Risk Adjustment at Heart of “Incredibly Complex” Health Care Reform

http://www.realclearhealth.com/articles/2017/03/06/risk_adjustment_at_heart_of_incredibly_complex_health_care_reform_110479.html?utm_source=RealClearHealth+Morning+Scan&utm_campaign=9e734f1560-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2017_03_06&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_b4baf6b587-9e734f1560-84752421

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President Donald Trump’s core principles for health care include ensuring that Americans with pre-existing conditions have access to coverage, and that Americans should be able to purchase the health insurance plan they want, not one forced on them by the government. Each of these goals is laudable and achievable, taken separately. But President Trump and others are about to confront what others have learned the hard way: Achieving both goals simultaneously is extremely challenging.

Those attempting to implement the Affordable Care Act (ACA) have faced the dilemma under easier conditions and, even after years of trying, have not solved it. Unless President Trump’s technocrats can fix something known as “risk adjustment” that has bedeviled the Obama administration, his dual principles cannot coexist.

The problem arises from the peculiarities of insurance markets. If insurance policies can vary greatly in their coverages and networks, people will tend to sort themselves into the coverages and networks that fit them best.

On the surface, this sounds great: Americans get the plans they want, not uniform plans put together by some government bureaucrat who knows best or is attempting to use insurance to achieve political goals. But in the unique case of insurance markets, there are adverse consequences.

With a great diversity of plans available, people who believe themselves to be high-risk usually purchase policies that have great coverages and broad networks. People who believe themselves to be low-risk usually purchase policies with lesser coverages and narrower networks. This separation means that the policies with great coverages are going to start to get really expensive, because they are full of higher-risk policyholders.

Neither Democrats nor Donald Trump want to let insurers charge people buying the same policy different rates based on their health conditions. And they don’t want to let insurers impose pre-existing condition limits that would make the more generous policies less expensive for insurers to service. The result, under these constraints, is that only one group of people will buy the premium policies: People with really, really expensive medical conditions.  The price of these policies go up until they essentially no one can afford them.

In the end, almost everyone else would migrate to lesser policies, and we would end up with an unstable environment in which only policies with poor coverages and narrow networks are really able to survive. So, yes, insureds and insurers on paper have freedom to design policies that they actually want, but the market this freedom produces is fatally unstable.

 

Drowning In A ‘High-Risk Insurance Pool’ — At $18,000 A Year

http://khn.org/news/drowning-in-a-high-risk-insurance-pool-at-18000-a-year/

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Some Republicans looking to scrap the Affordable Care Act say monthly health insurance premiums need to be lower for the individuals who have to buy insurance on their own. One way to do that, GOP leaders say, would be to return to the use of what are called high-risk insurance pools, for people who have health problems.

But critics say even some of the most successful high-risk pools that operated before the advent of Obamacare were very expensive for patients enrolled in the plans, and for the people who subsidized them — which included state taxpayers and people with employer-based health insurance.

Craig Britton of Plymouth, Minn., once had a plan through Minnesota’s high-risk pool. It cost him $18,000 a year in premiums.

Britton was forced to buy the expensive coverage because of a pancreatitis diagnosis. He called the idea that high-risk pools are good for consumers “a lot of baloney.”

“That is catastrophic cost,” Britton said. “You have to have a good living just to pay for insurance.”

Pre-ACA Market Practices Provide Lessons for ACA Replacement Approaches

Pre-ACA Market Practices Provide Lessons for ACA Replacement Approaches

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Significant changes to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) are being considered by lawmakers who have been critical of its general approach to providing coverage and to some of its key provisions. An important area where changes will be considered has to do with how people with health problems would be able to gain and keep access to coverage and how much they may have to pay for it.  People’s health is dynamic. At any given time, an estimated 27% of non-elderly adults have health conditions that would make them ineligible for coverage under traditional non-group underwriting standards that existed prior to the ACA. Over their lifetimes, everyone is at risk of having these periods, some short and some that last for the rest of their lives.

One of the biggest changes that the ACA made to the non-group insurance market was to eliminate consideration by insurers of a person’s health or health history in enrollment and rating decisions.  This assured that people who had or who developed health problems would have the same plan choices and pay the same premiums as others, essentially pooling their expected costs together to determine the premiums that all would pay.

Proposals for replacing the ACA such as Rep. Tom Price’s Empowering Patients First Act and Speaker Paul Ryan’s “A Better Way” policy paper would repeal these insurance market rules, moving back towards pre-ACA standards where insurers generally had more leeway to use individual health in enrollment and rating for non-group coverage.1  Under these proposals, people without pre-existing conditions would generally be able to purchase coverage anytime from private insurers.  For people with health problems, several approaches have been proposed: (1) requiring insurers to accept people transitioning from previous coverage without a gap (“continuously covered”); (2) allowing insurers to charge higher premiums (within limits) to people with pre-existing conditions who have had a gap in coverage; and (3) establishing high-risk pools, which are public programs that provide coverage to people declined by private insurers.

The idea of assuring access to coverage for people with health problems is a popular one, but doing so is a challenge within a market framework where insurers have considerable flexibility over enrollment, rating and benefits.  People with health conditions have much higher expected health costs than people without them (Table 1 illustrates average costs of individuals with and without “deniable” health conditions). Insurers naturally will decline applicants with health issues and will adjust rates for new and existing enrollees to reflect their health when they can.  Assuring access for people with pre-existing conditions with limits on their premiums means that someone has to pay the difference between their premiums and their costs.  For people enrolling in high-risk pools, some ACA replacement proposals provide for federal grants to states, though the amounts may not be sufficient.  For people gaining access through continuous coverage provisions, these costs would likely be paid by pooling their costs with (i.e., charging more to) other enrollees.  Maintaining this pooling is difficult, however, when insurers have significant flexibility over rates and benefits.  Experience from the pre-ACA market shows how insurers were able to use a variety of strategies to charge higher premiums to people with health problems, even when those problems began after the person enrolled in their plan.  These practices can make getting or keeping coverage unaffordable.

Discussion

There were many aspects of the pre-ACA non-group market that made it difficult for people with health problems to get and keep non-group coverage.  Any proposal for replacing the ACA will have to determine which, if any, of these previous insurance practices will once again be permitted.  Medical screening was the most obvious barrier, combined with high premium costs for people who were HIPAA-eligible.  Even people who purchased coverage when they were healthy sometimes were unable to keep it because certain rating approaches could cause their premiums to spiral.  Returning to a less structured, less regulated non-group market raises questions about how people with health problems will be treated in terms of access to and cost of coverage.  Health insurance underwriting and rating is complex, and reviewing how the pre-ACA market operated provides information about the types of issues that people with health problems may confront if the ACA market structure is replaced.

 

What Made Obamacare Succeed In Some States? Hint: It’s Not Politics

http://khn.org/news/what-made-obamacare-succeed-in-some-states-hint-its-not-politics/

People standing in line at the Panorama Mall to sign-up for Covered California at an enrollment event in 2014. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)

Ask anyone about their health care and you are likely to hear about ailments, doctors, maybe costs and insurance hassles. Most people don’t go straight from “my health” to a political debate, and yet that is what our country has been embroiled in for almost a decade.

study out Thursday tries to set aside the politics to examine how the insurance markets function and what makes or breaks them in five specific states.

Researchers from The Brookings Institution were exploring a basic idea: If the goal is to replace or repair the Affordable Care Act, then it would be good to know what worked and what failed.

“The political process at the moment is not generating a conversation about how do we create a better replacement for the Affordable Care Act,” said Alice Rivlin, senior fellow at The Brookings Institution, who spearheaded the project. “It’s a really hard problem and people with different points of view about it have got to sit down together and say, ‘How do we make it work?’”

The researchers focused on CaliforniaFloridaMichiganNorth Carolina and Texas, interviewing state regulators, health providers, insurers, consumer organizations, brokers and others to understand why insurance companies chose to enter or leave markets, how state regulations affected decision making and how insurers built provider networks.

“Both parties miss what makes insurance exchanges successful,” said Micah Weinberg, president of Bay Area Council Economic Institute who led the California research team. “And it doesn’t have anything to do with red and blue states and it doesn’t have anything to do with total government control or free markets.”

Despite the political diversity of the five states, some common lessons emerged. Among them:

 

Could Minnesota Health Reforms Foreshadow Repeal And Replace?

http://www.healthleadersmedia.com/health-plans/could-minnesota-health-reforms-foreshadow-repeal-and-replace?spMailingID=10382992&spUserID=MTY3ODg4NTg1MzQ4S0&spJobID=1100574162&spReportId=MTEwMDU3NDE2MgS2#

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In the midst of the uncertainty about the Affordable Care Act, Minnesota has taken three unusual actions.

What’s going to happen to the federal health law? The quick answer is no one knows. But in the midst of the uncertainty about the Affordable Care Act, states still must govern their insurance markets. Most have been muddling through with the 2017 status quo, but Minnesota is a special case, taking three unusual actions that are worth a closer look.

Last month, Minnesota:

  • Passed a one-time bailout for some consumers in the individual insurance market dealing with skyrocketing premiums.
  • Rejected an attempt to let insurers offer cheaper, bare-bones coverage.
  • Laid the groundwork for a sort of homegrown “public option” insurance plan.

Here’s more on each item.

Koch-backed group details hopes for healthcare reform

http://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/316875-koch-backed-group-pushes-for-high-risk-pools-medicaid-freeze-in-obamacare

Koch-backed group details hopes for healthcare reform

A conservative group funded by the Koch brothers is pushing for high-risk pools and a freeze on Medicaid expansions as lawmakers try to coalesce around a replacement for ObamaCare.

Freedom Partners began circulating a memo on Capitol Hill Monday with specific reforms it thinks lawmakers should pass, including: the creation of high-risk pools at the state level to cover people with pre-existing conditions; the elimination of the ObamaCare mandate, which required everyone buy insurance or pay a penalty; and the expansion of access to health savings accounts, so people can save and pay for healthcare with pre-tax dollars.

The recommendations fall in line with what top Republicans in Congress have indicated they support.

High-risk pools offer coverage for sick people that otherwise could be denied coverage for having pre-existing conditions if ObamaCare is repealed.

Why risk adjustment is a crucial component of individual market reform

https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2017/01/25/why-risk-adjustment-is-a-crucial-component-of-individual-market-reform/

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The mantra of ‘Repeal and Replace’ has escalated in recent weeks, though what, specifically, the ‘Replace’ component might look like is still unclear. However, many of the current proposals include, at a minimum, some type of continuous coverage provision that allows people with chronic health conditions who have continuously maintained coverage to buy health insurance at standard rates. For example, Paul Ryan’s A Better Way proposal and Tom Price’s Empowering Patients First Act would each prohibit insurers from charging sicker patients more than standard premiums in the individual market as long as they have maintained continuous coverage since before becoming sick.

Such provisions are important to keep patients from seeing their health insurance premiums sky-rocket after becoming sick, which would defeat the purpose of insurance in the first place. However, these provisions also require that insurers sell policies to these patients at premiums that they know will not cover their expected health care spending, generating losses for the insurance company. On its own, this would create a situation where insurers have a strong financial incentive to avoid enrolling these sicker patients.

Risk adjustment combats disincentives to provide coverage for sicker patients

In order to mitigate these incentives for insurance companies to avoid sicker patients, policymakers will need to include a risk adjustment program in any replacement reforms that require insurers to issue insurance to any applicant (also known as “guaranteed issue”) and set limits on adjusting premiums to fully reflect an enrollee’s health status. Continuous coverage provisions are one example of such limits, but risk adjustment will be necessary to combat against adverse selection across a wide range of potential reforms.

A risk adjustment program would make behind-the-scenes financial transfers to insurers to adequately compensate them for enrolling these sicker patients when they are not allowed to charge the individual higher premiums. Risk adjustment will be necessary to promote a well-functioning market where private insurers compete based on the value they deliver and not simply by avoiding sicker patients.

ACA Repeal Efforts Would Impact State Laws, Too

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2017/jan/aca-repeal-efforts-impact-state-laws

Although the debate over the future of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) focuses largely on federal legislation, repeal and replacement efforts would significantly affect state approaches to insurance regulation.

State-level legislation and regulations help ensure that state regulators have full authority to enforce the ACA market reforms. As of November 2013, 32 states and D.C. had taken legislative or regulatory action to implement at least one of them. States with full enforcement authority can, for example, issue regulations or guidance, undertake market conduct exams, or take disciplinary action related to the law’s consumer protections, such as its ban on denying coverage based on preexisting conditions or charging women more than men. (To learn more about states’ approaches, see this resource and previous reports on implementation of the early market reforms and the 2014 market reforms.)

Healthcare Triage: Republican Plans for The Affordable Care Act

Healthcare Triage: Republican Plans for The Affordable Care Act

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After campaigning for years on a plan of “repeal and replace Obamacare,” Republicans finally have the means within their grasp to make much of that possible. They control the presidency, the House, and the Senate. The filibuster still poses some potential threats to their plans, but it’s also within their means to abolish its widespread use in such a way that they could both repeal the Affordable Care Act and replace it with something of their own design.

What would that be? In contrast to what many say, there are Republican plans out there to consider. They’re the topic of this week’s Healthcare Triage.

Trump’s Vow to Repeal Health Law Revives Talk of High-Risk Pools

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About 27 percent of people under 65 are thought to have some sort of pre-existing condition that will most likely leave them without individual insurance if the law is repealed, according to a recent study. The guarantee of coverage has already become a rallying cry for people who want to keep the law.

The issue “is the third rail” for the Republicans, said Michael Turpin, a longtime health industry executive.

Before the law, a fairly typical life event — like a divorce or the loss of a job — and a relatively minor medical condition could upend a person’s health coverage options. Stories of sick people unable to get coverage when they needed it most were legion.

Mr. Trump insists he wants to keep the pre-existing requirement for insurers, and other top Republicans say people who want coverage should not be turned away. Details about how they will cover people with existing medical conditions have not yet emerged, but many lawmakers have started pushing an idea — known as high-risk pools — that left many people uncovered or with strict limits to their coverage in the past.

The challenge for lawmakers is this: How do you get insurers to cover people who will definitely need costly medical care — and do so without making insurance too expensive for everyone?