Insurance Coverage, Access to Care, and Medical Debt Since the ACA: A Look at California, Florida, New York, and Texas

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2017/mar/coverage-access-medical-debt-aca-california-florida-new-york-texas

Background

More than 30 million Americans now have health insurance under the provisions of the Affordable Care Act.1 These provisions include those that have allowed or encouraged people to enroll in coverage through expanded Medicaid eligibility, tax credits to help pay for premiums, state and federal outreach efforts, and consumer-friendly market regulations.2 A recent analysis found that the percentage of uninsured working-age adults dropped from 20 percent in 2010 to 12 percent in 2016.3

The law gives states flexibility in implementing provisions, including the choice of operating their own health insurance marketplace or leaving that task to the federal government. Moreover, in 2012, the U.S. Supreme Court gave states the option to decide whether or not to expand Medicaid eligibility to more lower-income adults. These choices, combined with each state’s unique demographics and history, have resulted in varying experiences among Americans. In this brief, we use data from the Commonwealth Fund Biennial Health Insurance Survey to examine differences in health insurance coverage, problems getting needed care because of costs, and medical bill and debt problems among 19-to-64-year-old adults in the nation’s four largest states: California, Florida, New York, and Texas.4

These states fall into two distinct categories. The first group, California and New York, both operate their own health insurance marketplaces and have expanded eligibility for Medicaid to adults with incomes at or below 138 percent of the federal poverty level—$16,394 for an individual or $33,534 for a family of four. Florida and Texas, the second group, are using the federal marketplace to enroll residents in health plans and have declined to expand Medicaid eligibility (Exhibit 1).

Conclusion

The Affordable Care Act has significantly affected health insurance coverage and access among U.S. adults. But the decisions made by state leaders in implementing federal policy, along with other state laws, have ongoing implications for their residents. California and New York began seeing declines in their adult uninsured rate earlier than other states because of such choices. California expanded eligibility for Medicaid even before 2014 by creating the Low Income Health Program, which provided coverage to adults with incomes less than 200 percent of poverty.20 New York expanded Medicaid eligibility to parents with incomes up to 150 percent of poverty and childless adults up to 100 percent of poverty starting in 2000.21 In addition, both states opted to establish their own marketplaces and have conducted expansive outreach campaigns to increase awareness of coverage options. Alternatively, Florida and Texas—although they have experienced robust enrollment in private plans through the federal health insurance marketplace—have not expanded Medicaid eligibility and have made less progress covering uninsured residents.

However, the variation in insured rates is not entirely the result of states’ decision. The ACA does not provide access to any new coverage options for undocumented immigrants. They are ineligible for Medicaid coverage and cannot purchase private plans through the marketplace, subsidized or unsubsidized. This is likely a contributing factor in Texas’s higher uninsured rate.

While expanded coverage is the necessary first step to improving timely access to care and reducing medical financial burdens among U.S. families, the quality and comprehensiveness of coverage across all sources of insurance—marketplace plans, individual market plans, employer-provided coverage, and Medicaid—also has a significant impact.

The gains documented in this survey and many other private and federal analyses indicate that the Affordable Care Act has been successful in insuring millions of Americans and enabling them to get health care they may not have been able to afford previously. Further expanding coverage and improving affordability should remain a priority. Alternatively, repealing the law without a replacement that is at least equally effective will risk reversing the substantial gains the nation has made.

 

In Health Bill’s Defeat, Medicaid Comes of Age

When it was created more than a half century ago, Medicaid almost escaped notice.

Front-page stories hailed the bigger, more controversial part of the law that President Lyndon B. Johnson signed that July day in 1965 — health insurance for elderly people, or Medicare, which the American Medical Association had bitterly denounced as socialized medicine. The New York Times did not even mention Medicaid, conceived as a small program to cover poor people’s medical bills.

But over the past five decades, Medicaid has surpassed Medicare in the number of Americans it covers. It has grown gradually into a behemoth that provides for the medical needs of one in five Americans — 74 million people — starting for many in the womb, and for others, ending only when they go to their graves.

Medicaid, so central to the country’s health care system, also played a major, though far less appreciated, role in last week’s collapse of the Republican drive to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare. While President Trump and others largely blamed the conservative Freedom Caucus for that failure, the objections of moderate Republicans to the deep cuts in Medicaid also helped doom the Republican bill.

“I was not willing to gamble with the care of my constituents with this huge unknown,” said Representative Frank A. LoBiondo of New Jersey, a member of the centrist Tuesday Group caucus, noting that in three of the counties in his district in the state’s more conservative southern half, over 30 percent of all residents are covered by Medicaid.

In the Senate, many Republicans, echoing their states’ governors, had worried about jeopardizing the treatment of people addicted to opioids, depriving the working poor, children and people with disabilities of health care and in the long run reducing funding for the care of elderly people in nursing homes.

The Republican bill would have largely undone the expansion of Medicaid under the A.C.A., which added 11 million low-income adults to the program and guaranteed the federal government would cover almost all of their costs. It would have also ended the federal government’s open-ended commitment to pay a significant share of states’ Medicaid costs, no matter how much enrollment or spending rose. Instead, the bill would have given the states a choice between a fixed annual sum per recipient or a block grant, both of which would have almost certainly led to major cuts in coverage over time.

The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office predicted that the Republican bill would have cumulatively cut projected spending on Medicaid by $839 billion and reduced the number of Medicaid beneficiaries by 14 million over the coming decade.

 

 

What Happens Next for the ACA?

http://takecareblog.com/blog/what-happens-next-for-the-aca

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In his speech after withdrawing the Republican health care bill from consideration on Friday, Speaker of the House Paul Ryan said that “Obamacare is the law of the land” and will remain so “for the foreseeable future.”  But law professors who have followed the Affordable Care Act (ACA) for the past seven years ago know that its future is not yet secure.  President Trump has said that “the best thing we can do politically speaking is let Obamacare explode,” and there’s a lot he can do to make that explosion a reality.

It doesn’t have to come to that.  Contrary to GOP reports, the ACA is not collapsing.  The Medicaid expansion will continue chugging along and we’re even seeing other states—Kansas and North Carolina most recently—move toward their own expansions.  The individual markets in some states are fragile, but they are not in a death spiral.  As the Congressional Budget Office noted in its first score of the GOP bill just two weeks ago, the marketplaces would “probably be stable in most areas” under current law.

Without question, however, President Trump and HHS Secretary Price have the ability to radically destabilize the individual marketplace.  The only question is whether they attempt to do so through active sabotage, incompetence, or purposeful ambivalence.

One of us (Nick Bagley), along with Harvard PhD student Adrianna McIntyre, has already compiled a preliminary list of executive actions President Trump could take that would reshape the ACA.  Many of these will not be news, but we write here to focus on two actions with the greatest potential to disrupt the market: ending cost-sharing payments to insurers and declining to enforce the individual mandate.

The largest concern facing the individual markets is the fate of House v. Price, a lawsuit brought by the House of Representatives against President Obama’s HHS Secretary (Sylvia Burwell) in 2014.  The House argued that the administration was acting illegally in making cost-sharing payments to insurers because Congress had not specifically appropriated those funds.  A judge on the District Court for the District of Columbia ruled both that the House had standing to sue (wrong) and that the administration’s spending violated the Appropriations Clause (right).

The Obama administration appealed the case to the DC Circuit, but, of course, on November 7, 2016, there was an intervening event: the election of President Trump.  The GOP-led House then asked the court to stay the litigation to see what the future might hold for health reform. The case is being held in abeyance, with the next status report due at the end of May, just days before insurers must file their insurance plans for 2018.

Here’s why the case is such a big deal for the individual markets:  The ACA instructs insurers to limit the out-of-pocket expenses for enrollees who make less than 250% of the federal poverty level.  This cost-sharing cap thus plays a key role in keeping insurance affordable for the low-income population.  The federal government is then supposed to reimburse insurers for cutting those low-income customers a break.

 

More States To Expand Medicaid Now That Obamacare Remains Law

https://www.forbes.com/sites/brucejapsen/2017/03/26/more-states-to-expand-medicaid-now-that-obamacare-remains-law/#13cbbeaa19a6

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More states will pursue expansion of Medicaid health benefits for poor Americans under the Affordable Care Act after Republicans failed to repeal and replace the law.

The American Health Care Act, also known as Trumpcare, would’ve rolled back the ACA’s Medicaid expansion and put restrictions on states that tried to expand such coverage. But Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives Paul Ryan Friday pulled the ACHA legislation Friday, making, “Obamacare the law of the land,” as he said.

At least two states– Kansas and North Carolina–are already working toward becoming the 32nd and 33rd states to expand Medicaid  under the ACA. They would join 31 states plus the District of Columbia that have taken advantage of generous federal funding available under the law, President Obama’s signature legislative achievement, according to the Advisory Board.

 And there may be even more states that will resurrect state legislative efforts to expand Medicaid. Before Trump was elected, Georgia, Idaho, Nebraska and South Dakota were considering Medicaid expansion. But Trump’s election, along with Republican control of Congress, prompted these states to put on the brakes for Medicaid expansion when an ACA repeal looked likely. “The effort to expand Medicaid in Georgia just died,” the Atlanta Journal-Constitution said Nov. 9, 2016, the day after Trump won the electoral college.

From 2014 through 2016, the ACA’s Medicaid expansion population is funded 100% with federal dollars. Beginning this year, states gradually have to pick up some costs, but the federal government still picks up 90% or more of Medicaid expansion through 2020. It was a better deal than before the ACA, when Medicaid programs were funded via a much less generous split between state and federal tax dollars.

With the federal funding still part of the ACA, Kansas lawmakers just last week were forging ahead and now have a hurdle lifted with the law in place for the “foreseeable” future, as Speaker Ryan said. A so-called “manager’s amendment” in Ryan’s failed ACHA bill took specific aim at Kansas and North Carolina, making the states “long shots” at expanding Medicaid until Friday’s failed Obamacare repeal.

What now? Health insurers still face uncertainty after AHCA’s demise

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/aca/what-now-health-insurers-still-face-uncertainty-after-ahca-s-demise?utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal&mrkid=959610&mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWVROa1lUWmxZV1l6Wm1SayIsInQiOiJkQ01ndjkrMEp6dzFQNGk0T3grck1cL2dBUVBXR2lqeDY1TXF6NHVmcmVZNVJjaUltVUtLd3lcL2Z4RFpOTjNMaUxxVGhXK1ZET2hWYXpyaExmSGRyYTY1d3BXSTMzRnNPSjdIbnFrKzVURkdOdXpLdkxJczRud2hlekJQb3RycGhsIn0%3D

Signs saying healthcare reform

Now that the American Health Care Act is officially off the table, health insurers that had been bracing for a major policy overhaul are once again left to figure out how to thrive under the old rules of the game.

Right before the AHCA was set to go up for a vote on the House floor Friday, Republican leadership decided instead to pull the bill, as they failed to win over enough right-wing GOP lawmakers to pass it.

With the Affordable Care Act in place for the foreseeable future, it “sharpens the focus” of insurers’ evaluation of whether they want to participate in the individual marketplaces next year and how to price their plans, Sandi Hunt, a principal at PwC, said in an interview.

“It means they’re going to have to sit down on Monday and really evaluate—OK, the world is not going to change now, let’s figure out how we want to proceed with that set of circumstances,” she said.

Ceci Connolly, president and CEO of the Alliance of Community Health Plans, noted that some factors may still make that difficult for the insurers she represents.

“Our nonprofit plans are committed to serving their communities but need clarity in order to make sound business decisions before the June filing deadline,” she said in an email. “ACA subsidies, reinsurance and risk adjustment must all be in place to ensure a functioning market.”

The future of one type of ACA subsidy—cost-sharing reduction payments—is of particular concern, as a federal judge ruled in a case brought by House Republicans that the funding for CSRs was illegally appropriated. The Obama administration appealed the decision, but the case had been put on hold since President Donald Trump took office.

For its part, America’s Health Insurance Plans had asked policymakers to fund CSRs through at least until 2019—a suggestion recently echoed by Anthem CEO Joseph Swedish.

Following news of the AHCA’s demise, AHIP spokeswoman Kristine Grow said the group looks forward to collaborating with policymakers and regulators on making improvements to the exchanges.

“Americans deserve a strong, stable individual market that delivers affordable coverage and access to quality care,” she said in an email. “We remain committed to working with Congress and the administration in a bipartisan fashion on solutions.”

Five Lessons From The AHCA’s Demise

http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2017/03/27/five-lessons-from-the-ahcas-demise/

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While the keyhole of history has had insufficient time to bring the failed launch of the American Health Care Act (AHCA) into focus, it’s not too soon to begin learning some of the lessons it can teach us. Legislative efforts have a lifespan but our health care system does not. So whether we are still rejoicing or recriminating, let’s take a look at some timeless principles we can apply to the ongoing effort to improve health care in the United States.

House cancels ObamaCare repeal vote as GOP defections mount

http://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/325690-house-expected-to-pull-obamacare-vote-from-schedule

House cancels ObamaCare repeal vote as GOP defections mount

Republicans are pulling their ObamaCare repeal bill from a scheduled Friday afternoon vote, an acknowledgement that it was headed toward a defeat.

President Trump asked Speaker Paul Ryan Paul RyanHouse cancels ObamaCare repeal vote as GOP defections mountWhite House: Vote at 3:30; Trump left ‘everything on field’Pelosi: GOP will need 215 votes to pass health billMORE (R-Wis.) to pull the measure a day after issuing an ultimatum that the House should vote on it, a GOP aide said.

Ryan is announcing the decision at a closed-door conference meeting, a Ryan aide told The Hill.

The decision is a huge setback for Trump, Ryan and the GOP, which has promised for years to repeal ObamaCare.

But the legislation that was headed toward the vote seemed doomed to failure. A Whip List kept by The Hill said 36 Republicans would vote no, with many more possibly voting against the measure.

The GOP could only afford 22 defections.

The bill came under fire from conservatives in the House Freedom Caucus, who demanded a number of changes to the bill that were intended to lower premium costs.

Trump and GOP leaders agreed to some of those changes, but that appeared to cost them the support of centrists.

One startling move came near midday Friday, when House Appropriations Committee Chairman Rodney Frelinghuysen Rodney FrelinghuysenHouse cancels ObamaCare repeal vote as GOP defections mountThe Hill’s 12:30 ReportLive coverage: Trump, GOP scramble for ObamaCare votesMORE (R-N.J.) said publicly that he was likely to vote against the bill.

Rep. Barbara Comstock (R-Va.), who represents a district won by Hillary Clinton Hillary Rodham ClintonHouse cancels ObamaCare repeal vote as GOP defections mountKeystone approval kicks off new fight over pipelineMnuchin: Trump has ‘perfect genes’MORE, also came out against the bill on Friday.

The decision to pull the vote came after Ryan met with Trump at the White House.

Senate GOP Holdouts Split Into Camps on Obamacare Overhaul

https://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2017-03-21/senate-gop-holdouts-split-into-rival-camps-on-obamacare-overhaul?utm_campaign=KHN%3A%20Daily%20Health%20Policy%20Report&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=48325710&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-_zZDM8228WNi-Ku9hXuUFw27f4BUDn6lsIYfUqZar2oZrygrjbPp0rdvggJk8hf5kffQobhhC6n8LUKzS1NC6wPw9iqw&_hsmi=48325710

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The House is racing to find enough votes for its health-care bill this week, but even if it passes, prospects in the Senate have only darkened.

More than enough Senate Republicans oppose the House bill to kill it — with rival camps insisting on pulling the bill in opposite directions to meet their demands. With just a 52-48 majority, the bill would fail if three or more Republicans vote against it.

Republican leaders face a conundrum: If they move the bill to the right, moderates go running; move it to the left, and conservative opponents dig in.

“We’re not slowing down,” Majority Leader Mitch McConnell told reporters Tuesday. “We will reach a conclusion on health care next week.”

Whether Republicans would actually tank something they’ve promised for the past seven years is unclear. All of them say they want something to pass, although it’s not clear any have been swayed by the tweaks to the bill House leaders unveiled Monday evening.

A look at how Senate GOP opposition to the measure breaks down:

 

House Proposal to Promote Association Health Plans Poses Risks for Insurance Markets, Consumers

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2017/mar/house-proposal-to-promote-association-health-plans-poses-risks-for-insurance-markets-consumers?omnicid=EALERT1182419&mid=henrykotula@yahoo.com

While the nation is focusing on the American Health Care Act, the most recent proposal to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act (ACA), another Republican proposal is quickly advancing through Congress. The Small Business Health Fairness Act, H.R. 1101, allows small employers to band together and buy health insurance though federally certified associations. Despite its name, the bill would have a considerable and likely detrimental impact on the private health insurance market and undermine the ability of states to protect small employers and their employees.

The concept of federally certified Association Health Plans (AHPs) is not new. AHP proposals similar to H.R. 1101 are prominently featured in many of the legislative proposals to replace the ACA. Similar versions of this legislation were defeated in the early 2000s with opposition from a broad spectrum of stakeholders. One important critic, the National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC), strongly opposes federal AHP legislation, including H.R. 1101, because the approach would “strip states of the ability to protect consumers and create competitive markets.”

H.R. 1101 would encourage professional and trade associations to offer health insurance coverage to their members nationwide. Proponents suggest that AHPs will offer lower premiums to members, primarily through increased bargaining power and fewer regulatory requirements. Under the bill, AHPs would be certified by the federal government and regulated under minimal federal standards for premiums, benefits, and financial solvency.1  In general, these federal standards would be less stringent than those required of insurers under state insurance law.

While some members of AHPs may benefit, this proposal would undermine states’ ability to regulate health coverage sold to their residents and to implement local standards and protections. Ultimately, federally certified AHPs under H.R. 1101 have the potential to negatively impact consumers and health insurance markets in the following ways: