What’s in the GOP’s latest deal to repeal Obamacare

http://www.politico.com/tipsheets/politico-pulse/2017/04/whats-in-the-gops-latest-deal-to-repeal-obamacare-219988

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It’s here: Republicans’ latest Obamacare repeal-and-replace proposal dropped last night, as top House conservatives and a prominent moderate try to jump-start the stalled American Health Care Act.

WHAT’S IN REPUBLICANS’ LATEST DEAL — The eight-page amendment to the AHCA, which was hammered out by House Freedom Caucus Chairman Mark Meadows and Tuesday Group Co-Chair Tom MacArthur and scooped by POLITICO on Tuesday night, would allow states to opt out of Obamacare’s regulations on essential health benefits, community rating requirements and how much older Americans are charged for coverage.

It also would permit states to reject the continuous coverage provision that Republicans have proposed in their replacement bill. See the legislative text.

House Republicans exempted themselves from the proposal, Vox’s Sarah Kliff flagged first.

WHAT STATES WOULD NEED TO DO TO OPT OUT — Frankly, not that much. The amendment says that states would need to propose at least one of the following five to receive a waiver from HHS:

1) Reduce average premiums for coverage
2) Increase enrollment
3) Stabilize the market
4) Stabilize premiums for individuals with pre-existing conditions
5) Increase the choice of health plans

Based on the waiver, states also would have to set up a high-risk pool, presumably to push back on expected criticisms that the GOP plan would harm the sickest patients.

THE PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS — The amendment dismantles major elements of the ACA that Republicans’ previous proposal would’ve kept, which had been a sticking point for wary conservatives. But cutting those protections means that even more Americans stand to lose coverage, which was already a no-go for many moderates.

Notably, the Congressional Budget Office projected last month that Republicans’ bill would result in 24 million fewer Americans having coverage in a decade. That number would likely increase under this amendment, a former CBO analyst told PULSE.

Expect quick reaction on the proposal: Both the Tuesday Group and the Freedom Caucus have meetings with their members today. But ahead of that …

 

Why the ‘free market’ for drugs doesn’t work and what we can do about it

https://theconversation.com/why-the-free-market-for-drugs-doesnt-work-and-what-we-can-do-about-it-70007

The United States faces a major problem with prescription drug prices. Even as the prices of most goods and services have barely budged in recent years, the cost of drugs has surged.

During the presidential campaign, both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump cited the high cost of prescription drugs as an issue that needed to be addressed. Most recently, the president-elect took direct aim at the pharmaceutical industry, saying it’s “getting away with murder” and arguing “new bidding procedures” are necessary to lower drug prices.

Trump didn’t get into specifics about what that would mean, but the most often suggested way to lower drug prices has been to expand the ability of major government buyers, such as Medicare, to negotiate prices.

While such negotiations could result in lower prices, we believe, based on our experience as economists and public policy experts, an alternative using public utility pricing would work better and ensure the discovery and distribution of important new medications.

‘Medically necessary’

The recent drug price data are indeed frightening.

In 2015 spending on prescription drugs rose by 8.5 percent to US$309.5 billion, compared with a rise of just 1.1 percent for consumer goods and services. Spending for specialty drugs increased by an even heftier 15 percent, on average. Individual examples that made big headlines, such as Turing Pharmaceuticals raising the price of Daraprim (a lifesaving drug for people with weakened immune systems) from $13.50 to $750 a tablet, are even more extreme.

In a competitive market, prices of a product are forced down to their costs plus a fair profit. Drug companies, on the other hand, can get away with raising prices without losing customers because the demand for certain medications is insensitive to their cost. If a drug will save your life, you’ll probably pay whatever the cost, if you can.

The problem may soon get worse. Last May, Washington state’s Medicaid program was ordered to provide the hepatitis C drugs Sovaldi and Harvoni after a court ruled they were “medically necessary.” The Washington State Health Care Authority had previously provided Harvoni – which costs $94,500 for an eight-week course of treatment – and Sovaldi – $84,000 for 12 weeks – to only the sickest patients.

Since then, other participants in Medicaid and private insurance plans have filed similar suits. Some states, including Florida, Massachusetts and New York, have already altered their Medicaid programs to pay for such life-preserving expensive drugs.

If “medically necessary” rulings become more common, producers of these drugs will have no need to worry that higher prices will reduce sales. They will be able to charge whatever they want and increase revenue and profit without hurting unit sales because insurance providers will need to make such drugs available to their policy holders.

A proposed solution

So what can be done to fix the problem?

Allowing more government agencies to negotiate prices is one option. While this has lowered the prices paid by the Veterans Administration, it may not be the best way to go in a market like the one for many innovative new specialty drugs in which consumers have no good substitutes to choose from.

Economists have shown that negotiated outcomes are not always the most efficient ones. As an example, if the government were to push drug producers too hard in negotiations, the public could get a great deal on prices in the short term but that could end up discouraging the development and testing of new drugs, which would hurt everyone in the long run.

A better approach is to start with a public utilities method, which is frequently used when there is a natural monopoly in production, such as for water or power. In these cases, state and local governments typically allow a company to have a monopoly over the market but also establish regulatory commissions to determine “fair” prices. Such prices take into account current costs, the need for investment in production facilities and the need to earn a rate of return on capital invested.

A wrinkle with drug developers is that they can incur substantial costs in their quest for new medications, including dead-end ideas and extensive testing. A 2014 report put the cost to develop a new drug at $2.6 billion, while others put it at around half that.

Under our proposal, an independent federal panel consisting of scientists, medical professionals, public health experts and economists – perhaps working as part of the FDA approval process and called on when the price of a drug is above a specific threshold – would determine the maximum price a government buyer such as Medicare or Medicaid could pay for a new drug. It could also do the same for existing treatments – for example, it could have turned down Turing’s huge Daraprim price hike.

A key element of this idea is that the panel would develop methods to identify and set maximum prices for existing and prospective drugs that cure a serious illness, improve the quality of life, limit contagion or otherwise provide large benefits to society. These procedures would need to make sure that producers of these important new drugs are sufficiently rewarded for those costly efforts.

A defensible drug-pricing system

Tough negotiations can help lower how much the government has to pay for its purchases, yet they’re not always the optimal way to achieve intended long-term results. With drugs, we definitely need to lower prices but we also need to ensure drug companies can “win” as well to avoid compromising their ability to develop lifesaving medicines.

While economists generally oppose government intervention in a “free market,” the current situation cries out for change. It is time to establish a defensible system for pricing drugs, one that both protects the public from price-gouging and encourages the development of new drugs.

The Effects of Ending the Affordable Care Act’s Cost-Sharing Reduction Payments

The Effects of Ending the Affordable Care Act’s Cost-Sharing Reduction Payments

Controversy has emerged recently over federal payments to insurers under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) related to cost-sharing reductions for low-income enrollees in the ACA’s marketplaces.

The ACA requires insurers to offer plans with reduced patient cost-sharing (e.g., deductibles and copays) to marketplace enrollees with incomes 100-250% of the poverty level. The reduced cost-sharing is only available in silver-level plans, and the premiums are the same as standard silver plans.

To compensate for the added cost to insurers of the reduced cost-sharing, the federal governments makes payments directly to insurance companies. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimates the cost of these payments at $7 billion in fiscal year 2017, rising to $10 billion in 2018 and $16 billion by 2027.

The U.S. House of Representatives sued the Secretary of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services under the Obama Administration, challenging the legality of making the cost-sharing reduction (CSR) payments without an explicit appropriation. A district court judge has ruled in favor of the House, but the ruling was appealed by the Secretary and the payments were permitted to continue pending the appeal. The case is currently in abeyance, with status reports required every three months, starting May 22, 2017.

If the CSR payments end – either through a court order or through a unilateral decision by the Trump Administration, assuming the payments are not explicitly authorized in an appropriation by Congress – insurers would face significant revenue shortfalls this year and next.

Many insurers might react to the end of subsidy payments by exiting the ACA marketplaces. If insurers choose to remain in the marketplaces, they would need to raise premiums to offset the loss of the payments.

We have previously estimated that insurers would need to raise silver premiums by about 19% on average to compensate for the loss of CSR payments. Our assumption is that insurers would only increase silver premiums (if allowed to do so by regulators), since those are the only plans where cost-sharing reductions are available. The premium increases would be higher in states that have not expanded Medicaid (and lower in states that have), since there are a large number of marketplace enrollees in those states with incomes 100-138% of poverty who qualify for the largest cost-sharing reductions.

There would be a significant amount of uncertainty for insurers in setting premiums to offset the cost of cost-sharing reductions. For example, they would need to anticipate what share of enrollees in silver plans would be receiving reduced cost-sharing and at what level. Under a worst case scenario – where only people eligible for sharing reductions enrolled in silver plans – the required premium increase would be higher than 19%, and many insurers might request bigger rate hikes.

 

 

GOP senators not so keen on House’s Obamacare repeal

http://www.politico.com/story/2017/04/27/senate-republicans-obamacare-repeal-237656

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The House may finally be on its way to scrapping Obamacare, but don’t expect the Senate to go along: Any plan sent over will undergo major surgery — and survival is far from assured.

The hurdles in the upper chamber were on vivid display Wednesday as House Republicans celebrated their breakthrough on the stalled repeal effort. The compromise cut with House Freedom Caucus members won over the right flank, but the changes will almost surely make it harder to pick up votes in the more moderate-minded Senate.

Not to mention that some Senate conservatives still seem opposed to the emerging House deal.

“The Freedom Caucus has done a good job of trying to make the bill less bad,” Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), one of the lead Senate agitators against the House health care push, said Wednesday. “For me, it’s a big stumbling block still that there’s taxpayer money that’s being given to insurance companies, and I am just not in favor of taxpayer money going to insurance companies.”

Phil Novack, a spokesman for Sen. Ted Cruz , also indicated that the conservative Texas firebrand isn’t sold, saying “significant work remains” in the Senate, “specifically to address Obamacare’s insurance mandates and enact major patient-centered reforms that will further reduce the cost of health care.”

Sources say it may take more than a month for any House health care bill to run through the traps in the Senate, including internal party discussions and an analysis of how the measure would affect the deficit and insurance rolls. No committee hearings are planned because Republicans don’t want to give Democrats a public forum to bash an effort they are not involved in. And similar to the Senate’s dim view of the House’s proposal, the lower chamber may not ultimately be able to pass whatever the Senate is able to produce on Obamacare.

Plus, a procedural rift is beginning to emerge within the GOP, with several Republicans questioning whether reconciliation — the fast-track legislative process that circumvents a filibuster, and thus the need for Democratic support — is even the best avenue for health care overhaul efforts.

Few Senate Republicans are currently engaged in the health care efforts. Several GOP senators declined Wednesday to wade in to the specifics of the revised plan drafted by Rep. Tom MacArthur (R-N.J.) and Freedom Caucus Chairman Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), taking pains to note that senators will probably have to rewrite it anyway.

“It isn’t discussed a lot over here,” said Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa). “Except for the hard work of [Susan] Collins and [Bill] Cassidy, there’s hardly anything being done.”

Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas), the party’s chief vote counter, also downplayed any notion that the new House version of an Obamacare replacement will sail through the Senate intact.

“Once they pass a bill, my assumption is, the Senate’s going to take a look at it but not necessarily be rubber-stamping what they’re proposing,” Cornyn said. “So I would anticipate that we’ll do what we used to do all the time which is, the House will pass a bill, we’ll pass a bill and then we’ll reconcile those in a conference committee.”

Weeks after the spectacular collapse of Obamacare repeal efforts last month, MacArthur and Meadows struck a deal with new language that would allow states to opt out of several key Obamacare provisions, such as its ban on charging sick people higher premiums and the so-called essential health benefits mandate that requires insurers to provide a set of minimum benefits.

The new language was enough to earn the formal endorsement of the Freedom Caucus, but House moderates who were opposed to the previous plan remain wary of backing a proposal that could cause constituents with pre-existing conditions to lose affordable health care coverage. In fact, the new plan may be having the reverse effect on some centrists: Rep. Mike Coffman (R-Colo.) had supported the initial Obamacare replacement but now says he’s a “maybe.”

Influential Senate Republicans also raised doubts about whether the new House proposal is workable.

How Medicaid Enrollees Fare Compared with Privately Insured and Uninsured Adults

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2017/apr/how-medicaid-enrollees-fare?omnicid=EALERT1201088&mid=henrykotula@yahoo.com

Abstract

Issue: The number of Americans insured by Medicaid has climbed to more than 70 million, with an estimated 12 million gaining coverage under the Affordable Care Act’s Medicaid expansion.1,2 Still, some policymakers have questioned whether Medicaid coverage actually improves access to care, quality of care, or financial protection.

Goals: To compare the experiences of working-age adults who were either: covered all year by private employer or individual insurance; covered by Medicaid for the full year; or uninsured for some time during the year.

Method: Analysis of the Commonwealth Fund Biennial Health Insurance Survey, 2016.

Findings and Conclusions: The level of access to health care that Medicaid coverage provides is comparable to that afforded by private insurance. Adults with Medicaid coverage reported better care experiences than those who had been uninsured during the year. Medicaid enrollees have fewer problems paying medical bills than either the privately insured or the uninsured.

What individual insurance market trends mean for providers

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/finance/implications-individual-insurance-market-trends-for-providers?utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal&mrkid=959610&mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWTJFNU1EQm1aREUyWW1FMSIsInQiOiJlVnd2K1hXVFcwN1wvUTMzTGpkR1lxV3huNGNnXC9IN2c2eEpxNFZBTDBuWmtIR1wvV0RSQXpBOFJnbEs1cHB0UUJJcEFKQnhhYUQ4UDcxNUxTZldTekNBalJMeGpDcWVZa2lpdVJxTHJVZSs5TmRvMWVqSGl0N1V2OUV4azBcL2R3M2QifQ%3D%3D

Image result for What individual insurance market trends mean for providers

Amid uncertainty about the future of healthcare reform, hospitals and health systems must be aware of and prepare for the potential challenges posed by the individual health insurance marketplaces.

Costs in the individual marketplaces have been volatile, so one way providers can support patients who have those plans is to understand the total costs associated with treating them, writes Paul Keckley, Ph.D., health policy analyst and editor of the Keckley Report, in an article for Hospitals & Health Networks.

Until now, much of the discussion from the provider side on the future of healthcare reform has centered on proposed changes to Medicaid. States that expanded Medicaid saw uncompensated care costs drop significantly, and provider groups largely came out against Republican efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act as well as proposed sweeping cuts to Medicaid.

But, Keckley writes, providers need to monitor trends in the individual market as well, which may result in more problems for them. For example, higher copays and deductibles may put preventive care, including key tests and screenings, out of reach for this patient population. Furthermore, the individual market is likely to grow as more employers push responsibility for insurance costs on employees, which in turn could push more costs of care onto providers.

“Hospitals must prepare for two realities: The individual market will grow, and the risks associated with its management will be challenging,” according to Keckley.

One solution that some hospitals are considering is to offer sponsored health plans that target individual market enrollees. But this could backfire, Keckley writes, as premiums will likely increase significantly. Just because a big hospital name is on the plan, that doesn’t mean it will attract more enrollees if premiums are too high to draw interest. Instead, he suggests providers engage in greater advocacy on these issues with state and local leaders.