend on the same beneficiaries, after accounting for health status, coding differences, and geographic factors. Note that the $76 billion in overpayments is just for this year. Looking back over the history of the Medicare Advantage program and the total likely would grow to nearly a trillion dollars if not more.

This is not a partisan number. MedPAC is a nonpartisan body. The methodology accounts for the very factors the industry argues should be included. And the conclusion is unambiguous: the federal government spends substantially more of our tax dollars per person under Medicare Advantage than it would under traditional Medicare. That $76 billion overpayment is not a rounding error. It is more than the entire annual budget of the Department of Education.

The Journal’s editorial board also ignores what that overpayment costs seniors who never chose a private plan. The Journal’s own reporting detailed how MA overpayments translated into roughly $13.4 billion in additional Part B premium costs in 2025 alone — costs borne by every Medicare beneficiary, including those in traditional Medicare who never signed up for a private Medicare replacement plan, which is what Medicare Advantage is. Every senior paying Part B premiums is, in effect, subsidizing the insurers the editorial board is championing.

The editorial argues that Medicare Advantage reduces the incentives for hospitals to upcode patients to a higher level of complexity. This would be a compelling point if the Journal’s own investigation had not spent years documenting how MA insurers themselves are the upcoding problem.

The Journal’s investigation found that coding intensity in Medicare Advantage runs 20% higher than in traditional fee-for-service Medicare. Of the 17 audits the Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General has conducted since 2019, there was no support for nearly 69% of diagnoses that Medicare Advantage plans used for risk adjustment, leading to more than $100 million in overpayments to MA plans from upcoding alone. That’s not a rounding error either.

In the early years of private Medicare plans, insurers went to great lengths to sign up only the healthiest seniors and to run off the seniors when they got sick. It was called “cherry picking” and “lemon dropping.” I saw it up close in the early ‘90s when I was at Humana, one of the first insurers to get into the private Medicare replacement business. It was so prevalent in the industry that in 2003 Congress passed legislation to authorize the government to pay insurers more for signing up less-healthy seniors. So for two decades now, insurers have been paid more for sicker patients, which means they have powerful financial incentives to make patients look sicker on paper — but not to pay for treatments they supposedly would need. The Journal’s reporters found that among Medicare Advantage beneficiaries who had an HIV diagnosis added to their record by their insurer, just 17% received any treatment for the disease. Among beneficiaries diagnosed with HIV by their own physician, 92% received treatment. Diagnoses without treatment are not better care. They are extra revenue.

The editorial’s most revealing sentence may be this one: “The opposition to Advantage is ideological, no matter the facts.” This is a tell. It reframes data as politics, and politics as bias — a classic spin move designed to preempt legitimate criticism by impugning the critic’s motives.

But the criticism of Medicare Advantage is most certainly not ideological, and it is not coming only from Democrats. Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa, a Republican, wrote to UnitedHealth Group’s CEO arguing that the “apparent fraud, waste, and abuse at issue is simply unacceptable and harms not only Medicare beneficiaries, but also the American taxpayer.” The Trump administration’s Department of Justice opened a criminal investigation into UnitedHealth Group’s Medicare Advantage billing practices (which the Journal reported as a scoop). The Senate Judiciary Committee, which Grassley chairs, published a 104-page report on MA overbilling.

Another senior Republican, Sen. Bill Cassidy, who chairs the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee, is the lead sponsor of a bill that would crack down on upcoding. It’s called The No UPCODE Act. These are not the actions of ideologues. They are the actions of Republican legislative leaders and committee investigators who read the Journal’s own reporting and followed up.

The editorial’s timing is no coincidence. Trump’s Medicare director, Chris Klomp, recently confirmed that the administration is actively considering a policy that would automatically enroll new Medicare beneficiaries into private Medicare Advantage plans — a proposal straight out of the Project 2025 blueprint. The editorial reads, at least in part, as advance justification for that policy.

Under current law, seniors who enroll in Medicare are automatically covered by traditional Medicare unless they affirmatively choose a private plan. Under a default enrollment scheme, the reverse would be true: seniors who fail to make an active choice would be placed into a private plan, with the option to switch back – but not for three years. Seniors would be locked in a plan that the government chose for them, that has a limited network of doctors and hospitals, that makes them pay the entire bill for services they might receive outside of that network, and that denies coverage for medically necessary care far more than traditional Medicare – for three years.

The consequences of getting automatic enrollment in MA wrong are severe and often irreversible. The vast majority of states do not require Medigap insurers to sell supplemental coverage to beneficiaries who want to switch back from Medicare Advantage to traditional Medicare outside of limited time windows. For many seniors, once they are in, they are in. The editorial board does not mention this.

And the program is hardly the stable backstop the board describes. A Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health analysis found that approximately 10% of Medicare Advantage enrollees — roughly 2.9 million seniors — are being forced to find new coverage in 2026 as insurers exit markets, a tenfold increase in the forced disenrollment rate compared to just two years ago. The board wants to make this the default destination for every new senior in America, just as the private market is demonstrating it cannot sustain its current commitments.

Let’s return to the study the editorial board cites as evidence that Medicare Advantage saves money. The board presents it as peer-reviewed fact. What it does not say is that the researchers are affiliated with Elevance Health — formerly Anthem — one of the largest Medicare Advantage insurers in the country. Industry-funded research is not automatically wrong, but it requires disclosure and scrutiny that the editorial board does not provide. I know from personal experience that industry-funded research is typically rigged to support conclusions the funder wants to convey – to policymakers, the business community, the media and the public – and that any data that do not support the funder’s business objectives never make it into the final report.

In the communications business, we used to call this kind of thing a “third-party validator” — research that carries the appearance of independence while advancing the funder’s interests. I helped produce the playbook. I know how this works.

The Wall Street Journal’s newsroom has done some of the most consequential health care journalism of the past decade. Its reporters negotiated extraordinary data access. They documented, with precision, how the insurance industry has extracted billions from Medicare through practices that the Pulitzer committee described as gaming the system. They named names and they showed their work. And you can be certain that every word they wrote was carefully fact-checked and vetted by the Journal’s legal team.

The editorial board is in the same building as the Journal’s newsroom. I know because I’ve been in those rooms. I know and have worked with many of the reporters who cover the health insurance business, going back to my days in the industry. I can assure you that the Journal’s reporters are among the best in the business and, unlike the editorial writers, most certainly are not motivated by ideology.

The newspaper’s editorial board owes readers the same fidelity to evidence that its reporters have demonstrated. Instead, it has produced a piece of advocacy that reads like it was drafted in a health insurance industry communications shop — cherry-picked studies, industry talking points, and a dismissal of critics as ideologues “no matter the facts.”

I have spent the years since leaving the insurance industry trying to help people understand how spin works – how it is produced, how it travels, and how it takes hold even in institutions that should know better. The Journal editorial board’s Medicare Advantage advocacy is a case study.

This should be studied in every journalism school in America: The paper that exposed Medicare Advantage’s overbilling scheme is now urging the government to make it the default plan for every senior in America. Someone needs to explain that to the reporters who spent three years proving why that is a terrible idea.

Private Medicare plans get a break

After saying it wanted to keep federal payments to private Medicare plans roughly flat next year, the Trump administration reversed course on Monday and gave the insurers a $13 billion pay bump.

Why it matters: 

The average 2.48% pay increase for 2027 was on the high end of analysts’ expectations and marked a win for UnitedHealthcare, Humana and other Medicare Advantage plans, whose stocks tumbled after the administration’s initial proposal in January.

  • The plans will instead see an average increase of nearly 5% when payments are adjusted to reflect how sick enrollees appear, Medicare officials said.
  • The administration was swamped by tens of thousands of comments after the initial proposal of less than a 0.1% increase for 2027.

Driving the news: 

The pay increase reflects higher health cost growth in traditional Medicare that became apparent after additional data from the end of 2025 was crunched.

  • The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services also dropped a proposal to update payments to plans based on the health status and demographics of enrollees, which insurers said would have disrupted their ability to care for seniors.
  • Medicare officials said that it makes sense to give insurers more time to absorb prior “risk adjustment” updates.

The administration is moving forward with a plan to prevent insurers from adding diagnoses after reviewing patients’ medical records — a move that addresses coding practices that have received scrutiny and is expected to save nearly $7 billion next year.

What they’re saying: 

Some Medicare providers said the pay boost still doesn’t reflect economic realities, at a time when the cost of drugs, supplies and more patient visits is stoking medical inflation.

  • “When payments fail to keep pace with care delivery costs, the consequences are predictable,” said Jerry Penso, president of medical group association AMGA, predicting possible cuts to supplemental benefits like vision and dental, higher costs to beneficiaries and, in some instances, plans exiting markets.
  • Medicare Advantage enrollment declined in seven states this year as plans pulled out of some markets.

Between the lines: 

The administration’s original flat-funding proposal reflected bipartisan concern over how much money Medicare Advantage costs the health care system.

  • Policymakers’ concerns that health plans aren’t sufficiently lowering costs “will remain a headwind” for Medicare insurers, Duane Wright, senior health policy analyst at Bloomberg, said in an email.
  • Director of Medicare Chris Klomp said the finalized update aims to strike a balance between protecting seniors and protecting taxpayers.
  • “I’m sure that there will be folks on both sides of the equation who may have concerns about where we’ve landed,” he said.
  • “We’re certainly not abdicating responsibility [to taxpayers], nor are we saying that we are done.”

Zoom out: 

Medicare administrators late last week finalized a separate plan to overhaul Medicare Advantage’s quality reporting and ratings system, which they expect will increase payments to plans by $18.6 billion over the next decade.

  • “As health plans incorporate the policies released in recent days, they will continue to focus on keeping coverage and care as affordable as possible during this time of sharply rising medical costs,” Chris Bond, spokesperson for insurance lobbying group AHIP, said in a statement.

What we’re watching: 

Whether insurers run ads accusing the administration of cutting Medicare in the run-up to the midterm elections, as they did with the Biden administration in 2023.

Inside Big Insurance’s $1.7 Trillion Year | EP 2

In second episode of the HEALTH CARE un-covered Show, we walk you through the most recent earnings reports of seven of the largest for-profit health insurance corporations in the country.

Every three months, the nation’s largest health insurers release earnings statements filled with crammed financial tables, investor language and Wall Street jargon. Most people never see them. Even fewer try to understand what they really reveal about how the U.S. health care system works.

In second episode of the HEALTH CARE un-covered Show, we do something no one else does: walk you through the most recent earnings reports of seven of the largest for-profit health insurance corporations in the country — UnitedHealth Group, CVS Health (Aetna), Cigna, Elevance, Humana, Centene and Molina. As you’ll see, the results paint a striking picture of how powerful and profitable Big Insurance has become.

Together, those companies collected nearly $1.7 trillion in revenue in 2025, about $175 billion more than the year before and generated more than $54 billion in profits. Yet despite the record financial performance, the companies covered roughly 10 million fewer people than they did in 2024 – and ever-increasing chunks of their revenues are now coming from Americans’ tax dollars.

We show evidence of a trend reshaping the health care economy: self-dealing through insurers’ vertical integration and their huge government contracts, which accounts for much of the industry’s growth. For example, UnitedHealthcare now gets more than 77% of its revenue from government programs such as Medicare Advantage and Medicaid. As a reminder, Medicare Advantage is not traditional Medicare but a very profitable privatized version of the program that’s funded by taxpayers and that last year overpaid insurers by $84 billion.

We also examine stock buybacks. Between 2015 and 2025,these seven companies spent more than $137 billion buying back their own shares, a move that boosts earnings per share and enriches shareholders and top executives. That’s $137 billion that could have been used to reduce premiums and out-of-pocket expenses but went into the pockets of investors instead.

To put the numbers in perspective, we compare these insurers with some of America’s most recognizable corporations — from Chevron and PepsiCo to Bank of America and Salesforce. Most of the big seven generate more revenue than these household names. And many of the insurance conglomerates are growing faster than companies like Target, Uber, Disney and Starbucks.

We take viewers inside Wendell’s office to make sense of Big Insurance’s dense 2025 earnings reports.

You won’t find an analysis quite like this anywhere else.

You can also tune in here:

This episode has been re-uploaded with corrected numbers. For instance, Disney was listed as having revenues of $274.9B in 2025. The correct number is $94.4B. The percent change used in the original video (+80%) was correct.

Medicare Advantage Insurers Face Pennies in Penalties as Seniors Face Delays and Denials

Even as CMS documents improper denials, ghost networks and unlawful out-of-pocket charges, enforcement remains weak with just $3 million in fines levied in early 2025 against billion-dollar insurers.

Enrolling in Traditional Medicare means paying more upfront to protect against catastrophic costs because Traditional Medicare lacks an out-of-pocket cap, but in return, you get the care your treating physicians recommend you need. In stark contrast, enrolling in Medicare Advantage typically means allowing a for-profit insurer to second-guess your treating physician and inappropriately delay or deny the care you need, forcing you to gamble with your health and, sometimes, your life. What’s worse is that our federal government is rarely willing or able to punish Medicare Advantage insurers for their bad acts. Consequently, Medicare Advantage insurers too often can get away with restricting access to specialists and specialty hospitals and not covering the treatments their enrollees are entitled to.

Penalties on Medicare Advantage insurers that deprive their enrollees of the care they need are few and far between. In the first four months of 2025, the Trump administration imposed more penalties on the insurers in Medicare Advantage than they faced during the entire four years of the Biden administration. Still, it only imposed about $3 million in penalties, reports Rebecca Pifer Parduhn for HealthcareDive. That is tiny relative to the billions in profits of the big insurers.

Most of the penalties the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) has imposed in the last few years for Medicare Advantage insurer violations are under $50,000. Penalties imposed were for serious offenses, including improper insurer delays and denials of care and insurers requiring people to spend more out of their own pockets than allowed under the law. Centene was hit with the largest penalty of $2 million for charging its enrollees above the out-of-pocket maximum permitted to be charged, in violation of 42 C.F.R. Part 422, Subpart C.

Molina received the second largest penalty of just over $285,000 for its failure to comply with prescription drug coverage requirements. CMS said that Molina’s failure was “systemic and adversely affected, or had the substantial likelihood of adversely affecting, enrollees because the enrollees experienced delayed access to medications, paid out-of-pocket costs for medications, or never received medications.” It’s hard to believe that Molina didn’t substantially benefit financially from its violations even after paying the $285,000 fine.

Susan Jaffe reports for KFF News that over a seven-year stretch between 2016 and 2022, CMS, under both Trump and Biden, did almost nothing to ensure network adequacy for Medicare Advantage enrollees. Moreover, it did very little to penalize the Medicare Advantage insurers CMS identified as operating Medicare Advantage plans with inadequate networks.

After KFF made a Freedom of Information Act request regarding enforcement actions against Medicare Advantage insurers with inadequate networks, CMS turned over just five letters to insurers regarding seven MA plans with inadequate provider networks. Given the widespread reporting of network inadequacy in Medicare Advantage, it’s inconceivable that only seven MA plans had inadequate networks. When questioned as to why CMS took action in so few instances, the agency explained that it is not overseeing all of the more than 3,000 Medicare Advantage plans but conducting “targeted” reviews of Medicare Advantage plan provider networks.

What’s clear is that CMS does not begin to have the resources to oversee more than 3,000 Medicare Advantage plans to ensure they are in compliance with their contractual obligations and delivering the care they are required to. As a result, Medicare Advantage enrollees are left unprotected. Too often, Medicare Advantage plans have “ghost networks,” networks that look good in the provider directory but turn out to include physicians who are out of network. These MA plans might not have enough primary care physicians, mental health providers, specialists, hospitals, nursing homes, rehab facilities or mental health professionals in their networks.

Technically, CMS can prevent insurers with inadequate networks from marketing their Medicare Advantage plans, freeze enrollment, fine them or even terminate the Medicare Advantage plans. But it never has. In its June 2024 report, the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC) wrote: “CMS has the authority to impose sanctions for noncompliance with network adequacy standards but has never done so.” CMS often doesn’t even let Medicare Advantage enrollees know about the inadequacy of the provider network or allow enrollees the ability to disenroll.

For CMS to oversee Medicare Advantage plans effectively and impose sanctions where appropriate it would need far more resources than it currently has. Moreover, penalties would likely need to be non-discretionary or they would be subject to political interference. In addition, to simplify the process and reduce costs, insurers likely would need to be required to offer the same network for all their Medicare Advantage plans in a given community.

Senate Judiciary: UnitedHealth Turned Medicare Advantage Risk Adjustment Into a Profit Engine

A new report from the Republican-led Senate Judiciary Committee describes how UnitedHealth Group has turned a safeguard for sick patients in the Medicare Advantage program into a profit-making strategy.

The report, How UnitedHealth Group Puts the Risk in Medicare Advantage Risk Adjustment, details how Medicare Advantage (MA) payments (seemingly designed to compensate health insurers more for enrolling patients with greater health needs) have increasingly rewarded insurers with the resources, data and scale to capture and maximize diagnosis codes. According to the committee, UnitedHealth Group has leveraged its size, vertical integration and advanced data and AI capabilities to consistently stay ahead of efforts by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to curb excess payments tied to coding intensity.

Read the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee’s How UnitedHealth Group Puts the Risk in Medicare Advantage Risk Adjustment here.

After reviewing more than 50,000 pages of internal UnitedHealth documents, Judiciary Committee investigators found that the company built a vast diagnosis-capture infrastructure that includes in-home health risk assessments, secondary chart reviews, “pay-for-coding” arrangements with providers, and tightly controlled clinical workflows within UnitedHealth-aligned medical practices. These efforts, the report states, go well beyond neutral documentation and instead amount to an aggressive strategy to maximize risk scores and, by extension, federal payments.

The committee, chaired by Sen. Chuck Grassley, (R-Iowa), warns that even when CMS attempts to rein in abuse (such as excluding more than 2,000 diagnosis codes from the risk-adjustment model) UnitedHealth appears uniquely positioned to identify new, untapped diagnoses among the thousands that remain. Because UnitedHealth also sells its diagnostic criteria, coding tools and workforce to rival insurers, its strategies can quickly spread across the entire Medicare Advantage market.

The report concludes with this:

While Senator Grassley’s staff will continue to evaluate the information produced by UHG, this initial review has revealed how UHG has been able to profit from the way that CMS risk adjusts payments to MAOs. The investigation has also shown that risk adjustment in MA has become a business in itself—by no means should this be the case. MAOs should receive payments that are commensurate to the complexity and acuity of the Medicare beneficiaries that they insure, not their knowledge of coding rules and their ability to find new ways to expand inclusion criteria for diagnoses. Taxpayers and patients deserve accurate and clear-cut risk adjustment policies and processes.

But what makes these findings especially notable is who commissioned the investigation in the first place. Grassley was one of the original architects and longtime champions of Medicare Advantage when it was enacted back in 2003. In recent years, he now warns that the program’s “promise of efficiency and choice” has been undermined by vertical consolidation, blinded oversight and systemic risk-code gaming.

In past inquiries — spurred by reporting from outlets like The Wall Street Journal and findings from the Health & Human Services’ Office of Inspector General — he has demanded answers from UnitedHealth over the use of in-home assessments and chart reviews that allegedly drove billions of dollars in additional payments to the company.

Continuing the bipartisan scrutiny of MA insurers, CMS recently released its proposed payment rates for MA plans in 2027. Notably, CMS is proposing to exclude diagnosis codes added to a patient’s chart during chart reviews by AI or insurers from their risk score; something many reform advocates and I have long supported. These changes and this investigation are important steps in reining in the abuses by MA insurers and reason for hope we are on the right track.

Americans Move Toward Medicare for All Amid Current Health Care Debate

As lawmakers debate ACA subsidy extensions and HSAs tied to banks and insurers, the public’s appetite for a health care overhaul is stronger than at any time since the 2020 Democratic primaries.

Washington is running out of hours to address the health care crisis of their own making. There are just 23 days before the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) enhanced subsidies expire and congressional leaders are still trading barbs and floating half-baked ideas as millions of Americans brace for punishing premium spikes.

Meanwhile, the public has grown frustrated with both congressional dysfunction, and private health insurance companies that continue to raise premiums and out-of-pocket costs at a dizzying pace. According to new KFF data, 6 in 10 ACA enrollees already struggle to afford deductibles and co-pays, and most say they couldn’t absorb even a $300 annual increase without financial pain.

And even as Congress flails, Americans are coalescing around a solution party leaders rarely mention: Medicare for All.

A dramatic rebound in popularity

After Senator Bernie Sanders bowed out of the presidential race in April 2020, Medicare for All faded to the background following political infighting, industry fearmongering and the lack of a national champion. But nearly six years later, the proposed policy solution has re-emerged as a top choice among frustrated voters.

A new Data for Progress poll found that 65% of likely voters (including 71% of independents and nearly half of Republicans) support creating a national health insurance program that would replace most private plans. What’s notable is that the poll shows that support barely budges – holding at 63% – even when voters are told Medicare for All would eliminate private insurance and replace premiums with taxes, a dramatic shift from years past when just 13% supported such a plan under those conditions.

These new polls show that Americans are not simply dissatisfied with the looming subsidy crisis. But instead, as I wrote last month, they’re losing faith in the current system that allows Big Insurance to collect record profits at the expense of Americans’ health and bank accounts.

The KFF poll shows that ACA enrollees lack confidence that President Trump or congressional Republicans will handle the crisis, with almost half of ACA enrollees saying a $1,000 cost spike would “majorly impact” their vote in 2026. More than half of ACA enrollees are in Republican congressional districts, which explains why Republicans representing swing districts are desperately trying to persuade their Republican colleagues — so far without success — to extend the subsidies.

Of course, Medicare for All still faces steep odds in Congress. Industry opposition remains powerful, Democrats are divided and Republicans are openly hostile. But the polling shift is significant and suggests the political terrain is changing faster than Washington is acknowledging — and that voters, squeezed by soaring premiums and dwindling subsidies, are being nudged toward policies previously attacked as too ambitious to pass.

And against this backdrop, Medicare for All’s revival feels less like a left-wing wet dream and more like a window into the public’s thinning patience. Americans are looking past the Affordable Care Act’s limits and past Big Insurance’s promises – and towards a solution that decouples Americans health from profit-hungry, Wall Street-driven corporate monsters. While Washington has met this moment with inaction, Americans seem ready to act.

Medicare’s $11B payment change roils hospitals

The Trump administration is shaking up how health systems are paid for outpatient care with a plan that could reduce Medicare hospital spending by nearly $11 billion over the next decade.

Why it matters: 

It’s a big step forward for “site-neutral” payment policies that have been touted as a way to save taxpayers and patients money, but that hospitals say will lead to service cuts, especially in rural areas.

Driving the news: 

Medicare administrators on Friday finalized a proposal to reduce what the government pays hospitals to administer outpatient drugs, including chemotherapy, at off-campus sites.

  • The move would equalize payment rates to hospitals and physician practices for the same services — an idea that Congress debated last year but didn’t act on in the face of aggressive hospital lobbying.
  • Medicare now pays about $341 for chemotherapy administration in hospital outpatient facilities, compared with $119 for the same service delivered in a doctor’s office.
  • Medicare next year will also start to phase out a list of more than 1,700 procedures and services only covered when they’re delivered in an inpatient setting.

What they’re saying: 

The policy changes will give seniors more choices on where to get a procedure and potentially lower out-of-pocket costs at an outpatient site, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services said.

  • Some health policy experts said the change will help make Medicare more affordable.
  • “We hope the administration will continue its efforts and adopt site neutrality for other services in future rules,” Mark Miller, executive vice president of health care at Arnold Ventures, said in a statement.

The other side: 

“Both policies ignore the important differences between hospital outpatient departments and other sites of care,” Ashley Thompson, a senior vice president at the American Hospital Association, said in a statement.

  • The reality is that hospital outpatient departments serve Medicare patients who are sicker, more clinically complex, and more often disabled or residing in rural or low-income areas than the patients seen in independent physician offices.”
  • Hospitals indicated before the rule was finalized that they’d challenge the policy in court if CMS moved forward.

Hospital outpatient departments still will see an $8 billion overall increase in their Medicare payments in 2026.

  • But the Trump administration contends that new technologies and other factors are shortening recovery times for procedures done on an outpatient basis.

Between the lines: 

Health systems still scored a small win when CMS dropped a plan to speed up the repayment of $7.8 billion in improper cuts the first Trump administration made to safety-net providers’ reimbursements in the federal discount drug program.

  • The policy would have clawed back the money from hospitals’ Medicare reimbursements. Scrapping the idea “helps preserve critical resources for patient care during an already challenging time,” Soumi Saha, senior vice president of government affairs at Premier, said in a statement.
  • Still, CMS said it may try again in 2027. And law firm Hooper Lundy Bookman is already sending out feelers to hospitals willing to challenge the version of the repayment plan that will go into effect next year, per an alert sent Friday night.

What we’re watching: 

Whether health systems challenge the site-neutral payment changes. The hospital payment plan came weeks later than expected and will make it harder for facilities to update billing, revise their budgets and train staff, Saha said.

  • The administration is also launching a survey of hospitals’ outpatient drug acquisition costs next year, which is seen as a prelude for cutting reimbursements under the discount drug program.

The Medicare Advantage Meltdown in America’s Retirement Capital

A Florida retirement haven is thrown into chaos as a $360 million Medicare overbilling scandal and a Humana–UnitedHealth standoff leave seniors scrambling to keep their doctors.

Behind the gates of The Villages (the pastel Shangri-La of Florida retirement lore) is a place where American seniors zoom around on golf carts like 1977 Thunderbirds and keep wrist stabilizers on the ready for impromptu pickleball matches. It’s a community built on the promise that retirement is a time for sunshine, camaraderie and — most importantly — a health system that doesn’t leave you out in the cold.

HEALTH CARE un-covered has published stories about The Villages in the past – and how the retirement community is rife with Medicare Advantage shenanigans. And today, many Villagers have been blindsided by these shenanigans like they’re part of a Big Insurance hostage crisis straight out of an episode of Days of Our Lives or General Hospital.

A TVH / UnitedHealth dispute leaving seniors “duped”

Earlier this year, The Villages Health (TVH) — the health system serving more than 55,000 retirees — promised a smooth handoff as it prepared to sell itself to CenterWell, Humana’s senior-focused primary-care chain. TVH’s CEO assured residents that “no change in care” was coming, according to News 6.

But then came the bankruptcy filing. And then the revelation that TVH owed more than $360 million to the federal government for “Medicare overbilling.” And then the sale. And, according to Village-News, then a bankruptcy judge confirming that, yes, TVH was indeed being swallowed by CenterWell for $68 million.

In other words: the health care version of a soap-opera plot twist. Only with fewer glamorous outfits and more Chapter 11 filings.

On November 7, the very day the sale of TVH closed, patients received a message warning them that their UnitedHealthcare Medicare Advantage plan — the plan they were nudged toward back in 2016 when TVH tried to push all patients into UnitedHealth’s grasp — might not be accepted after Dec. 31, 2025. If negotiations fail, residents must switch doctors or switch insurers.

Message from The Villages Health to their “Valued Patient(s)”.

“Not to be notified until basically the last minute that there isn’t a contract between CenterWell and United at this time is very alarming,” Villager Phyllis McElveen told Spectrum News. “We had already gone out and selected our UnitedHealthcare plan for 2026. We had already done everything. And now to know we might have to make a change is just not a pleasant feeling.”

At The Villages, you can imagine that picking the right Medicare plan is akin to competitive sport — one step removed from a pickleball tournament. The residents do their homework and many reportedly attend “Medicare prep presentations.” So for Villagers, being blindsided is a big deal.

Longtime patient Nancy Devlin told News 6 that she dug through Humana’s and Aetna’s plans to find a plan that might allow her to stay with the physicians she’s seen for six years. But for Devlin, her digging was to no avail. None of the plans matched what she currently had with UnitedHealthcare. Not the same covered medications. Not the same premiums. Not the same out-of-pocket costs. Not the same networks.

“They duped us,” she said. “It’s more expensive and doesn’t have my medications, or I have to pay for them, and I don’t pay for my medications now.”

For retirees on limited incomes, doubling drug costs is a gut punch that can mean one less trip to visit their grandkids or postponing that cruise to the Bahamas. Or for some, putting enough food on the table.

A deal gone sour

To understand how this crisis happened, go back to 2016, when TVH urged residents to switch into UnitedHealthcare Medicare Advantage or lose access to their doctors. Fast-forward to today. TVH is bankrupt, Humana now owns the centers, and UnitedHealth, the world’s largest health conglomerate (and the once-preferred partner for Villagers) is persona non grata unless a deal is reached.

The timing could not be worse. Open enrollment ends December 7, which means that tens of thousands of retirees have just around two weeks to decide whether to switch insurers or switch doctors.

What’s happening here is not simply a contract negotiation gone awry, but a symptom of something deeper. TVH didn’t just owe “some money” to Medicare. It owed about $360 million because of what Humana and The Villages described as a gigantic “Medicare coding error.”

UnitedHealthcare, in turn, accused The Villages’ controlling Morse family of quietly pulling out $183 million between 2022 and 2024 – funds UnitedHealth argued were siphoned off just before the bankruptcy filing.

If that allegation sounds familiar, it’s because we’ve seen versions of this story across the health care industry: private companies treating Medicare Advantage plans like piñatas stuffed with taxpayer dollars. Sometimes, the bat misses the piñata and smacks a whole village of seniors.

Here’s what happens next

The Villages, for all its mid-century charm and retirement-resort quirks, is a microcosm of a national problem that Medicare Advantage is, too often, run for Big Insurance’s advantage with seniors just an afterthought. Corporate acquisitions, bankruptcies, risk-coding schemes, contract disputes and Wall Street demands that lead to fewer and fewer in-network doctors and hospitals and covered drugs. Meanwhile, billions in taxpayer dollars flow through this system with relatively no accountability. Medicare Advantage is corporate welfare on steroids, with the “invisible hand” of the market misleading and then slapping the hell out of vulnerable American seniors to enrich the big guys in control with cushy government handouts.

For Villagers, it’s either/or:

  • Either CenterWell and UHC strike a deal: The crisis cools, residents keep their current doctors in 2026.
  • Or no deal is reached: Tens of thousands will either change doctors, change plans or risk being turned away at medical appointments starting Jan. 1, 2026.

And remember: If the retirees of The Villages — a community that votes, organizes and documents everything — can be blindsided like this – anyone can – whether it’s CVS / Aetna pulling out of the Affordable Care Act marketplace or Cigna pushing ambulatory surgical centers out of it’s network and “exiting” all of its Medicare Advantage markets. Regardless, until this is figured out, these retirees should take it easy on the pickleball court and drive carefully on those golf carts.