58% of Physicians ‘Strongly Negative’ on AHCA

http://www.healthleadersmedia.com/physician-leaders/58-physicians-strongly-negative-ahca?spMailingID=11059722&spUserID=MTY3ODg4NTg1MzQ4S0&spJobID=1161579213&spReportId=MTE2MTU3OTIxMwS2

Image result for physician health policy

Survey data suggests that physicians dislike the GOP’s American Health Care Act even more than they disliked the Affordable Care Act.

Two-thirds of physicians do not like the American Health Care Act, the Republican House bill to unwind Obamacare, while only about a quarter support it, a new survey indicates.

The survey of 1,112 physicians by the Dallas-based physician search firm Merritt Hawkins found that 66% of doctors have a negative impression of the AHCA, 26% have a positive impression, and 7% are neutral.

“Physicians have consistently expressed dissatisfaction with government-sponsored healthcare legislation in the past, and the AHCA does not reverse this trend,” Mark Smith, president of Merritt Hawkins, said in a media release. “So far, the bill rates a strongly negative diagnosis from physicians.”

In a 2016 survey of 17,236 physicians that Merritt Hawkins conducted for The Physicians Foundation, 23% of physicians gave the Affordable Care Act a grade of A or B, 28% gave it an average grade of C, while 48% gave it a D or F.

The AHCA, now being considered by the Senate, gets an even higher negative rating in the new Merritt Hawkins survey. Fifty-eight percent of those surveyed have a strongly negative impression of the bill, 8% have a somewhat negative impression, while 7% are neutral.

At the other end, 27% of physicians favor full repeal and replacement, while only 7% of respondents say keep it as it is, indicating the extent of dissatisfaction with the ACA, the HealthLeaders Media survey showed.

The Merritt Hawkins survey findings are in line with a HealthLeaders Media survey published in January, which showed that healthcare industry leaders support changes to the ACA rather than replacing it. Two-thirds of respondents (66%) said the best option for the healthcare industry regarding the ACA would be to make some changes but otherwise retain it.

Physicians Groups Denounce AHCA

Opposition to the AHCA among practicing physicians is reflected by the nation’s major physicians associations, all of which have come out against the repeal and replace proposal.

The American Medical Association, the nation’s largest physicians’ association, made clear its strong opposition to the ACHA in a March 7 letter to Congress, and again on April 27. Of course, the AMA has a long history of railing against government-sponsored healthcare.

The Merritt Hawkins survey was sent by email to about 80,000 physicians randomly selected from Merritt Hawkins’ database and has an error rate of +/- 2.87% as determined by experts in statistical response at the University of Tennessee.

GOP Senators divided over Medicaid Cuts

Click to access PDF%20PoliticoProDatapointGOPSenatorsMedicaidCuts.pdf

No automatic alt text available.

Early negotiations over the shape and scope of the Senate’s bill to replace the ACA have divided conservative and moderate Republicans. One critical issue: the fate of the Medicaid program.

 

 

CMS Checklist For State 1332 Waivers Focuses On High-Risk Pools, Reinsurance

http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2017/05/12/cms-checklist-for-state-1332-waivers-focuses-on-high-risk-pools-reinsurance/

On May 11, 2017, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and the Department of the Treasury released a checklist for state 1332 innovation waiver applications. Following up on Health and Human Services Secretary Price’s letter to state governors of March 13, 2017, the checklist specifically focuses on state 1332 proposals to support high-risk pools or reinsurance programs.

Indeed, the checklist begins by stating:

The Department of Health and Human Services and the Department of Treasury (the Departments) are interested in working with states on Section 1332 waivers that would lower premiums for consumers, improve market stability, and increase consumer choice. In particular we welcome the opportunity to work with states to pursue Section 1332 waivers incorporating a high-risk pool/state-operated reinsurance program. State-operated reinsurance programs have a demonstrated ability to help lower premiums, and if the state shows a reduction in federal spending on premium tax credits a state could receive Federal pass-through funding to help fund the state’s reinsurance program.

The checklist restates the procedural requirements that states must meet under the current 1332 rules, such as posting a notice of the waiver proposal and accepting comments for at least 30 days, holding two public hearings, and consulting with Indian tribes where relevant.

Most elements in the checklist, however, describe specifically what information states must submit with applications for a 1332 waiver involving a reinsurance or high-risk pool program. While states must generally document state legislative authority to operate a 1332 waiver program, a state seeking a waiver to operate a high-risk pool or reinsurance program must establish that the legislation makes the program contingent on 1332 waiver approval or that the program will only become operational if the waiver is approved. Otherwise, the state would not be able to establish that federal 1332 waiver pass-through funding was necessary for the program.

A state must specify the provisions of the ACA it proposes to waive, which might, a footnote explains, include the ACA’s single-risk pool requirement for a reinsurance or high-risk pool proposal. State 1332 waiver proposals must include economic and actuarial data and analyses documenting the effect of the proposal on coverage and on comprehensiveness and affordability of coverage. A reinsurance/high-risk pool proposal would have to describe a baseline of premiums and coverage without the waiver and then compare this to projections of coverage and premiums under the waiver.

Proposals for 1332 waivers must explain how they would affect federal budget neutrality. A state seeking a reinsurance or high-risk pool waiver must establish a baseline of federal expenditures without the waiver and then show how federal expenditures or revenues for premium tax credits, shared responsibility payments, exchange user fees, and health insurance provider fees would change if the proposal is implemented.

States must further submit a timeline for implementation. They must describe whether they would use a condition-based list for a reinsurance program or an attachment-point-based model and the incentives they would offer providers, insurers, and enrollees to manage health care costs and utilization. They must describe how the program would affect other provisions of the Affordable Care Act and how it would provide out-of-state coverage for those who need it. States must report the actual second-lowest-cost silver benchmark plan premium annually, as well as an estimate of what it would have been without the program. The checklist further states, “For comprehensiveness, if there is no change to the provision of the ten Essential Health Benefits (EHB) identified in the benchmark plan, the state can indicate that it will report on any modifications from federal or state law on an annual basis.”

In sum, the checklist provides a roadmap for states that want to pursue high-risk pool or reinsurance 1332 waiver proposals, indicating again the priority that the Trump administration places on this approach for increasing the affordability of health insurance coverage.

The ‘Medicaidization’ Of The Health Insurance Marketplaces: A Necessary Trend

http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2017/05/08/the-medicaidization-of-the-health-insurance-marketplaces-a-necessary-trend/

A woman helps someone sign up for health insurance at healthcare.gov

When stripped of emotion and hyperbole, the debate about repealing and replacing the Affordable Care Act (ACA) is fundamentally about how to stretch limited funds to offer health care to two populations in need: the poor, who receive health care through Medicaid, and the “near-poor,” who were frequently without coverage prior to the ACA’s enactment. While millions of the near-poor remain uninsured today, six out of 10 limited-income individuals who purchased health care through the ACA’s health insurance Marketplaces were uninsured prior to the ACA. It is this near-poor and recently insured population, and how to cost-effectively provide health care for them, that is the focus of this post.

Many insurers have ably managed their sicker- and poorer-than-expected Marketplace membership by borrowing from the playbook of the most similar market, Medicaid. In short, we believe that the “Medicaidization” of the Marketplaces is a necessary and positive trend, and we remind policy makers that regardless of legislation or regulatory change, health plans must employ the Medicaidization playbook to well-serve a population that both parties believe needs coverage.

Health insurance Marketplaces—the centerpiece of the ACA—provide health insurance in government-refereed individual and small-group markets. However, health plans offering coverage through Marketplaces have been confronted with challenges. Enrollment is roughly 12 million, far behind original Congressional Budget Office projections of 21 million by 2016. This is largely because fewer employers than expected dropped employee coverage after the law passed and because many younger and healthier people have chosen to remain uninsured or covered by their parents’ insurance. As a whole, Marketplace enrollees are sicker and more costly than expected, and more than 80 percent receive means-tested subsidies to buy down some of their insurance costs. Furthermore, lawsuits and congressional actions have hobbled the ACA’s risk mitigation programs and threaten its subsidies. As a result, several health plans left the Marketplaces in 2017 in many states, and at least one—Humana—will exit entirely in 2018.

While the struggles of the ACA-reformed markets and the insurers that operate within those markets are well-documented, there have also been some success stories. Medicaid-focused health plans, as well as commercial plans that adopted tactics common in the Medicaid market, have performed at near break-even or better while serving the near-poor population in the Marketplaces. The relative success of Medicaid-focused plans in the Marketplaces contrasts with the struggles of national for-profit insurers and has led to the Medicaidization of the Marketplaces.

The term “Medicaidization” is not new to this post. It has been used by others, sometimes with a negative connotation. So it is helpful to define the term more precisely. Medicaidization, as used here, describes a set of practices—from sensitivity to sociocultural issues to utilization management—that have evolved to serve the Medicaid population. Because of socioeconomic disadvantage and poor health, this population responds to its health care needs very differently than other populations. However, the term “Medicaidization” belies the fact that health plans beyond those that focus on Medicaid are capable of deploying these same practices—such as several Blues and provider-owned plans—as described below.

Rival Senate healthcare group seeks to make waves

Rival Senate healthcare group seeks to make waves

Image result for aca repeal

A rival group of Republican senators is seeking leverage to influence the direction of the Senate’s ObamaCare replacement bill.

The group, led by Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Bill Cassidy (R-La.), has been meeting “a couple times a week,” according to Sen. Shelly Moore Capitol (R-W.Va.).

Cassidy is a physician and Collins is a former state insurance commissioner. Both have been outspoken opponents of the House-passed American Healthcare Act, and have co-sponsored their own version of an ObamaCare repeal bill called the Patient Freedom Act.

Cassidy told The Hill he and Collins have been meeting with Senate leaders to talk about their legislation. However, he noted the politics of the Senate mean that every member’s voice matters.

“When you only have 52 senators, everybody has significant leverage. That tight vote margin means everyone is essential,” Cassidy said.

The main GOP working group on healthcare includes 13 men backed by Senate leadership who are seeking to bridge the divide between conservatives and centrists.

What ever legislation emerges from that group is likely to be the bill that comes to the Senate floor.

But if all of the Senate’s Democrats oppose the measure, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) will only be able to afford two defections.

That gives the other group leverage.

“Let’s look at it practically,” Capito  told The Hill. “You can only lose two votes on any one issue … so I think a bloc of four or five can be very effective.”

Health lobbyists have noted many members of the leadership-led group have been fairly measured in their criticisms of the House bill approved earlier this month.

Collins and Cassidy, in contrast, both seem keen on turning sharply from the House bill.

ObamaCare uncertainty driving premium hikes

ObamaCare uncertainty driving premium hikes

ObamaCare uncertainty driving premium hikes

Uncertainty among insurers about how the Trump administration will handle the Affordable Care Act could translate into double-digit premium increases for 2018.

Insurers are beginning to file rate requests with state insurance regulators, and some states could see premium increases of 50 percent or more.

Insurers are worried about how President Trump’s plans for -ObamaCare — particularly whether the requirement for individuals to buy insurance will remain and whether insurer subsidies for covering low-income enrollees will continue.

“It’s a significant factor in pricing this year,” said Cynthia Cox, a health insurance expert with the Kaiser Family Foundation.

“I think it’s fair to say these rates are higher than we would have expected to see in the absence of uncertainty.”

Insurers also blamed rate increases on an unbalanced risk pool — which means there are too many sick, expensive patients and not enough healthy ones — higher claims for medical care and drugs, and the reinstatement of an -ObamaCare tax on health insurers.

Maryland’s largest health insurer, CareFirst BlueCross BlueShield, is proposing an average rate increase of more than 50 percent.

In a statement, CareFirst said the “lack of clarity” about whether the individual mandate would be enforced played a “significant role” in its proposed rate increases.

“Failure to enforce the Individual Mandate makes it far more likely that healthier, younger individuals will drop coverage and drive up the cost for everyone else,” CareFirst said in a statement.

The company is also requesting premium increases of 35 percent in Virginia and 29 percent in Washington, D.C.

Another Maryland insurer, Evergreen Health, is requesting rate increases of 27 percent, blaming uncertainty about -the ObamaCare insurer payments and the enforcement of the individual mandate as the “primary driver.”

In Connecticut, Anthem is requesting an average premium increase of 34 percent for plans on the -ObamaCare exchanges. The state’s other exchange insurer, CTCare, is requesting a 15 percent increase.

Rate requests must be reviewed and approved by state regulators and can often change.

Connecticut and Maryland both have earlier filing deadlines than most other states, which align more closely with the federal deadline of June.

Still, these states have been a good indicator of how insurers in other states will set their premiums, Cox said.

Because -ObamaCare subsidies are designed to increase as premiums go up, the people most affected by rate hikes would be those with higher incomes getting insurance through the exchanges and people getting insurance in the individual market.

It is difficult for insurers to price plans when they don’t know what will happen to -ObamaCare next year.

What moderate GOP senators want in ObamaCare repeal

What moderate GOP senators want in ObamaCare repeal

Related image

The House managed to narrowly pass its ObamaCare repeal bill by finding a delicate balance between hard-line conservatives and moderates. Now the Senate is looking to achieve the same feat, only with a smaller margin for error.

Senate moderates have already put their markers down on the healthcare issues that concern them the most. Individual senators hold much more power in advancing the health bill than individual House members, and if Senate Republicans can’t find a balance among their caucus, the ObamaCare repeal effort could be doomed.

The Senate will only need 51 votes to pass the bill, but because of their slim majority, Republicans can only afford to lose two votes.

The centrist senators have several major concerns with the House bill, known as the American Health Care Act (AHCA), most notably its changes to Medicaid.

The Affordable Care Act allows states to expand Medicaid coverage to more people, funded mostly by the federal government. So far, 31 states and D.C. have done so.

Even as the healthcare bill was working its way through the House, moderate GOP senators hailing from states that took the Medicaid expansion objected to the proposed cuts to the program.

In early March, Republican Sens. Rob Portman (Ohio), Shelly Moore Capito (W.Va.) Cory Gardner (Colo.) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) sent a letter to Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) objecting to the Medicaid cuts in the House bill. “We will not support a plan that does not include stability for Medicaid expansion populations or flexibility for states,” the lawmakers wrote.

The legislation has changed since then, but the Medicaid provisions have been largely left alone. The House bill would undo ObamaCare’s Medicaid expansion by 2020, and would cut over $800 billion from the program.

After the House passed the legislation last week, Portman, Capito and Sen. Dean Heller (R-Nev.) were quick to say they still opposed the bill because of the Medicaid provisions.

Capito on Monday said she would like to see some form of Medicaid expansion remain permanent.

“I have seen a lot benefits to the Medicaid expansion in our state, particularly in the mental health and opioid and drug abuse areas,” Capito told reporters. As for the people who have gained coverage through expansion, Capito said “you can’t just drop them off and wish them good luck. “

Moderates have also objected to the fact that the most recent estimates of an earlier version of the House bill would have resulted in 24 million fewer people having insurance coverage over a decade.

Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) has crafted, along with Collins, a different ObamaCare replacement bill that would allow states to decide whether they want to keep ObamaCare or enact something different.

Cassidy has repeatedly objected to the House version of the legislation because he says it doesn’t fulfill President Trump’s promises to “lower premiums, maintain coverage and protect those with pre-existing conditions.” During a May 8 speech at the American Hospital Association, Cassidy said that while the AHCA may lower premiums, it does so by giving people “terrible coverage.”

Aside from coverage issues, abortion is also likely to cause some headaches in the Senate.

The primary group in the Senate working on the bill includes prominent conservatives like Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Mike Lee (R-Utah), who are likely to insist that the Senate keep a provision from the House that largely strips Planned Parenthood of funding. But Collins has said any Planned Parenthood language is a non-starter.

Moderates are also likely to insist on making sure language is removed from the House bill that would prohibit the bill’s tax credits from being used to purchase coverage on insurance plans that cover abortion. That could be a major problem for conservatives, especially if the revised bill is to have any chance at passing the House again.

Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas) on Monday acknowledged the balancing act leaders will need to pull off. “Now it’s a question of building consensus within the Republican conference. All 52 Republican senators are going to be part of the process … because we’re going to need everybody.”

Cornyn also said he wasn’t concerned about losing votes if the Planned Parenthood language remained in the bill.

The ‘Oracle of Omaha’ Condemns Republican Health Care Bill At Berkshire Meeting

http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/05/06/527193477/the-oracle-of-omaha-condemns-republican-health-care-bill-at-berkshire-meeting?utm_content=buffer46568&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer

Billionaire investor Warren Buffett fielded questions at the annual shareholders meeting for his company Berkshire Hathaway. He offered thoughts and insights on everything from Republicans voting to repeal Obamacare, to the Wells Fargo scandal, to how artificial intelligence and technology might reshape America. Here are some highlights:

Repealing Obamacare is “a huge tax cut for guys like me”

When asked about the bill Republicans in Congress just voted to pass to repeal and replace Obamacare, Buffett signaled his distaste for a tax cut provision. Obamacare pays for health care for Americans in part by taxing wealthier people. The Republican bill scraps that tax on the wealthy.

And Buffett has apparently done the math here. If the Republican bill had been law last year, he said, “my federal taxes would have gone down 17 percent last year, so it’s a huge tax cut for guys like me.”

“That is in the law that was passed a couple days ago,” he added. “Anybody with $250,000 a year of adjusted gross income and a lot of investment income is going to have a huge tax cut.”

In the past, Buffett has bristled at tax policy that he sees as favoring the wealthy — famously saying it’s not fair that he pays taxes at a lower rate than his secretary.

The medical cost “tapeworm”

Buffett said at the meeting that health care costs have become a bigger issue for American businesses than taxes.

He said if you go back to about 1960, corporate taxes were about 4 percent of GDP and now they’re about 2 percent of GDP. At that time, healthcare was 5 percent of GDP and now it’s 17 percent of GDP. “So when American business talks about taxes strangling our competitiveness,” he said, “they’re talking about something that as a percentage of GDP has gone down from 4 to 2.” Meanwhile, medical costs have exploded. “So medical costs are the tapeworm of American economic competitiveness,” he said.

He argued against the tax system crippling competitiveness “or anything of the sort.” He also noted that other developed countries appear to have found better ways to contain medical costs.

These 50 Health Issues Count as Pre-Existing Conditions

http://fortune.com/2017/05/04/ahca-pre-existing-conditions/

Image result for pre existing conditions

The Republican plan to repeal and replace the the Affordable Care Act (ACA), which narrowly passed a vote in the House today, rolls back protections for people with pre-existing conditions, which could increase health care costs for an estimated 130 million Americans.

The American Health Care Act stipulates that states can allow insurers to charge people with pre-existing conditions more for health insurance (which is banned under the ACA) if the states meet certain conditions, such as setting up high-risk insurance pools. Insurers still cannot deny people coverage outright, as was a common practice before the ACA’s passage, but they can hike up premiums to an unaffordable amount, effectively pricing people out of the market.

In fact, premiums could reach as high as $25,700 per year for people in high-risk pools, according to a report from AARP. People who receive insurance through their employer would not be affected, unless they lost their job or moved to the individual insurance market for some other reason.

But what counts as a pre-existing condition? While it depends on the insurer—they have the right to choose what counts as “pre-existing”—these ailments and conditions were universally used to deny people coverage, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation, a nonprofit focusing on health care research.

  • AIDS/HIV
  • Alcohol or drug abuse with recent treatment
  • Alzheimer’s/dementia
  • Anorexia
  • Arthritis
  • Bulimia
  • Cancer
  • Cerebral palsy
  • Congestive heart failure
  • Coronary artery/heart disease, bypass surgery
  • Crohn’s disease
  • Diabetes
  • Epilepsy
  • Hemophilia
  • Hepatitis
  • Kidney disease, renal failure
  • Lupus
  • Mental disorders (including Anxiety, Bipolar Disorder, Depression, Obsessive Compulsive Disorder, Schizophrenia)
  • Multiple sclerosis
  • Muscular dystrophy
  • Obesity
  • Organ transplant
  • Paraplegia
  • Paralysis
  • Parkinson’s disease
  • Pending surgery or hospitalization
  • Pneumocystic pneumonia
  • Pregnancy or expectant parent (includes men)
  • Sleep apnea
  • Stroke
  • Transsexualism

But Cynthia Cox, Kaiser’s associate director, notes that the above list is a conservative sampling of all of the issues and maladies that insurers could count as pre-existing conditions. ” There are plenty of other conditions, even acne or high blood pressure, that could have gotten people denied from some insurers but accepted and charged a higher premium by other insurers” says Cox.

Here are some examples of those other conditions that experts have noted could hike premiums:

  • Acid Reflux
  • Acne
  • Asthma
  • C-Section
  • Celiac Disease
  • Heart burn
  • High cholesterol
  • Hysterectomy
  • Kidney Stones
  • Knee surgery
  • Lyme Disease
  • Migraines
  • Narcolepsy
  • Pacemaker
  • Postpartum depression
  • Seasonal Affective Disorder
  • Seizures
  • “Sexual deviation or disorder”
  • Ulcers

The left-leaning Center for American Progress notes that high blood pressure, behavioral health disorders, high cholesterol, asthma and chronic lung disease, and osteoarthritis and other joint disorders are the most common types of pre-existing conditions.

Just how expensive are pre-existing conditions? A recent report from the Center for American Progress found that insurers could charge people with metastatic cancer as much as $142,650 more for their coverage, a 3,500% increase.

A Squeaker In The House Becomes Headache For The Senate: 5 Things To Watch

A Squeaker In The House Becomes Headache For The Senate: 5 Things To Watch

Image result for aca repeal

After weeks of will-they-or-won’t-they tensions, the House managed to pass its GOP replacement for the Affordable Care Act on Thursday by a razor-thin margin. The vote was 217-213.

Democrats who lost the battle are still convinced they may win the political war. As the Republicans reached a majority for the bill, Democrats on the House floor began chanting, “Na, na, na, na … Hey, hey, hey … Goodbye.” They claim Republicans could lose their seats for supporting a bill that could cause so much disruption in voters’ health care.

Now the bill — and the multitude of questions surrounding it — moves across the Capitol to the Senate. And the job doesn’t get any easier. With only a two-vote Republican majority and no likely Democratic support, it would take only three GOP “no” votes to sink the bill.

Democrats have made clear they will unanimously oppose the bill. “Trumpcare” is just a breathtakingly irresponsible piece of legislation that would endanger the health of tens of millions of Americans and break the bank for millions more,” said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.).

And Republicans in the Senate have their own internal disagreements, too.

Here are five of the biggest flashpoints that could make trouble for the bill in the upper chamber.