Congress Is Making Quiet Progress on Drug Costs

https://www.commonwealthfund.org/blog/2018/congress-making-quiet-progress-drug-costs?omnicid=EALERT1477719&mid=henrykotula@yahoo.com

Progress on drug costs

While the Trump administration has taken small steps to implement its blueprint to lower prescription drug prices, Congress has recently made quiet progress on some policies that could help lower drug costs for patients.

First, both the Senate and House advanced legislation to ban “gag clauses” that prevent pharmacists from telling patients that they can save money on medications by paying for them out of pocket. Certain prescription benefit managers (PBMs) have used gag clauses as part of their formulary design. While this is not a widespread industry practice, a 2016 survey of community pharmacists found that nearly 60 percent had encountered a gag clause in the previous 10 months. Two bills (S. 2553 and H.R. 6733) would prohibit private Medicare plans from instituting gag clauses. A third, related bill (S. 2554) — passed by the Senate on Monday with overwhelming support — prohibits private health insurance plans from using them. While they enable pharmacists to advise patients on how to spend less at the pharmacy counter, these bans won’t necessarily lower the prices of drugs.

Second, a lesser-known provision of S. 2554, added by the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP), could help lower drug prices by shedding light on patent-settlement agreements between drug manufacturers. Brand-name manufacturers sometimes use these agreements to extend their monopolies and keep drug prices higher by directly and indirectly compensating generic manufacturers for voluntarily delaying generics from coming to market. The Congressional Budget Office has found that setting a standard to rein in these types of settlements would produce $2.4 billion in savings over 10 years.

The HELP committee provision would require manufacturers of biologics (large-molecule drugs) and biosimilars (nearly identical copies of original biologics) to report patent-settlement agreements to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) — an important step in understanding and preventing abuse of what is sometimes referred to as “pay for delay.”

Pay-for-Delay Stalls Drug Competition, Costing Patients Billions

In 2003, Congress required patent-settlement agreements between brand-name and generic small-molecule drug manufacturers to be filed with the FTC for review after they are made. (Currently most drugs sold are small-molecule drugs, but the biologics market is growing rapidly.) Such agreements effectively delay the sale of lower-cost generic drugs by nearly 17 months longer than agreements without payments, according to a 2010 report by the FTC. These anticompetitive agreements cost taxpayers approximately $3.5 billion each year.

In 2012, the U.S. Supreme Court decided in FTC v. Actavis that a brand-name drug manufacturer’s payment to a generic competitor to settle patent litigation can violate antitrust law. After the Court’s decision, the number of pay-for-delay agreements declined two years in a row. With drug companies now required to report these settlements to the FTC, the agency has been able to act to protect patients from anticompetitive deals that delay cheaper, generic drug products from coming to market. The FTC reviews reported settlements and, if it determines an agreement violates antitrust law, the agency challenges the agreement in the courts.

For example, in 2008 the FTC sued Cephalon, Inc., for paying four generic companies $300 million to delay marketing of their generic versions of Cephalon’s sleep-disorder drug, Provigil, until 2012. In 2015, the FTC reached a settlement with Cephalon’s owner, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries, Ltd., which agreed to ending pay-for-delay agreements for all their U.S. operations. The company also paid $1.2 billion in compensation for Cephalon’s anticompetitive behavior.

FTC Reporting Requirement Does Not Apply to Biologic and Biosimilar Manufacturers

The FTC reporting requirement applies only to small-molecule drugs, however, and not to far more expensive biologics and biosimilars. The potential savings of having biosimilars available for sale are significant: even one biosimilar competing against a brand-name biologic can result in a 35 percent lower price for patients and payers. Without delays in competition with brand-name biologics, biosimilars could save $54 billion to $250 billion over 10 years.

But there are concerns that manufacturers are entering into pay-for-delay agreements to keep prices for these drugs artificially high. Since 2015, when the biosimilar pathway was implemented, the FDA has approved 12 biosimilars, yet only three are currently available to patients — likely because of patent litigation and pay-for-delay agreements.

FTC Review Is Part of the Solution

In his remarks upon releasing the U.S. Food and Drug Administration’s Biosimilars Action Plan in July, FDA commissioner Scott Gottlieb noted the FTC’s key role in monitoring U.S. markets to protect consumers from anticompetitive behaviors, including those of prescription drug manufacturers. He also pointed out the patent litigation tactics manufacturers use to delay biosimilar competition.

As it does for the small-molecule drug market, the FTC can play a proactive role in monitoring what is happening in the biologic and biosimilar markets. At a workshop on drug pricing held last year, acting FTC chair Maureen Ohlhausen said that while her agency has been making progress in eliminating pay-for-delay agreements, it has not seen the last of them. She said they will remain a target. But to move forward, the FTC needs clearer authority to review patent settlements between biologic and biosimilar manufacturers.

With Senate passage of S. 2554 and its FTC reporting provision, Congress has taken an important step in encouraging a robust biosimilar market. (While the House has not passed a similar measure, the Senate bill could be added to a reconciliation of the House and Senate gag clause bills.) Engaging all the relevant market regulators — including the FTC, the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, and the FDA — will inject needed competition into this nascent market and help lower drug prices for U.S. consumers.

 

How A Drug Company Under Pressure For High Prices Ratchets Up Political Activity

https://khn.org/news/how-a-drug-company-under-pressure-for-high-prices-ratchets-up-political-activity/

Business looked challenging for Novo Nordisk at the end of 2016. As pressure mounted over the pharma giant’s soaring insulin prices, investors drove its stock down by a third on fears that policymakers would take action, limit prices and hurt profits.

Then things got worse. A Massachusetts law firm sued the company and two other pharma firms on behalf of patients, claiming that high insulin prices of hundreds of dollars a month forced diabetics to starve themselves to minimize their blood sugar while skimping on doses. At least five states began investigating insulin makers and their business partners.

As scrutiny rose, Novo Nordisk engaged in what analysts say is a time-honored response to public criticism. It aggressively ratcheted up spending to spread its influence in Washington and to have a louder say in the debates over drug prices.

The drugmaker’s political action committee spent $405,000 on federal campaign donations and other political outlays last year, more than in 2016 — an election year — and nearly double its allocation for 2015, data compiled by Kaiser Health News show.

“We remain committed to being part of the discussion,” said Tricia Brooks, head of government relations and public affairs for Novo Nordisk, acknowledging scrutiny over insulin prices but saying the company has many other issues to work on with policymakers. “I don’t want us to run away from it and hide or keep our head down and wait for it to roll over.”

Novo Nordisk also spent $3.2 million lobbying Congress and federal agencies in 2017, its biggest-ever investment in directly influencing U.S. policymakers, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

Part of that surge included summoning more than 400 Novo Nordisk employees to contact lawmakers and their staffs on Capitol Hill, “a huge increase from anything we’ve ever done before,” Brooks said.

Taken together, the increases represent a “major corporate policy shift” for the company and appear to be a classic business response to growing political risk, said Kent Cooper, a former Federal Election Commission official who has tracked political money for decades.

The pharma industry as a whole has behaved similarly, cranking up political contributions and lobbying. Meanwhile, despite much talk about change, Congress and the Trump administration have done little to control drug prices or threaten drug-company profits.

Pharma businesses overall made political donations of $12.1 million last year, down from a $13.6 million election-year surge in 2016 but 9 percent higher than the haul for 2015, according to the KHN analysis. Pharma industry lobbying expenses surpassed $171 million last year, the highest level since 2009, during negotiations over the Affordable Care Act, according to CRP.

“It’s been hot in the health care arena for — how many years now?” said Steven Billet, who teaches lobbying and PAC management at George Washington University. “Anybody in this world now is sitting there thinking, “When I go back to the board next year, I’m going to ask for 15 percent more in my [lobbying and campaign finance] budget. Because this isn’t going away.’”

Like most big corporations, Novo Nordisk runs a political action committee, or PAC, which solicits employee donations and gives the proceeds to political candidates’ campaigns. The company is Danish. Only workers who are U.S. citizens or permanent residents are allowed to support the PAC.

Like many PACs, Novo Nordisk spreads money to both parties, concentrating on powerful committee members and other leaders. Since 2013 it has given $22,500 to House Speaker Paul Ryan, a Republican, and $20,472 to South Carolina’s James Clyburn, a member of the Democratic House leadership.

Brooks gave the PAC $4,370 last year, the data show. Some employees gave as little as $20 or $30.

The firm’s influence-seeking has grown along with its U.S. sales, which went from hundreds of millions of dollars in the early 2000s to some $9 billion last year. Its biggest business is diabetes, including various types of insulin whose list prices have more than doubled in recent years.

The wholesale list price for a vial of Novo Nordisk’s Levemir, a long-acting insulin, went from $144.80 in 2012 to $335.70 in January, when the price rose 4 percent, according to Connecture, a research firm.

Even Alex Azar, a former Eli Lilly executive who became Health and Human Services secretary in January, said in his confirmation hearing that “insulin prices are high, and they’re too high.” Along with Novo Nordisk and Sanofi, Lilly is one of the three big insulin makers under investigation by state attorneys general for price increases that seem suspiciously similar in size and timing.

Sanofi and Lilly both spent more last year on political donations and federal lobbying than Novo Nordisk. Lilly’s political spending was $548,100 for 2017, up 12 percent from 2015, the previous off-election year, the data show. Sanofi’s was $527,200, down from 2015.

But potential insulin price limits threaten Novo Nordisk more than those companies because diabetes-related drugs account for an exceptionally big portion of its business, analysts said. Several proposals under consideration by Congress could lower insulin prices or limit future increases.

One would allow the Medicare program for seniors to negotiate prices for covered drugs, thus lowering the cost.

Other proposals would make it easier for competing, “biosimilar” alternatives to break through the thicket of patents created by sellers of complex drugs such as insulin. Others would bring more transparency, requiring companies to publish and justify price increases.

None of the proposals has made it out of congressional committees. In the face of inaction by Washington, Novo Nordisk’s stock has recovered much of the ground it lost in 2016.

Novo Nordisk rejects suggestions that it coordinated price increases with competitors. So do Sanofi and Lilly.

List prices such as those tracked by Connecture don’t reflect what patients or their insurers ultimately pay, said Novo Nordisk spokesman Ken Inchausti. Growing discounts and rebates substantially reduced the reported list price, he said.

Even including discounts, however, the company’s net profit margin for 2017 was 34 percent, its highest since at least 2000, when it was half that high.

Official filings show Novo Nordisk lobbyists have been weighing in on numerous measures related to drug prices, including proposals to import less expensive drugs from Canada.

The company lobbies Washington on a wide range of issues including diabetes prevention, budget matters, chronic disease and making obesity an accepted medical disease that insurers will pay to prevent, Brooks said.

But last year’s increase in campaign donations and lobbying doesn’t look like business as usual for Novo Nordisk, said Billet, a former AT&T lobbyist who directs GWU’s Legislative Affairs program.

“I’m not surprised,” he said. “They’ve obviously had some issues recently. This is maybe a predictable enough element in their strategy.”

 

An ACA primer: Much more than insurance

http://www.healthcaredive.com/news/an-aca-primer-much-more-than-insurance/429497/

Remember the Affordable Care Act? Enacted in 2010, it expanded healthcare insurance to millions of uninsured Americans and increased access to care. But the ACA is much more than expanded coverage; it set in motion a variety of reforms in the healthcare delivery systems aimed at lowering costs and improving quality of care.

That fact was lost on presidential candidate Donald Trump, who told Fox News recently, “I don’t use much Obamacare, I must be honest with you, because it is so bad for the people and they can’t afford it.” Trump’s comments imply Obamacare is an insurance plan people can buy, which is not the case. As we wrap up year six since the ACA was enacted, here‘s what the law is really about and how it impacts providers.

Five specialty pharmaceutical trends to watch

http://managedhealthcareexecutive.modernmedicine.com/managed-healthcare-executive/news/five-specialty-pharmaceutical-trends-watch?cfcache=true&ampGUID=A13E56ED-9529-4BD1-98E9-318F5373C18F&rememberme=1&ts=13102016

Image result for pharmaceutical trends to watch

 

Top 4 pharmacy trends healthcare executives should watch

http://managedhealthcareexecutive.modernmedicine.com/managed-healthcare-executive/news/top-4-pharmacy-trends-healthcare-executives-should-watch?cfcache=true&ampGUID=A13E56ED-9529-4BD1-98E9-318F5373C18F&rememberme=1&ts=20092016

The pharmaceutical industry is complex—it’s ever changing and growing. That’s why Managed Healthcare Executive (MHE) conducted its first-ever managed care pharmacy survey to better identify top industry trends and challenges. To conduct the survey, which was performed during the second quarter of 2016 and received nearly 230 responses, MHE partnered with Access Market Intelligence and the National Institute of Collaborative Healthcare. Here’s a look at some of the key trends reflected by the survey findings, and analysis from experts. Here’s a look at some of the key findings from the survey, with experts weighing in on the results.

Some biosimilars are just as good as some pricey biologics

Some biosimilars are just as good as some pricey biologics

A new study suggests that a group of biosimilar drugs, which are used to treat such afflictions as rheumatoid arthritis, psoriasis, and inflammatory bowel disease, appear as safe and effective as their more expensive brand-name counterparts, which are known as biologics. A biosimilar drug is a nearly identical variant of a biologic and is expected to provide the same result in patients.

The analysis arrives as the US health care system, which is increasingly overwhelmed by high-priced medicines, looks toward biosimilars to provide savings. In the United States, where regulators have approved just two such drugs, some estimates say prices will be 20 percent to 30 percent less than the cost of biologics.

But until more biosimilars become available, there is some debate over the extent to which physicians will become sufficiently comfortable prescribing these drugs. Biologics are made from living cells and the brand-name biotech industry, for instance, says the complex processes needed to develop biosimilar drugs may produce slight changes that can affect safety and effectiveness. The threat of lower-priced competition has prompted brand-name drug makers to petition the Food and Drug Administration to delay approvals, among other tactics.

The study authors, however, argue their findings should put some of those concerns to rest. After analyzing 19 studies, they maintain the available data indicates biosimilar drugs based on brand-name versions of anti-TNF inhibitors should be considered interchangeable. The anti-TNF inhibitors include such big sellers as Amgen’s Enbrel, AbbVie’s Humira, and Johnson & Johnson’s Remicade.

“This is the $1 billion question — are the biosimilar versions comparable? And we found, in just about every outcome examined, that the biosimilars fare very well,” said Dr. Caleb Alexander, who is codirector of the Johns Hopkins University Center for Drug Safety and Effectiveness, and one of the authors of the study, which appeared today in the Annals of Internal Medicine.

Drug Regulation and Pricing — Can Regulators Influence Affordability?

http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMp1601294?utm_campaign=KHN%3A+Daily+Health+Policy+Report&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=29514168&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-_mhuZY8I1CwE2JaU7KXf7klesY9p7YngvovjjsHKAbNVfnE2nViv1V8f1h8S0PR5h41XLpae3XGq5fFQ5NnvEuAJ0UEw&_hsmi=29514168&

High Drug Costs

Public debate in the 1990s over drugs’ clinical toxicity has given way to concerns about their financial toxicity. Although drug regulators aren’t supposed to be concerned with pricing, they’ve been drawn into an acrimonious debate over the cost of medicines.

Three drug trends impacting specialty pharmacy

http://managedhealthcareexecutive.modernmedicine.com/managed-healthcare-executive/news/three-drug-trends-impacting-specialty-pharmacy?cfcache=true

Specialty Drugs

10 emerging healthcare trends for 2016

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/story/10-emerging-healthcare-trends-2016/2015-12-08?utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal

Self-Discovery

http://www.pwc.com/us/en/health-industries/top-health-industry-issues.html