
Cartoon – The High Altitude View





https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/lists/224-hospital-benchmarks-2018.html

Hospitals across the nation compete in a number of ways, including on quality of care and price, and many use benchmarking to determine the top priorities for improvement. The continuous benchmarking process allows hospital executives to see how their organizations stack up against regional competitors as well as national leaders.
For the seventh year, Becker’s Hospital Review has collected benchmarks related to some of the most important day-to-day areas hospital executives oversee: quality, patient satisfaction, staffing, utilization, finance, affiliations, compensation and health IT.

The pediatric unit at Mercy Children’s Hospital in St. Louis will give nurses summers off work in an effort to retain staff, KMOV reports.
The nurses who choose the seasonal staffing option would still work full-time — three shifts per week for the pediatric unit’s nine-month busy season (September through May). The nurses can take off from June through August, while keeping full-time benefits, and return to their jobs in September.
“It’s exciting to see what the nurses, coming back to the unit after having three months off and doing whatever they want to do, the excitement they are going to have, the rejuvenation for their practice, maybe having a new spark, interest [or] excitement for nursing,” Justin Travis, the nurse manager for pediatrics at Mercy Children’s, told KMOV.
Seasonal staff will receive a stipend every two weeks to cover insurance costs. They also can use accrued paid time off to pay themselves during the summer and work extra hospital shifts as needed, Mr. Travis said.
The hospital is recruiting pediatric nurses for the positions. The contract year would begin in September, meaning the nurses’ first summer off would be next year.
Hospital officials said they may expand seasonal staffing options to other departments if it works in pediatrics

California has the highest annual wage for nurse practitioners in the U.S., with Golden State NPs earning $126,770 a year on average, according to the most recent data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Here is the average hourly and annual wage for NPs in each state, listed in alphabetical order.
Alabama
Hourly: $45.62
Annual Wage: $94,880
Alaska
Hourly: $60.16
Annual Wage: $125,140
Arizona
Hourly: $50.47
Annual Wage: $104,970
Arkansas
Hourly: $45.79
Annual Wage: $95,230
California
Hourly: $60.95
Annual Wage: $126,770
Colorado
Hourly: $53.10
Annual Wage: $110,440
Connecticut
Hourly: $56.97
Annual Wage: $118,500
Delaware
Hourly: $50.66
Annual Wage: $105,380
District of Columbia
Hourly: $52.81
Annual Wage: $109,840
Florida
Hourly: $48.04
Annual Wage: $99,930
Georgia
Hourly: $49.95
Annual Wage: $103,890
Hawaii
Hourly: $58.93
Annual Wage: $122,580
Idaho
Hourly: $49.40
Annual Wage: $102,760
Illinois
Hourly: $49.02
Annual Wage: $101,960
Indiana
Hourly: $48.93
Annual Wage: $101,780
Iowa
Hourly: $50.06
Annual Wage: $104,130
Kansas
Hourly: $47.05
Annual Wage: $97,870
Kentucky
Hourly: $45.89
Annual Wage: $95,450
Louisiana
Hourly: $47.49
Annual Wage: $98,780
Maine
Hourly: $48.13
Annual Wage: $100,100
Maryland
Hourly: $52.81
Annual Wage: $109,840
Massachusetts
Hourly: $57.76
Annual Wage: $120,140
Michigan
Hourly: $49.16
Annual Wage: $102,250
Minnesota
Hourly: $55.84
Annual Wage: $116,150
Mississippi
Hourly: $51.58
Annual Wage: $107,280
Missouri
Hourly: $46.39
Annual Wage: $96,490
Montana
Hourly: $46.86
Annual Wage: $97,470
Nebraska
Hourly: $48.04
Annual Wage: $99,930
Nevada
Hourly: $50.73
Annual Wage: $105,520
New Hampshire
Hourly: $54.06
Annual Wage: $112,440
New Jersey
Hourly: $56.55
Annual Wage: $117,630
New Mexico
Hourly: $52.56
Annual Wage: $109,330
New York
Hourly: $56.35
Annual Wage: $117,210
North Carolina
Hourly: $51.11
Annual Wage: $106,320
North Dakota
Hourly: $49.75
Annual Wage: $103,470
Ohio
Hourly: $48.90
Annual Wage: $101,710
Oklahoma
Hourly: $45.96
Annual Wage: $95,590
Oregon
Hourly: $54.27
Annual Wage: $112,870
Pennsylvania
Hourly: $47.24
Annual Wage: $98,260
Rhode Island
Hourly: $52.23
Annual Wage: $108,630
South Carolina
Hourly: $46.70
Annual Wage: $97,140
South Dakota
Hourly: $48.09
Annual Wage: $100,030
Tennessee
Hourly: $45.18
Annual Wage: $93,970
Texas
Hourly: $53.53
Annual Wage: $111,330
Utah
Hourly: $48.06
Annual Wage: $99,960
Vermont
Hourly: $49.96
Annual Wage: $103,920
Virginia
Hourly: $49.15
Annual Wage: $102,240
West Virginia
Hourly: $45.67
Annual Wage: $95,000
Washington
Hourly: $55.41
Annual Wage: $115,250
Wisconsin
Hourly: $49
Annual Wage: $101,930
Wyoming
Hourly: $54.48
Annual Wage: $113,310

Value-based payment (VBP) models are an effort to rein in the growth of health care costs and improve quality. However, it’s unclear what overall impact VBP models are having on health care costs. Even though health care is provided at the local level, most evaluations examine health care spending at the national level. To address this disconnect, we conducted quantitative and qualitative market-level assessments. Our goals were to examine the impact of population-based, value-based care within a market; identify what measurable factors were associated with differing costs; and understand how business leaders are thinking about value-based care and cost reduction.
Leavitt Partners, the Healthcare Financial Management Association (HFMA), and McManis Consulting, with participation from Mark McClellan at Duke University, conducted three mixed-methods studies:
Key findings from the studies include:
VBP dates back to 2005 with the Physician Group Practice Demonstration. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) significantly accelerated the proliferation of VBP models with the creation of the Medicare Shared Savings Program(MSSP) and the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation, which was tasked with developing and testing innovative new models. Commercial VBP arrangements have also taken hold in the years since the ACA’s passage.
Given the growth of VBP, we wanted to examine whether, in the first few years following the ACA, these models were influencing the total cost of care. We used Medicare data from 2012 to 2015 and commercial data from 2012 to 2014 to assess the early impact of these models. We restricted our study to population-based VBPs, which included models with upside risk only (shared savings), both upside and downside risk, and global budgets, but excluded episode-based (bundled) payments.
We did not find a statistical relationship between the level of penetration of population-based VBPs in a market and a decline in health care costs for Medicare or commercial payers. Nor did we find an improvement in quality. When we limited our analysis to just those markets with higher levels of population-based VBP penetration (at least 30 percent), our results suggested a very modest, not statistically significant, market-level decrease in cost growth. Despite this null finding, our results provide an important baseline for future research.
There are several potential explanations for the null findings. For one, our study period (2012–15) may simply have been too early to see signs of population-based VBP lowering health care costs. Although today 561 MSSP accountable care organizations (ACOs) (the largest of Medicare’s ACO programs) cover 10.5 million beneficiaries, at the beginning of our study period in 2012 and 2013, only 220 MSSP ACOs covered 3.2 million beneficiaries. Many interviewees told us not enough lives were covered under VBP. Indeed, in some markets, less than 1 percent of lives were part of a VBP arrangement.
Second, although participation in population-based VBP models is growing, few models involve the provider taking on downside risk. As of 2018, the majority (82 percent) of MSSP ACOs were in the non-risk-bearing Track 1, which means they share in savings if they spend less money than their assigned benchmark, but they will not incur financial losses if they spend more than the benchmark. Our site visits found that although different markets had varying levels of population-based VBP activity, no market had significant numbers of providers participating in downside risk. Several interviewees stressed the need to take incremental steps to more risk.
Fee-for-service payment remains quite profitable for many providers and health systems. Even for those that have begun to take on risk-based contracts, fee-for-service payment represents the majority of total revenue. As long as the status quo remains lucrative, it’s difficult to make the business case for why a provider should undertake the effort to switch to a value-based focus that may lead to a reduction in use and total revenue.
Still, several interviewees said they believed the move toward paying for value would continue, even if there’s some uncertainty over whether Medicare or private payers will lead the movement. It’s possible that when VBP models outweigh fee-for-service payments in a market, we’ll reach a “tipping point” and health care cost growth will decline. Many interviewees expressed enthusiasm for other VBP models, such as those based on episodes of care (bundled payments) and those designed for specific populations (for example, the frail elderly). These models may make more sense for specialty providers who perform a certain type of procedure or care for a certain type of patient.
If these initial population-based VBPs results don’t show a relationship to health care cost growth, then which market-level factors do correlate? For our second quantitative analysis, we used a variety of public and private data sources to examine the relationship among several market-level factors beyond value-based payment and Medicare costs and cost growth between 2007 and 2015. All the factors together explained 82 percent of variation in baseline Medicare costs (Exhibit 1).
The prevalence of chronic diseases was the most influential predictor of market costs, accounting for 41.5 percent of the variance. Hospital quality metrics, market socioeconomic status, and the concentration of hospitals and insurers also helped explain market-level costs.
Using these same factors to predict Medicare cost growth was less fruitful, explaining only 27 percent of the variation in Medicare cost growth—substantially less than the 82 percent of baseline costs. As Exhibit 2 shows, a much weaker association exists between chronic disease prevalence and Medicare cost growth. Significant additional research should be done to identify factors that predict cost growth.
These findings matter for several reasons. First, they reinforce efforts currently underway to contain costs, including strategies to prevent and better manage chronic conditions, reduce hospital readmissions, and reduce the number of individuals without insurance. Second, although we know less about what drives health care cost growth in a market, meaningfully reducing spending in a market relies on developing strategies that target cost growth, instead of baseline costs. More research that focuses on what’s driving cost growth is needed.
The interviews we conducted add insights into these market-level findings. We identified two distinguishing characteristics of higher- and lower-cost markets: type of competition in the market and degree of transparency in the market. We recognize that while there are some common lessons, health care markets differ significantly and their approaches to care, costs, and VBP models will vary.
We know competition can help drive down costs and increase quality in health care markets. However, how much competition, and what type, seems to make a difference. For example, we found that the lower-cost markets in our nine site visits had at least one integrated delivery system. Consolidation in these markets had resulted in two to four health systems with geographic coverage across the market. In these markets, physicians were generally employed by the health system or worked in close alignment with it. Health plan competition matters as well, particularly with respect to innovation in new payment and care delivery models. Portland, Oregon, and Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minnesota, two of the lowest-cost markets, both had competitive health plan landscapes.
Conversely, the markets we visited with less integration and seemingly more provider competition actually had higher costs. These included Los Angeles, California (which had higher Medicare costs only), Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. One reason for this may be that there is less focus on addressing unnecessary use in these markets.
Transparency is often cited as a strategy that will help contain costs. Similar to competition, the type of transparency effort matters. We found that some lower-cost markets seemed to benefit from organized transparency mechanisms, including state-sponsored or endorsed reporting agencies and employer coalitions that made information on provider quality and costs publicly available. For example, in 2005, the Minnesota Medical Association and health plans in the state together formed MN Community Measure, a nonprofit organization tasked with the collection and dissemination of data on the quality and cost of providers across the state. Today, providers are required to submit data to the organization. Our interviewees expressed optimism but acknowledged more work is needed to optimize consumer-oriented transparency tools, which research has so far shown to have had only minimal use.
Our research led us to three primary policy recommendations to help improve health care quality and lower costs (for additional ones, see the fullstudies).
Although differences exist among each health care market, all markets can act to improve quality and reduce costs. Our studies suggest several actions different stakeholders in each market can take to improve care for their populations.

Hospitals continue to face financial challenges as the landscape shifts, and the challenge posed to hospitals by patient balances after insurance, or PBAI, is growing. That’s according to a new TransUnion Healthcare analysis that showed PBAI rose from 8 percent of the total bill responsibility during the first quarter of 2012 to 12.2 percent during the same quarter in 2017.
Commercially insured patients experienced a PBAI increase of 67 percent from $467 to $781, the analysis showed. The rising trend fueled an 88 percent increase in total hospital revenue attributed to PBAI over the 5-year period.
As patients take on more risk and shoulder more of their own healthcare costs, uncompensated care is also rising. TransUnion cited the American Hospital Association’s 2017 Hospital Fact Sheet, which said uncompensated care increased by $2.6 billion dollars in 2016, the first increase in three years. Rising PBAI has no doubt amplified bad debt for providers, contributing to that rise.
Jonathan Wiik, principal for healthcare strategy at TransUnion, said he expects the figure to have risen in 2017 and again in 2018.
The analysis also indicated that Medicare Bad Debt, which happens when Medicare patients don’t pay their deductibles and coinsurance, rose from $3.14 billion in 2012 to $3.69 billion in 2016, a 17 percent increase. If a hospital feels it has exhausted all efforts to get money from a Medicare beneficiary who has an outstanding copay coinsurance or deductible, and they have documented their efforts to collect, Medicare will actually pay the hospital back though not dollar-for-dollar. Wiik said Medicare pays about 65 cents on the dollar for that payback so the hospital still loses some money, about a third of the bill to be exact.
“A great example of that is a hip surgery patient that has Medicare, has a $1,000 deductible and never paid it,” Wilk said. “The hospital would have gotten $650 back but lost $350.”
The trend indicates that hospitals continue to experience reimbursement pressure that can be tied directly to the increase in how much of their own medical cost patients are now taking on
“That’s a very scary thing. For the average elective surgery the number used to be 10 percent, now it’s 30. Patients are great volume for hospitals but they are horrible payers compared to insurance companies. They cost twice as much to collect from and they take three times as long to pay. That’s an administrative burden for the hospital-cost to collect – it’s significantly higher to collect from a patient than from a insurer,” Wilk said.
To show just how much the payer landscape has shifted for hospitals, patients are now generally ranked as a top tier payer for hospitals, right after Medicare and Medicaid. Then comes PBAI and then commercial, according to Wiik. And with patients in the top of a hospital’s AR ranking, he’s seeing some clinics do deductible holds in which they delay their claim while a related hospital claim processes. They don’t send it in until the patient meets the deductible through the hospital. Once it is met then the clinic will send in their claim and get paid right away because the payer is paying, not the patient.
A big part of the problem is a huge gap in benefits literacy for patients coupled with the driving force of consumerism.
“They don’t understand the magnitude of the costs they they are going to get hit with. A relatively simple elective surgery will blow a $2,500 dollar deductible out of the water almost every time. Patients don’t realize that until it happens so hospitals should be engaging them early and putting patient-facing estimates in front of them. And it’s really not about collecting money from patients anymore it’s about getting them financing,” Wiik said.
That means proactively setting up payment plans to spread debt out over time, which protects not only the patient experience but also the hospital’s revenue. Plus it’s a more pleasant conversation to have. If patients are a higher ranking payer, hospitals should be putting into place more policies to deal with their needs and requirements, treating them like the force they are becoming.
“Imagine if you were going in for knee surgery and your hospital sent you a text that said here’s your payment plan would you like to start that now. I think a lot of patients would appreciate that. It doesn’t happen. But it should. The technology is there. You can buy groceries online now and go pick them up. It’s all billed electronically now.”
It can be hard to do estimates and set up payment plans early because medical costs cost can vary so much, but patients want that kind of experience. They put it on the hospitals to figure out how to get them a bill that is at least close to what they were expecting, and set them up to pay for it.
“They are going to go somewhere where that experience is frictionless. That’s what hospitals have to be aware of,” Wilk said. “The market is highly competitive when it comes to that type of stuff and the ones who are innovating and engaging patients are going to get those millennials and the folks that live paying their bills online.”
