CBO: Ending cost-sharing reduction payments will increase premiums, federal deficit

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/aca/cbo-ending-cost-sharing-reduction-payments-will-increase-premiums-federal-deficit?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiTVdKa1pEazNOMll5WVRreiIsInQiOiJkaVJDVnRHOXNNXC9ENmt6WFpTTFwvZGVQeThhQVRjZHR2VE9jUEVQQUtlZ3BxUFg0akRMM0FOK2hWZUc4ajJ4WVdzOUV3Z21GM1cyU1VVOWNDekZ2aVwvZG11VnFVVDQ3WEJvejBQU3ZVZTM4bjZyK3A1VjlcL3Q0Mmtsc3VJUTErS0wifQ%3D%3D&mrkid=959610&utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal

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If the Trump administration stops funding cost-sharing reduction payments, silver-plan premiums on the Affordable Care Act exchanges will rise considerably and the federal deficit will increase, the Congressional Budget Office said Tuesday.

Officially, the administration remains undecided about how long it will continue making CSR payments, which are at the center of a federal court case that challenges their legality. Many insurers have had to factor this uncertainty into their preliminary rate filings.

To map out the consequences of one possible move by the administration, the CBO examined what would happen if federal officials announced at the end of August that they would continue CSR payments through the end of the year but discontinue them after that.

That policy would result in silver-plan premiums rising by an average of 20% in 2018 and 25% by 2020, the CBO estimates. Because tax credits rise in tandem with premiums, most eligible enrollees would not pay higher rates than they would if CSR payments continued—though the report also notes that overall, “the share of people facing slight increases would be higher during the next two years.”

Since more people would likely receive premium tax credits and in greater amounts, the CBO predicts that ending CSR payments would raise the federal deficit by $6 billion in 2018, $21 billion in 2020 and $26 billion in 2026.

The CBO also predicts that ending CSR payments would cause some insurers to exit the individual marketplaces, leaving about 5% of people living in areas that have no ACA exchange insurer in 2018. However, the agency predicts that more insurers would likely return to the exchanges in 2020 after having adjusted to the new policy.

Overall, the number of uninsured people would be slightly higher in 2018 but slightly lower starting in 2020 under the scenario the CBO examined, per the report.

Why ACA market upheaval still looms large despite failure to repeal the law

http://www.healthcaredive.com/news/why-aca-market-upheaval-still-looms-large-despite-failure-to-repeal-the-law/449117/

Whether lawmakers are done with efforts to repeal the ACA or not, some important changes for healthcare could be on the horizon.

CBO to release analysis of ending key ObamaCare insurer payments

CBO to release analysis of ending key ObamaCare insurer payments

CBO to release analysis of ending key ObamaCare insurer payments

The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office (CBO) will release an analysis next week detailing the effects of ending key ObamaCare insurer payments.

The CBO announced Friday the score would be released next week.

President Trump has threatened to cancel the payments, known as cost-sharing reductions, which reimburse insurers for giving discounted deductibles and copays to low-income people.

The administration has made the payments on a month-to-month basis but insurers have pleaded for long-term certainty.

The reimbursements total $7 billion for fiscal 2017, and regardless of whether the administration pays them, insurers would still be on the hook to offer these discounts to enrollees — they just wouldn’t be reimbursed for doing so.

Uncertainty over the future of the payments has contributed to insurers exiting the healthcare exchanges and proposed premium increases for 2018. More insurers might leave or increase premiums if the payments aren’t continued.

The Senate Health Committee will hold bipartisan hearings in September on ways to stabilize and strengthen the individual market.

The goal is to craft a bipartisan, short-term proposal by mid-September, which could include funding the payments.

Facing Trump Subsidy Cuts, Health Insurance Officials Seek a Backup Plan

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Congress is on vacation, but state insurance commissioners have no time off. They have spent the past three days debating what to do if President Trump stops subsidies paid to insurance companies on behalf of millions of low-income people.

For administration officials and many in Congress, the subsidies are a political and legal issue in a fight over the future of the Affordable Care Act. But for state officials, gathered here at the summer meeting of the National Association of Insurance Commissioners, the subsidies are a more immediate, practical concern.

The insurance commissioners are frustrated with the gridlock in Washington, which they say threatens coverage for consumers and the solvency of some insurers. Without the payments, they say, consumers will face higher premiums in 2018, and more insurers will pull back from the individual insurance market.

Mr. Trump has repeatedly threatened to cut off the payments, which reimburse insurers for reducing the deductibles, co-payments and other out-of-pocket costs for low-income people.

If the government continues providing funds for the subsidies, insurers will have “a small profit,” said Craig Wright, the chief actuary at the Florida Office of Insurance Regulation. “If the subsidies are not funded, carriers would face the prospect of large financial losses, which could increase the risk to their solvency.”

“It could be very damaging,” Mr. Wright said. “Our market wouldn’t recover.”

With no guidance or clarity from the Trump administration, state officials are agonizing over what to do. Many expressed a sense of urgency, saying they needed to make decisions soon on rates to be charged in 2018.

Trump administration officials were invited to speak to state insurance regulators and were listed in the program for at least one public session, but they did not show up at that event to provide the promised update on federal policy.

“Most of us are hoping and praying that this gets resolved,” said David Shea, a health actuary at the Virginia Bureau of Insurance. “But that’s not the case right now.”

Without the federal subsidies, insurers would need to get the money — estimated at $7 billion to $10 billion next year — from another source. And that means higher premiums, state officials said.

The officials here are wrestling with several questions: How much should premiums be increased? Who should pay the higher premiums? Is there any way to minimize the effect on low-income people? Is it better to assume that the cost-sharing subsidy payments will or will not be made in 2018? What happens if state officials guess wrong?

State officials said they would allow insurers to impose a surcharge on premiums if the federal government cuts off funds for the cost-sharing subsidies.

Paul Lombardo, a health actuary at the Connecticut Insurance Department, said officials there might direct insurers to spread the cost across all of their health plans, both on and off the insurance exchange created under the Affordable Care Act.

By contrast, Florida has asked insurers to load all of the extra cost into the prices charged for midlevel “silver plans” sold on the exchange. The federal government would then absorb almost all of the cost through another subsidy program, which provides tax credits to help low-income people pay premiums, Mr. Wright said. The tax credits generally increase when premiums rise.

J. P. Wieske, the deputy insurance commissioner in Wisconsin, said that two companies, Anthem and Molina Healthcare, were leaving the state’s marketplace in 2018 and that two others, Humana and UnitedHealth, exited in previous years. As a result, he said, more people will be enrolled in smaller local health plans that could be more affected by a termination of federal subsidy payments.

“Carriers left in the Wisconsin market are smaller, local plans,” Mr. Wieske said. “Particular carriers could have huge surges in population, going from 7 or 8 percent of their business in the individual market to 30 or 40 percent. If that’s the case, if it’s 30 or 40 percent of their business in the individual market, that’s obviously a gargantuan risk.”

The risks for consumers are also high, Mr. Wieske said. “Consumers,” he said, “could be stuck in a zombie plan, an insurer that is essentially no longer able to do business in the worst-case scenario, or consumers may have to move to another insurer with different health care providers.”

Officials in many states must decide this month on insurance rates for next year.

“We are holding off making those decisions until the very last possible minute,” said Julie Mix McPeak, the Tennessee insurance commissioner. “In doing so, we are really making it difficult for consumers who need information about open enrollment — who’s participating in the market and what the rates might be. We don’t know the answers to any of those questions.”

The uncertainty stems not only from the White House and Congress, but also from federal courts.

House Republicans challenged the cost-sharing payments in a lawsuit in 2014. A federal judge ruled last year that the Obama administration had been illegally making the payments, in the absence of a law explicitly providing money for the purpose. The case is pending before the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, which has held it “in abeyance” at the request of House Republicans and the Trump administration.

The administration has been providing funds for cost-sharing subsidies month to month, with no commitment to pay for the remainder of this year, much less for 2018.

“I am very fearful that we’ll have insurers make a decision to leave markets as a result of the uncertainty,” said Ms. McPeak, who is the president-elect of the National Association of Insurance Commissioners. “It’s somewhat inequitable to ask insurers to sign a contract that binds them but may not bind the federal government.”

The Affordable Care Act requires an annual review of health insurance rate increases, and states are taking different approaches.

Nebraska initially told insurers to file 2018 rates on the assumption that the cost-sharing subsidies would continue. But “because of the confusion in Washington,” said Martin W. Swanson of the Nebraska Insurance Department, the state later told insurers to assume that they would not receive the subsidy payments.

Mike Chaney, the Mississippi insurance commissioner, and Allen W. Kerr, the Arkansas insurance commissioner, said they had instructed companies to assume that they would receive the cost-sharing subsidies next year. Michigan has told insurers to submit two sets of rates, one with the subsidies and one without.

Michael F. Consedine, the chief executive of the National Association of Insurance Commissioners, said that without a firm commitment of federal funds for the cost-sharing subsidies, “we have grave concerns about the long-term viability of the individual health insurance market in a number of states.”

“We need some step right away,” Mr. Consedine said, “either by action of Congress or by direction of the administration, to ensure that Americans continue to have access to coverage.”

Healthcare Triage News: The Trump Administration Has Many Options to Undermine Obamacare

Healthcare Triage News: The Trump Administration Has Many Options to Undermine Obamacare

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While the Senate and the House haven’t been very effective in passing a repeal of Obamacare, the ACA’s provisions are still at risk. There’s a lot that Donald Trump’s administration can do (or not do) to undermine Obamacare’s provisions and marketplaces.

Taxpayers Will Pay the Price for Uncertainty Over Obamacare in 2018

https://www.thefiscaltimes.com/2017/08/10/Taxpayers-Will-Pay-Price-Uncertainty-Over-Obamacare-2018

The health insurance industry remains in the throes of a largely unnecessary crisis of confidence, according to an analysis released by the Kaiser Family Foundation on Thursday.

With the open enrollment period approaching for Obamacare insurance plans sold through state exchanges, Kaiser Foundation experts were able to analyze the proposals for 2018 submitted by insurance companies to 20 states and the District of Columbia — the only places where enough information is made public to allow an assessment of what health care costs would look like for an average policyholder under the insurers’ requested rate structures.

“Insurers attempting to price their plans and determine which states and counties they will service next year face a great deal of uncertainty,” the authors wrote. “They must soon sign contracts locking in their premiums for the entire year of 2018, yet Congress or the Administration could make significant changes in the coming months to the law – or its implementation – that could lead to significant losses if companies have not appropriately priced for these changes. Insurers vary in the assumptions they make regarding the individual mandate and cost-sharing subsidies and the degree to which they are factoring this uncertainty into their rate requests.”

What that means for consumers is a bit of a mixed bag. Almost all insurers are seeking rate increases, with some approaching a 50 percent jump. But the actual impact on consumers varies depending on where they buy their insurance and how much money they earn. One thing is for sure, though: The federal government, and therefore taxpayers, will be on the hook for larger subsidy payments.

Because the majority of Americans obtain health insurance through an employer-sponsored plan or from federal programs like Medicare and Medicaid, the impact of the premium increases of exchange-based policies will mean little to a large element of the population.

Of those who buy insurance on the exchanges, the overwhelming majority receive tax credits meant to keep their premium payments to a specific fraction of their annual income. The remaining 16 percent, depending on their income, receive either a smaller subsidy or no subsidy at all. It is these people who, if they live in some of the regions facing large premium increases, who will be hurt the most.

The Kaiser study gathered information from the largest city in each of the 20 states plus the District of Columbia. (Benchmark levels for tax credits are based on the second-cheapest Silver Level plan available in the largest city in a state.) They estimated the change in costs for a 40-year-old non-smoker earning $30,000 a year.

In only one state was the annual premium expected to fall in 2018: Rhode Island, which anticipates a 5 percent drop. Vermont’s premiums will remain static in 2018 if the data holds. The other 19 states can all expect increases, from a modest 3 percent in Michigan to a whopping 49 percent in Delaware.

The average increase in the data collected by Kaiser is 17 percent.

However, none of those costs would be passed on to the consumer making $30,000 a year. In fact, because of adjustments to the tax credit, he could expect to see monthly costs fall by 3 percent, to $201, next year, regardless of what premium levels do where he lives.

But somebody has to pay when premiums go up, and if it isn’t the consumer, it’s the Treasury and by extension, the taxpayer.

The change in premium payments required to keep that 40-year-old’s health insurance premium at $201 per month will increase very sharply in many states, depending greatly on how far from the premium cap a silver plan was in 2017.

In Washington State, according to Kaiser, the premium tax credit would increase 239 percent, from $31 per month to $105. In New Mexico, it would jump 183 percent, from $51 to $144. In Rhode Island it would fall 13 percent, while in Vermont it would rise a modest 2 percent. On average, though, the amount of premium payment picked up by the federal government will increase by about 63 percent in the states reviewed by Kaiser.

Perversely, as Kaiser points out, that fiscal wound is largely self-inflicted. While it is impossible to gauge just how much of this year’s rate increases are attributable to insurers being nervous about whether the federal government would slash support payments in the middle of the 2018 policy year, the answer is surely non-trivial, and the dollars are coming out of the pockets of taxpayers.

The ACA stability “crisis” in perspective: Premiums Spike for Some Americans

https://www.axios.com/the-aca-stability-crisis-in-perspective-2470990374.html

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The big questions about the stability of the Affordable Care Act marketplaces have focused on how fast premiums will rise, and how many plans will participate. But an equally important question, and the heart of the matter politically, is: How many people will be affected by the sharp premium increases?

The bottom line: The answer is about 6.7 million Americans who buy coverage in the non-group market in and out of the exchanges, and do not receive premium subsidies. That is a significant number of people, and an urgent policy problem requiring congressional attention and action by the administration, but it’s not a system-wide health insurance crisis. The non-group market has always been the most troubled part of the insurance system, and it was far worse before the ACA.

The breakdown:

  • 17.5 million in the non-group insurance market, including:
  • 10.3 million enrolled in the ACA exchanges
  • Approximately 7.2 million buying insurance off the exchanges
    • Most of this group buys ACA-compliant plans
    • About 1.2 million in “grandfathered” plans purchased before the ACA’s market reforms took effect

Yes, 17.5 million is a sizeable number, and what happens to their health insurance coverage and costs is important. But, to put it in perspective:

  • 156 million get their primary coverage through an employer, where premiums rose a modest 3% last year for family coverage
  • More than 74 million are covered by Medicaid and CHIP.

According to our new analysis of proposed 2018 premium changes in the exchanges, double-digit increases for benchmark silver plans are quite common, though the range across major cities is large, from a 5% decrease in Providence, R.I. to a 49% increase in Wilmington, Del.

A big reason for these increases is the uncertainty in the market surrounding Trump administration policies, especially whether they will let the $7 billion in cost-sharing reduction (CSR) subsidies flow and whether the individual mandate will be enforced.

Who’s getting hit: 84% of the enrollees in the marketplaces – about 8.7 million people – receive premium subsidies under the ACA and are insulated from these premium hikes.

However, roughly 6.7 million people — the ones who buy ACA-compliant plans inside or outside the marketplace and aren’t subsidized — will feel the full brunt of premium increases. They’ll be hit if the uncertainty is not resolved and the rates do not come down before they are finalized.

In many cases, there is as much as a 20 percentage point swing or more in rates depending on whether the CSRs are paid.

The big picture: Dealing with this uncertainty is an urgent situation, particularly since it may result in some counties having no insurers at all, as well as coverage that is unaffordable for millions of Americans. But it is far from a crisis affecting most Americans and their health insurance.

The media needs to take great care to put this problem in perspective — otherwise they could unduly alarm the public and drive people to support the wrong policy solutions. Already, most Americans wrongly believe that premium increases in the relatively small non-group market affect them. So the headline should be: “Premiums Spike for SOME Americans.”

The danger in Congress is that discussion will spread too far beyond the immediate need to stabilize the non-group market, opening up all the old wounds surrounding the ACA and producing stalemate.

An Early Look at 2018 Premium Changes and Insurer Participation on ACA Exchanges

An Early Look at 2018 Premium Changes and Insurer Participation on ACA Exchanges

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Each year insurers submit filings to state regulators detailing their plans to participate on the Affordable Care Act marketplaces (also called exchanges). These filings include information on the premiums insurers plan to charge in the coming year and which areas they plan to serve. Each state or the federal government reviews premiums to ensure they are accurate and justifiable before the rate goes into effect, though regulators have varying types of authority and states make varying amounts of information public.

In this analysis, we look at preliminary premiums and insurer participation in the 20 states and the District of Columbia where publicly available rate filings include enough detail to be able to show the premium for a specific enrollee. As in previous years, we focus on the second-lowest cost silver plan in the major city in each state. This plan serves as the benchmark for premium tax credits. Enrollees must also enroll in a silver plan to obtain reduced cost sharing tied to their incomes. About 71% of marketplace enrollees are in silver plans this year.

States are still reviewing premiums and participation, so the data in this report are preliminary and could very well change. Rates and participation are not locked in until late summer or early fall (insurers must sign an annual contract by September 27 in states using Healthcare.gov).

Insurers in this market face new uncertainty in the current political environment and in some cases have factored this into their premium increases for the coming year. Specifically, insurers have been unsure whether the individual mandate (which brings down premiums by compelling healthy people to buy coverage) will be repealed by Congress or to what degree it will be enforced by the Trump Administration. Additionally, insurers in this market do not know whether the Trump Administration will continue to make payments to compensate insurers for cost-sharing reductions (CSRs), which are the subject of a lawsuit, or whether Congress will appropriate these funds. (More on these subsidies can be found here).

The vast majority of insurers included in this analysis cite uncertainty surrounding the individual mandate and/or cost sharing subsidies as a factor in their 2018 rates filings. Some insurers explicitly factor this uncertainty into their initial premium requests, while other companies say if they do not receive more clarity or if cost-sharing payments stop, they plan to either refile with higher premiums or withdraw from the market. We include a table in this analysis highlighting examples of companies that have factored this uncertainty into their initial premium increases and specified the amount by which the uncertainty is increasing rates.

Discussion

A number of insurers have requested double-digit premium increases for 2018. Based on initial filings, the change in benchmark silver premiums will likely range from -5% to 49% across these 21 major cities. These rates are still being reviewed by regulators and may change.

In the past, requested premiums have been similar, if not equal to, the rates insurers ultimately charge. This year, because of the uncertainty insurers face over whether the individual mandate will be enforced or cost-sharing subsidy payments will be made, some companies have included an additional rate increase in their initial rate requests, while other companies have said they may revise their premiums late in the process. It is therefore quite possible that the requested rates in this analysis will change between now and open enrollment.

Insurers attempting to price their plans and determine which states and counties they will service next year face a great deal of uncertainty. They must soon sign contracts locking in their premiums for the entire year of 2018, yet Congress or the Administration could make significant changes in the coming months to the law – or its implementation – that could lead to significant losses if companies have not appropriately priced for these changes. Insurers vary in the assumptions they make regarding the individual mandate and cost-sharing subsidies and the degree to which they are factoring this uncertainty into their rate requests.

Because most enrollees on the exchange receive subsidies, they will generally be protected from premium increases. Ultimately, most of the burden of higher premiums on exchanges falls on taxpayers. Middle and upper-middle income people purchasing their own coverage off-exchange, however, are not protected by subsidies and will pay the full premium increase, switch to a lower level plan, or drop their coverage. Although the individual market on average has been stabilizing, the concern remains that another year of steep premium increases could cause healthy people (particularly those buying off-exchange) to drop their coverage, potentially leading to further rate hikes or insurer exits.

Editorial: It’s now or never to fix next year’s insurance exchange rates

http://www.modernhealthcare.com/article/20170603/MAGAZINE/170609997/editorial-its-now-or-never-to-fix-next-years-insurance-exchange-rates

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As the ad hoc committee of 13 Republican senators rethinks the increasingly unpopular American Health Care Act, Congress and the administration face a more pressing question. Will they stabilize the individual insurance market for 2018?

Preliminary rate filings for next year suggest that some states are entering the first phases of the much-dreaded death spiral, where rising rates and declining enrollments feed on each other to climax in a collapsed market. Where last year it was mostly rural areas that suffered from a dearth of carriers offering exchange plans, major urban areas like Kansas City and Knoxville, Tenn., are now among the regions reporting no insurers interested in offering coverage.

Meanwhile, carriers are requesting double-digit rate hikes in many areas of the country. Increase requests as high as 50% have been reported.

Republicans blame the Affordable Care Act. But, in fact, blame rests squarely with the Trump administration and the Republican-controlled Congress, who’ve created tremendous uncertainty around the policies that make the ACA’s individual market work.

The biggest single problem is Congress’ failure to appropriate the $7 billion owed insurers for underwriting cost-sharing reductions for low-income plan purchasers. That affects about 7 million of the 13 million people who signed up for individual plans.

Last year, Congress also put a one-year hold on the surcharge on health insurance premiums that supports ACA subsidies. Without further action, the tax, which was slated to raise about $100 billion over the next decade, will go into effect in 2018.

From a budgetary perspective, the move is a wash. The increased tax collection will be offset by the increased subsidies given low-income people who buy plans. People who are unsubsidized—those most likely to be bitter opponents of Obamacare—will be hit dollar-for-dollar with the rate hike.

President Donald Trump​ also contributed to uncertainty over next year’s enrollment period. First, he halted media promotion of the 2017 open enrollment. Then, in February, he issued an executive order waiving the individual mandate, which is key to getting millions of younger, relatively healthy people into the individual market pool.

While Politico reported last month that the Internal Revenue Service didn’t carry out the president’s order this year, the atmospherics around these pronouncements will ensure that fewer people sign up for individual plans in 2018. Insurers are assuming they will be covering an older, sicker population, a surefire path to higher rates.

Last week, Bradley Wilson, CEO of Blue Cross and Blue Shield of North Carolina, dissected how these compounding uncertainties contributed to its request for a 22.9% rate hike. About half the increase came from the missing cost-sharing reduction subsidies; about a third from an expected increase in medical losses, driven by rising costs and a sicker pool; and the rest from the expected tax.

This Republican Congress and the administration could quickly solve these problems without sacrificing their political principles. The administration could signal it will enforce the mandate since it is still the law. Congress could appropriate the money for the cost-reduction subsidies. This would preserve the House’s lower court victory in its suit challenging the Obama administration’s lacking an appropriation.

And, in a nod to their goal of protecting people with pre-existing medical conditions, Congress could create a reinsurance program to cover the extraordinary expenses of high-cost patients in the individual market. Unlike state-run high-risk pools, which have never worked, a federally funded reinsurance program would preserve everyone’s access to health insurance in the individual market at affordable rates.

It’s up to Congress now. Insurers face a June 21 deadline for notifying HHS about participation in the exchanges, and final rates are due from states by Aug. 16; there’s not much time to act. We’ll soon find out if Trump and this Congress intend to deny millions of people access to affordable health insurance next year.

 

AHCA Defeat Is Not the End of Repeal Efforts, Analysts Say

http://www.healthleadersmedia.com/health-plans/ahca-defeat-not-end-repeal-efforts-analysts-say

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The Trump administration will likely chip away at healthcare reform through administrative actions to reduce subsidies and weaken health insurance exchanges.

he American Health Care Act (AHCA) may have been scrapped, but that doesn’t mark the end of efforts to repeal the Affordable Care Act (ACA).

Instead, opponents will likely take a piecemeal approach to dismantling the ACA through administrative action, analysts said.

The Trump administration is unlikely to renew its push to repeal and replace the ACA through a single bill like the AHCA, but may attempt to water down elements of healthcare reform through administrative actions designed to reduce federal subsidies and weaken health insurance exchanges.

The War Isn’t Over
“This is an enormous, significant defeat, but I don’t think the war on the ACA is over yet,” said Gerald Kominski, PhD, director of the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.

“Of course, the White House can disrupt the Affordable Care Act by issuing regulations that destabilize the market and make it more difficult to renew [coverage] or enroll for the first time.”

In January, the Trump administration took actions along those lines when it cut federal funds designed to help state health exchanges advertise and reach consumers with notices about the annual deadline for open enrollment.

The Trump administration could attempt to reduce or eliminate federal subsidies and take other actions to weaken state and federal health insurance exchanges, said Micah Weinberg, president of the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.


“First, the Trump administration needs to decide whether they want to burn down the house we’re all living in through regulatory actions that will end the viability of the exchanges,” said Weinberg. “If they want to destroy the thing, they can. So the ACA is very much not out of the woods.”