Following the ACA Repeal-and-Replace Effort, Where Does the U.S. Stand on Insurance Coverage?

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2017/sep/post-aca-repeal-and-replace-health-insurance-coverage

Image result for the commonwealth fund

 

Conclusion and Policy Implications

The findings of this study could inform both short- and long-term actions for policymakers seeking to improve the affordability of marketplace plans and reduce the number of uninsured people in the United States.

Short-Term

The most immediate concern for policymakers is ensuring that the 17 million to 18 million people with marketplace and individual market coverage are able to enroll this fall.

Congress could take the following three steps:

  1. The Trump administration has not made a long-term commitment to paying insurers for the cost-sharing reductions for low-income enrollees in the marketplaces, which insurers are required to offer under the ACA. Congress could resolve this by making a permanent appropriation for the payments. Without this commitment, insurers have already announced that they are increasing premiums to hedge against the risk of not receiving payments from the federal government. Since most enrollees receive tax credits, higher premiums also will increase the federal government’s costs.9
  2. While it appears that most counties will have at least one insurer offering plans in the marketplaces this year, Congress could consider a fallback health plan option to protect consumers if they do not have a plan to choose from, with subsidies available to help qualifying enrollees pay premiums.
  3. Reinsurance to help carriers cover unexpectedly high claims costs.10 During the three years in which it was functioning, the ACA’s transitional reinsurance program lowered premiums by as much as 14 percent.

The executive branch can also play an important role in two ways:

  1. Signaling to insurers participating in the marketplaces that it will enforce the individual mandate. Uncertainty over the administration’s commitment to the mandate, like the cost-sharing reductions, is leading to higher-than-expected premiums for next year.
  2. Affirming the commitment to ensuring that all eligible Americans are aware of their options and have the tools they need to enroll in the coverage that is right for them during the 2018 open enrollment period, which begins November 1. The survey findings indicate that large shares of uninsured Americans are unaware of the marketplaces and that enrollment assistance makes a difference in whether people sign up for insurance.

Long-Term

The following longer-term policy changes will likely lead to affordability improvement and reductions in the number of uninsured people.

  1. The 19 states that have not expanded Medicaid could decide to do so.
  2. Alleviate affordability issues for people with incomes above 250 percent of poverty by:
    1. Allowing people earning more than 400 percent of poverty to be eligible for tax credits. This would cover an estimated 1.2 million people at an annual total federal cost of $6 billion, according to a RAND analysis.11
    2. Increasing tax credits for people with incomes above 250 percent of poverty.
    3. Allowing premium contributions to be fully tax deductible for people buying insurance on their own; self-employed people have long been able to do this.
    4. Extending cost-sharing reductions for individuals with incomes above 250 percent of poverty, thus making care more affordable for insured individuals with moderate incomes.
  3. Consider immigration reform and expanding insurance options for undocumented immigrants.

In 2002, the Institute of Medicine concluded that insurance coverage is the most important determinant of access to health care.12 In the ongoing public debate over how to provide insurance to people, the conversation often drifts from this fundamental why of health insurance. At this pivotal moment, more than 30 million people now rely on the ACA’s reforms and expansions. Nearly 30 million more are uninsured — because of the reasons identified in this survey. It is critical that the health of these 60 million people, along with their ability to lead long and productive lives, be the central focus in our debate over how to improve the U.S. health insurance system, regardless of the approach ultimately chosen.

How Would Coverage, Federal Spending, and Private Premiums Change if the Federal Government Stopped Reimbursing Insurers for the ACA’s Cost-Sharing Reductions?

http://www.rwjf.org/en/library/research/2017/09/how-would-coverage-federal-spending-and-private-premiums-change.html

http://www.rwjf.org/content/dam/farm/reports/issue_briefs/2017/rwjf440003

Home

 

Elimination of federal cost-sharing reductions could increase marketplace spending by 18 percent or increase the uninsured by 9.4 million, depending on insurer response.

The Issue

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) requires insurers to provide cost-sharing reductions (CSRs) that lower deductibles, co-payments, co-insurance, and out-of-pocket maximums for people eligible for tax credits and with incomes below 250 percent of the federal poverty level. With current policy uncertainty surrounding these CSRs, there are multiple future scenarios, but all involve increases in insurance premiums for consumers and there is a potential for large reductions in the insured population.

Key Findings

The report analyzes three potential scenarios and outcomes:

  • Insurers have enough time before the start of the plan year to incorporate their anticipated CSR costs into a surcharge placed on silver plan premiums.
  • Insurers exit the marketplaces in response to the loss of CSRs and other policy uncertainties and changes.
  • The federal government does not reimburse insurers for CSRs and lawmakers alter the ACA so that insurers are no longer required to pay CSRs to eligible enrollees.
Conclusion

In 2018, the number of uninsured Americans could increase by 9.4 million, and average premiums could increase by nearly 37 percent, if insurers abandon the marketplaces because of a decision to eliminate federal reimbursement of health insurance CSRs.

 

About the Urban Institute

The nonprofit Urban Institute is dedicated to elevating the debate on social and economic policy. For nearly five decades, Urban scholars have conducted research and offered evidence-based solutions that improve lives and strengthen communities across a rapidly urbanizing world. Their objective research helps expand opportunities for all, reduce hardship among the most vulnerable, and strengthen the effectiveness of the public sector. Visit the Urban Institute’s Health Policy Center for more information specific to its staff and its recent research.

How to turn healthcare’s single-payer threat into a reality

http://www.modernhealthcare.com/article/20170913/NEWS/170919942

Related image

What’s behind the renewed enthusiasm in the Democratic Party for Sen. Bernie Sanders’ single-payer healthcare bill? The GOP still controls both houses of Congress and the White House. The Affordable Care Act still faces an existential crisis.

Unless something is done in the next few weeks to shore up the exchanges for 2018 and reverse HHS’ mean-spirited efforts to undermine enrollment, the enormous progress made over the past four years—last week the Census Bureau announced the nation’s uninsured rate had dropped sharply over that period to 8.8%—will begin to reverse. For those desperately working to avert the immediate danger, single-payer advocacy is a distraction.

Unfortunately, the logic of contemporary politics made the current push for single-payer inevitable. President Donald Trump and the tea party set the table. They proved that in a populist moment, extreme positions that cater to a sliver of the electorate are a viable path to electoral success.

Expect left-wing challengers supporting single-payer to win numerous Democratic House and Senate primaries next spring. A wave election typical of first-term, off-year elections will lead to a single-payer caucus in the next Congress with as much power as the tea party caucus had after the wave of election of 2010.

Single-payer looms as their threat. If you destroy President Barack Obama’s grand compromise-his eponymous plan relied on private insurers and preserved the employer-based system- the fire next time will get rid of both.

Unlike the tea party, single-payer advocates have history on their side. The U.S. over the last half century has moved inexorably toward universal coverage: Medicare and Medicaid; the Children’s Health Insurance Program; the ACA. It will get there one way or another.

Sanders asked the right question in his op-ed last week in the New York Times. “Do we, as a nation, join the rest of the industrialized world and guarantee comprehensive health care to every person as a human right?”

Polls now report growing support for single-payer health insurance. When asked if the government has the responsibility to guarantee access to healthcare for all Americans, nearly 60% answer yes. In other words, a clear majority of Americans now say yes to Sanders’ question.

It’s not just a human-rights issue. Universal access through universal insurance coverage is a necessary if insufficient component of getting healthcare costs under control. It is also a building block for restoring the nation’s economic competitiveness, especially in areas of the country suffering from a prolonged decline. No region can thrive unless it has a well-educated, healthy workforce.

Industrialized countries diverged in how they achieved universal coverage. Some chose a government-funded, single-payer system. Others chose well-regulated private insurers. Still others chose a combination of the two.

The U.S., because its employers used health benefits to get around World War II’s wage-and-price controls, accidentally chose a mixed system. It was the erosion of the employer-based system that led to Obamacare.

Sanders and his 15 Senate co-sponsors propose to eliminate the employer-based system entirely. He would gradually expand Medicare to cover everyone over four years.

The legislation is silent on how to transfer the $1.1 trillion spent by employers on health insurance to government coffers, necessary to defray the cost of his plan. He doesn’t address how he would counter the tremendous opposition that disrupting the existing system would draw from employers and their workers, including those in many unions.

Sanders decries the lack of progressive think tanks to come up with answers to those and other transition questions. But the problem isn’t the absence of good ideas. It’s the absence of fertile soil in which those ideas can grow.

That will change rapidly if Republicans succeed in repealing Obamacare, or undermine it and send the uninsured rate soaring again. That, and only that, will turn the single-payer threat into the last viable path to universal coverage.

Hospital Impact—The only thing clear about healthcare policy is the continued lack of clarity

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/hospitals/hospital-impact-only-thing-clear-about-healthcare-policy-continuing-lack-clarity?utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal&mrkid=959610&mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWldFeE1XUXlPRFE0TlRneCIsInQiOiJ5dzRsZ1IwekxcL2FMZnN3NkJIOHZGbnpNV1RPcmtMNmdPd1MwV0RLUXNBSXl6QzJnK0s0NktPVzBLOUtRRjF1K0puZzZMZG95dERnN2VUcVRpeForakRVZVJsXC9GWllyU1g1Rk9ZY2pERVRQcjVyT1wvQkMycXdobjd5UnNKa2p3NiJ9

Executive looking out window

For healthcare leaders, it’s discouraging that federal policy decisions seem to be made at the last minute without much planning or consideration of unintended consequences.

I spent my Labor Day vacation in Monterrey, California, watching the waves crash into the sand and wondering what the future of healthcare will look like in the coming months and years. Some clarity is emerging that we have not seen in the past, and I feel comfortable making some observations and predictions:

  • Congress will not revisit the repeal and replacement of the Affordable Care Act before the end of the year. It is simply dealing with far too many other issues—passing a budget, raising the debt ceiling, approving disaster aid for Harvey and Irma, not to mention its desire for tax reform—that lawmakers must address.
  • While the Senate HELP committee is attempting a bipartisan effort to shore up the ACA, the issues listed above will make it almost impossible for such a law to be passed during this session.
  • The leadership of the Department of Health and Human Services ideologically opposes the very concept of the ACA and is also responsible for implementing the law. The tension between those two facts will lead to confusion and uncertainty for those of us in healthcare.
  • The passage of the ACA changed the terms of debate around healthcare reform. Granting health insurance to more than 20 million Americans has now shifted public opinion so that a solid majority believes the federal government should ensure that its citizens have insurance.
  • The ACA is not failing, but going forward it can be undermined without congressional action.

As a former anatomic pathologist, I am always interested in postmortem examination of failures, and the failure of Republicans to repeal the ACA ranks high in any list of stunning political disasters. Pundits have identified several possible causes:

  • Republicans never had a clear replacement plan or goal.
  • Taking away benefits from 22 million Americans is politically unpopular.
  • The ACA was not in a “death spiral.”
  • The president did not exert necessary leadership to get GOP senators to support his unpopular position.
  • Republican governors who had expanded Medicaid did not support the effort.
  • Organized opposition to repeal led to most Americans not supporting repeal.

Autopsy results always arrive too late for those of us who are still alive, and it is more important for those of us in healthcare to interpret the mixed messages coming out of HHS and Congress so that our organizations can continue to care for patients under the current system.

HHS seems willing and eager to let states experiment with healthcare reform. Alaska has received approval for $323 million over five years to subsidize insurance carriers and stabilize its individual ACA marketplace. Iowa is likely to receive approval for a radical 1332 waiver approach to healthcare reform in the Hawkeye state, and other states are preparing waiver submissions.

Meanwhile, HHS actions that seem to undermine the ACA include refusing to guarantee cost-sharing reduction subsidies to insurance companies and slashing the budget to support ACA enrollment for 2018. HHS recently announced advertising budget cuts of 90% for 2018 and the navigator program cuts of 40%.

A recent study—detailed in a post on The Incidental Economist blog—compared Kentucky ACA enrollment under a Democratic governor who supported advertising and a Republican governor who cut advertising. It found that lack of TV advertising led to 450,000 fewer page views on the ACA website and 20,000 fewer unique visits to the enrollment website.

ACA supporters, meanwhile, have recently put together a private enrollment campaign for 2018 to fill in the gap created by HHS decisions, Axios reported.

Last week, the Senate HELP Committee heard from state insurance commissioners and governorsabout ideas to stabilize the ACA marketplaces. They include:

  • Funding the cost-sharing reduction subsidies to insurance companies.
  • Facilitating reinsurance programs.
  • Expanding the ACA 1332 waiver programs to let states innovate.
  • Funding enrollment activities such as advertising and navigator programs.

Although health policy experts largely support these recommendations, it is hard to see how such a divided Congress could pass such proposals. Even if such legislation were approved, it would likely come too late to impact health insurance company decisions for 2018.

So, as of early September, we are left with the ACA continuing to be the law of the land, but with those in charge of the federal government not entirely supporting its success. Healthcare organizations have difficulty caring for patients when the rules keep changing and when clarity is hard to come by. It is also discouraging that decisions seem to be made at the last minute without much planning or consideration for unintended consequences.

That said, we still need to keep taking care of patients. My advice is to:

  • Continue to prepare for the transition from fee-for-service to value-based payments, but be aware that the Trump administration might slow down this process.
  • Continue to cut unnecessary costs.
  • Continue to improve the measurable quality of the care you give.
  • Participate in efforts in your individual states to innovate through waiver programs.
  • Collaborate with your physicians who are confused by all the uncertainty.
  • Keep up to date with the frequent changes that nobody can predict.

 

 

Healthcare Triage News: Congress is Back, and Healthcare Should Be on the To-do List

Healthcare Triage News: Congress is Back, and Healthcare Should Be on the To-do List

Image result for Healthcare Triage News: Congress is Back, and Healthcare Should Be on the To-do List

Congress is back in session, and it has a full month ahead. They have to deal with hurricanes, raise the debt limit, fund the government, keep us out of war, AND they want to talk about cutting taxes, too. With all this going on, it’s going to be hard to get anything done around healthcare, but there’s lots that needs to be done.

There’s one Obamacare repeal bill left standing. Here’s what’s in it.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/politics/cassidy-graham-explainer/?utm_term=.c90e0ce41aa2

Image result for cartoon dilbert beating a dead horse

After a dramatic series of failed Senate votes in July, there’s one repeal-and-replace plan for the Affordable Care Act left standing. Trump is pushing for a vote, per Politico, and John McCain has announced his support, but the bill has yet to gain significant traction.

The proposal, crafted by Sens. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.) and Dean Heller (R-Nev.), essentially turns control of the health-care markets over to the states. Rather than funding Medicaid and subsidies directly, that money would be put into a block grant that a state could use to develop any health-care system it wants. It also allows states to opt out of many ACA regulations. “If you like Obamacare, you can keep it,” Graham has said, using a common nickname for the health-care law. “If you want to replace it, you can.”

In reality, that may not be true. The Medicaid expansion and subsidy funding would be cut sharply compared to current spending, going to zero in a decade.

 “You can’t actually keep the same program if your federal funding is being cut by a third in 2026,” said Aviva Aron-Dine, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. And even putting aside the cuts, she said, the block grant structure would fundamentally change the health-care landscape. “[Funding] is capped, so it wouldn’t  go up and down with the economy,” when fewer or more people become eligible for subsidies.

Republicans contest this. The drop in funding “gives strong incentives for the states to be more efficient with their program,” said Ed Haislmaier, a senior fellow at the conservative Heritage Foundation. That is, states may be able to maintain the ACA structure and regulations as long as they streamline operations.

If the streamlining turns out to be insufficient, the cuts would hit liberal states the hardest, according to a report by the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities. This is largely because they tend to be the biggest spenders on health care: They’ve expanded Medicaid and aggressively signed people up for marketplace coverage. They have the most to lose.

 On the whole, Aron-Dine says, “This is a lot more similar to the [Senate repeal bill] than different. All of them end with devastating cuts to marketplace subsidies, Medicaid, and weakening of consumer protections.”

Haislmaier agreed, pointing out the Cassidy-Graham plan was originally intended as an amendment to the Senate bill.

Here’s the nitty gritty of what would change, compared to the ACA and the Senate plan that failed in July:

Who would need to be covered

Under the Cassidy-Graham plan, the mandates would be eliminated at the federal level. States could choose to keep the measure, replace it or get rid of it completely.

How they would pay for coverage

The federal health insurance subsidies that help most people with ACA marketplace plans afford their coverage would change. This bill would shift those subsidies to the state-level, so people in some states may see their subsidy scaled back or eliminated.

Proposed changes to Medicaid

The bill would restructure Medicaid and decrease its funding. That would make it very difficult for states to maintain the Medicaid expansion.

 

Trump wants one last Senate push on Obamacare repeal

http://www.politico.com/story/2017/09/05/trump-obamacare-repeal-senate-242346

Image result for beating a dead horse

The odds are slim, but the White House still hopes for action on a bill drafted by Lindsey Graham and Bill Cassidy.

President Donald Trump and some Senate Republicans are refusing to give up on Obamacare repeal, even after this summer’s spectacular failure and with less than a month before a key deadline.

The president and White House staff have continued to work with Republican Sens. Lindsey Graham of South Carolijna and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana over the summer on their proposal to block grant federal health care funding to the states. And though the bill is being rewritten and Congress faces a brutal September agenda, Trump and his allies on health care are making a last-gasp effort.

“He wants to do it, the president does. He loves the block grants. But we’ve got to have political support outside Washington,” Graham said in an interview. He said the bill needs to have a “majority of the Republican governors behind the idea” to gain momentum in the Senate.

But there’s far more work to do even than that. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell would need to find room on the packed calendar this month to hold another uncertain push to repeal Obamacare on party lines. The Senate has only until the end of the month to pass the measure using powerful budget reconciliation procedures, but is also planning to fund the government, raise the debt ceiling, write a new defense policy bill and extend a host of expiring programs.

Cassidy said he hopes to have the bill text finalized by this week and has declined to reveal details about what changed in the bill during August.

“We are still refining the legislative language — just things you got to clear up,” he said. “We think we have good legislation, good policy.”

The Congressional Budget Office would also still need time to analyze the cost of the bill, a process that could take several weeks.

Trump berated McConnell and the Senate GOP over the summer for falling one vote short of sending repeal into conference with the House in July, when Sen. John McCain of Arizona voted down the GOP’s “skinny” repeal bill. So the White House has continued to work on the Graham-Cassidy bill behind the scenes, seeing it as the best option to make progress, according to several administration officials.

The bill would keep most of Obamacare’s taxes and devolve many spending decisions to the states. It was submitted as an amendment to the repeal bill in July but did not receive a vote; aides say it could not pass the Senate in its current form.

Trump has intermittently told aides he wants progress on health care and is still frustrated that the bill failed. The White House’s legislative team has talked with Republican governors in recent weeks and is planning to bring more to the White House, according to one of the officials. Internally, White House officials say they have listened to concerns from governors and tried to tweak the state block grant formulas.

Hill leadership hasn’t played a central role in the effort.

McConnell said in Kentucky last month that the path forward is “somewhat murky” and pointed to efforts by Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) to stabilize insurance markets as one avenue forward, though he doubted Democrats’ resolve on the bipartisan effort.

“We’re going to see what Sen. Alexander and his team can do on a bipartisan basis. The Democrats have been pretty uninterested in any reforms. They’re really interested in sending money to insurance companies but not very interested in reforms,” McConnell said then.

Inside the White House, there is little hope that a health care bill can happen quickly, with a stacked legislative agenda. And some close to the president prefer he would focus on tax reform and other immediate fiscal issues.

The Senate parliamentarian has ruled that the chamber’s reconciliation instructions, which allow the GOP to evade a Democratic filibuster and the chamber’s 60-vote requirement, expire at the end of the month. Republicans are planning to use their next budget measure to pass tax reform via a simple majority. But Graham insisted there’s a short window to fulfill the party’s seven-year promise if the GOP goes into overdrive, starting this week.

“It’s possible, yes. But you’ve got to do it quickly … introduce it this week, have a hearing soon about the bill, then the process is set to actually take it to floor and vote,” Graham said. “Everything has to fall in place.”

State officials plead for bipartisan ObamaCare fix

State officials plead for bipartisan ObamaCare fix

State officials plead for bipartisan ObamaCare fix

State insurance officials pleaded with senators on Wednesday to quickly act to stabilize the ObamaCare marketscalling for a multiyear extension of key payments to help fund premiums for low-income customers.

Congress must pass a fix by the end of September to shore up the wobbly individual markets, several officials said, in particular funding for key ObamaCare insurer payments known as cost-sharing reductions (CSR).

“The CSR funding issue is the single most critical issue that you can address to help stabilize insurance markets for 2018 and potentially bring down costs,” Tennessee’s insurance commissioner Julie Mix McPeak told the Senate Health Committee.

The panel kicked off a series of hearings Wednesday on stabilizing the markets. If Congress can pass a bill, it would represent the biggest bipartisan update since President Obama signed the law in 2010.

Health committee Chairman Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) wants to find consensus by the end of next week. To sell the fix, he and ranking member Patty Murray (D-Wash.) held a private meeting with senators not on the committee and the witnesses who testified as Wednesday’s hearing.

“If we can do two things, that would be two more things that we have agreed on in a bipartisan way in the last seven years in health insurance,” Alexander told reporters.

“And then let the leaders see if we can pass it, and hope the House does and that the president signs it.”

Despite some pushback that could still come from conservatives calling the payments an “insurer bailout,” Alexander and Murray hope to cobble together a bipartisan group that agree some continuation of the payments is necessary.

The cost sharing subsidies, which reimburse insurers for giving discounted deductibles and co-pays to low-income customers, have been made by the Trump administration on a month-to-month basis.

Republicans had sued the Obama administration over the payments, calling them unconstitutional, but many have since acknowledged they need to continue at least in the near term to prevent steep premium hikes.

Insurers have asked for long-term certainty on the payments, threatening to hike premiums and leave the ObamaCare markets altogether if they don’t get it.

Democrats, and some Republicans like Alexander, agree Congress should fund the payments, but there’s disagreement on the time frame.

Alexander wants to fund the payments through 2018 while Murray has pushed for multiple years.

“It is critical that we work toward a multiyear solution in order to provide the kind of certainty that will have the most impact on families’ premiums and choices in the marketplaces,” Murray said.

America’s Health Insurance Plans, the nation’s largest insurer trade association, and other stakeholder groups urged Congress to fund the payments through at least 2019.

“Without two years of CSR funding, uncertainty will persist and the Congress will need to address these same issues early next year,” the groups wrote in a letter to the committee Tuesday.

Meanwhile, Republicans say a bipartisan health bill must include changes to ObamaCare’s state waivers so states have more control over what their insurance plans look like.

Alexander said ObamaCare’s waivers should be amended so “states can have more flexibility to devise ways to provide more coverage with more choices and lower costs.”

“It just hasn’t been very appealing to states because it is a difficult tool to use,” he said.

This point was echoed by Pennsylvania’s insurance commissioner Theresa Miller, who called the process to get approved cumbersome.

“Baseline coverage requirements should be kept intact as much as possible … but make it easier for states to respond to market issues,” she said.

For example, it takes at least six months to get a waiver approved with the federal government, which the commissioners said made it difficult to quickly respond to market issues.

But Democrats have been wary of anything they say could result in coverage losses and the availability of less comprehensive insurance plans.

The Senate GOP’s ObamaCare repeal plan, which failed in a dramatic vote with Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) joining two other Republicans in opposition, contained language intended to make it easier for states to approve less comprehensive plans.

However, Democrats say that is going in the wrong direction.

We should be “moving forward not backward on affordability, coverage and quality of care,” Murray said.

“We’re all well aware threading this needle won’t be easy,” she said, “but I do believe an agreement that protects patients and families from higher costs and uncertainty, and maintains the guardrails in our current health care system, is possible.”

Several commissioners also recommended setting up a temporary reinsurance program to help insurers with high cost patients with the intent of lowering premiums for healthier ones.

“Congress should enact a federal reinsurance program with a minimum duration of three years,” said Washington state insurance commissioner Mike Kreidler, adding that it would “significantly help stabilize the individual health insurance market.”

But Alexander indicated it’s unlikely for the bill to include reinsurance funding, noting that the U.S. is already trillions in debt.

“If a reinsurance program is such a good idea … why don’t states do it?” he asked, suggesting states impose small fees on every insurance plan sold to help fund it.

Democrats are also pushing for a bill to restore ObamaCare outreach funding after the Trump administration announced drastic cuts to the program.

Alaska’s insurance director Lori Wing-Heier said the cuts concern her because “these programs reduce the number of uninsured citizens and maximize public participation.”

Insurance official to Congress: ObamaCare not collapsing

Insurance official to Congress: ObamaCare not collapsing

Insurance official to Congress: ObamaCare not collapsing

A Pennsylvania insurance official told Congress Wednesday that ObamaCare is not collapsing, as some Republicans have argued.

Speaking at a Senate Health Committee hearing on efforts to stabilize Affordable Care Act (ACA) markets, Teresa Miller, Pennsylvania’s acting Human Services secretary and former insurance commissioner, said that the notion is “just false.”

“I’m not going to sit here this morning and tell you that the ACA is perfect,” she said. “I think we all know that it’s not, but the narrative that the ACA is failing and imploding is just false.”

Miller, who works in the administration of Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf, noted that insurers in the state filed average premium increases of just 8.8 percent for next year, and that most enrollees receive government subsidies to help them afford premium costs.

While there have been “difficulties” in the market, she said, “our individual market is not collapsing.”

Other states have encountered more problems with their markets, but every state is on track to have at least one insurer offering ObamaCare coverage in every county next year, after some worries that there would be empty counties.

The insurance commissioners testifying largely called for efforts to further stabilize ObamaCare markets, for example by funding key payments known as cost-sharing reductions, which President Trump has threatened to cancel.

Multiple commissioners also called for a program called reinsurance that provides government funding to bring down premiums by paying for part of especially sick enrollees’ claims.

The Senate Health Committee is trying to reach a deal on a bipartisan stabilization bill by the end of next week, a tough task on such a polarizing issue.

A Glimmer of Bipartisanship on the ACA

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2017/sep/bipartisanship-on-the-aca?omnicid=EALERT1267321&mid=henrykotula@yahoo.com

Image result for bipartisanship

 

With the eclipse of Republican efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act (ACA), bipartisan approaches to improving the law are having a moment in the sun. This week, Senators Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) and Patti Murray (D-Wash.) are cosponsoring hearings before the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) committee on bipartisan solutions to stabilizing private health insurance markets. The Problem-Solvers — a new caucus of House Democrats and Republicans — are similarly at work on a cross-party package of reforms. Eight governors have released a bipartisan plan, as has a group of health policy experts with mixed party affiliations.

The value of bipartisanship is indisputable. The alternative — on excruciating display over the last seven months — is ongoing partisan warfare that destabilizes our health care system. Health care providers and insurers cannot function effectively when changes in party control at the federal level threaten to upend the health care system every two to four years. And the fear of health coverage loss is unquestionably stressful for the millions of Americans who depend upon the ACA.

But the growing apparent consensus on key elements for a short-term, cross-party package is encouraging. These proposals focus on strengthening individual insurance marketplaces by legislating cost-sharing reduction payments; helping private insurers manage the risk of very high-cost patients using reinsurance and other means; creating a source of backup coverage for “bare markets” that lack private insurers; and offering states greater flexibility in implementing federal regulations governing private insurance markets.

Different groups propose additional bells and whistles, and there is much room for disagreement on how to design and implement specific provisions. But at least both parties are at the table. Where there’s a will, there may be a way.

Still, important practical questions remain. One is whether the will really exists. Republican supporters of repeal and replace continue to divide the Senate Republican caucus. Conservatives in the House — including the Freedom Caucus — will likely oppose anything that threatens their hope that the ACA will collapse of its own weight. And it is possible that President Trump, still grumbling about the failure of repeal and replace, will veto any narrow package that he believes pours salt in his health care wound.

Ironically, the failure of ACA markets to self-destruct may also sap the will for bipartisan reforms. Deadlines and crisis drive congressional action and, until recently, the threat that some individual markets — admittedly, small in number and population — would lack any insurer was an important spur for Congress to act. Now, that threat has receded as the last of the bare markets has found a carrier.  Bipartisanship is the legislative equivalent of nuclear fusion; it needs major external pressure to push those mutually repelling atoms together.

Even if there were a will, there might not be a way to get an ACA package into the queue. The fall congressional calendar is packed with other high-profile, high-stakes, deadline- and crisis- driven legislation. By September 30, Congress must reauthorize the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), which has traditionally enjoyed bipartisan support and is vital to the health care of more than 9 million American children. To respond to Hurricane Harvey, Congress also needs to rapidly enact emergency aid for Texas and Louisiana, which will require the extension of previously controversial flood relief legislation.

And these measures are just the beginning. Congress has to fund the federal government by September 30 — with or without support for the border wall — or face a government shutdown. There is the need to pass a controversial increase in the federal debt ceiling by the same date. And to have any hope of enacting major tax reform before the 2018 election, work must accelerate right after Labor Day. Putting the tax project off until after January is dangerous for proponents, because passing controversial tax legislation is infinitely more difficult in an election year.

Bipartisanship on health care action could lay vital groundwork in the short term for bolstering the individual health insurance market. Longer term, bipartisanship is essential for the kind of fundamental change that is necessary to increase coverage and contain costs in our health care system. We should not, however, underestimate the huge political and procedural obstacles that lie in the way of current admirable efforts to bring the two parties together on health care. It will take all the skill of committed Senate and House leaders from both parties to make progress on health care this year — or thereafter.