Markups on care can fatten hospital budgets—even if few patients foot the full bill

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/finance/markups-care-can-fatten-hospital-budgets-even-if-few-patients-foot-full-bill?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiTUdJMU1UYzBZMlptTlRFNSIsInQiOiIxU3dwUGNwOEpwMmQyQk9NNklmU3NOaTVuY3FcL0t6UjNVeHhNMFdPRmplQktSNWRcL2NhdW50a2d3cmJrelBlWUxobkIyemU3TGpVejE4akRvT3RpekFOZW84bXpnaHFpcXl2ME1USCtCSVVKZ2Jhdldlc0tmRUFWbUY4Z1lLbzRLIn0%3D&mrkid=959610&utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal

Finances

This story originally appeared in Kaiser Health News.

Few patients pay a hospital’s full price for a procedure or test. But a new study shows why those charges still matter.

Economists at the Federal Reserve Board and the American Enterprise Institute found that list prices, often dismissed as meaningless by the hospital industry, are a critical gauge of which hospitals ultimately receive higher payments.

An additional dollar in list price was associated with an additional 15 cents in payment to a hospital for privately insured patients, according to the study, which relies heavily on data from California. It was published Monday in the journal Health Affairs.

The researchers, Michael Batty and Ben Ippolito, also found key differences in list prices across hospitals and how much they were marked up, compared to operating costs. A large, for-profit urban hospital that was part of a chain had list price markups that were 360 percent higher than those of a small, independent nonprofit hospital in a rural area. (The hospitals were not named in the study.)

Consumers might assume that higher prices indicate better care and improved outcomes for patients. However, the study looked at rates of hospital readmission—a potential indicator of poor outcomes—and couldn’t find any evidence that higher list prices corresponded with better quality.

Hospital care accounts for a third of the nation’s $3.4 trillion in annual health spending. Hospital prices and payments are key to any discussion about bringing the high cost of healthcare under control for U.S. employers, government programs and consumers.

“High list prices do matter for patients,” said Ippolito, one of the study’s co-authors and a healthcare economist at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank in the District of Columbia. “This directly contradicts the mantra you hear from providers that there’s no reason to pay attention to this.”

 

California Employer Health Benefits: Prices Up, Coverage Down

http://www.chcf.org/publications/2017/03/employer-health-benefits?_cldee=aGVucnlrb3R1bGFAeWFob28uY29t&recipientid=contact-58e265c0591ce51180f7c4346bac4b78-22293f7225824dd0a2a16e01c6e7b1e7&esid=7e382ea0-c114-e711-80fa-5065f38a19e1

Since 2000, the percentage of employers offering health benefits has declined in California and nationwide, although coverage rates among offering firms have remained stable. Only 55% of firms reported providing health insurance to employees in 2016, down from 69% in 2000. These findings underscore the important role that Medi-Cal and Covered California play in providing insurance to working Californians — coverage that could be negatively impacted if the Republicans repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act.

Nineteen percent of California firms reported that they increased cost sharing in the past year, and 27% of firms reported that they were very or somewhat likely to increase employees’ premium contribution in the next year. The prevalence of plans with large deductibles also continues to increase.

California Employer Health Benefits: Prices Up, Coverage Down presents data compiled from the 2016 California Employer Health Benefits Survey.

Other key findings include:

  • Health insurance premiums for family coverage grew by 5.6%. Family coverage premiums have seen a cumulative 234% increase since 2002, compared to a 40% increase in the overall inflation rate.
  • The average monthly health insurance premium, including the employer contribution, was $597 for single coverage and $1,634 for family coverage in California, and was significantly higher than the national average.
  • 41% of workers in small firms faced an annual deductible of at least $1,000 for single coverage, compared to 17% of workers in larger firms. The prevalence of these higher deductibles in small firms has increased substantially in the past five years.
  • Only one in four firms with many low-wage workers (those earning $23,000 or less) offered health coverage to employees in 2016.
  • In the past year, 24% of large firms extended eligibility for health benefits to workers not previously eligible.

The complete Almanac report, as well as past editions, is available under Document Downloads.

Fitch: Uncompensated care could increase next year under ACA

http://www.beckershospitalreview.com/finance/fitch-uncompensated-care-could-increase-next-year-under-aca.html

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Without modifications to the ACA, exchange enrollment could suffer and hospitals are likely to see uncompensated care rise next year, according to Fitch Ratings.

Last Friday, the GOP’s proposal to repeal and replace the ACA was pulled from the House floor, leaving the ACA in effect for the time being.

Hospitals are not expected to see a rise in uninsured patients this year since those enrolled in an ACA plan for 2017 will keep it, Fitch said in a news release. However, with premiums rising and insurers leaving the exchanges, ACA enrollment is likely to decrease, the agency noted. Total signups for open enrollment fell 4 percent from 2016 to 2017.

“The failure of the AHCA [American Health Care Act] to move forward means that the ACA exchanges will be ostensibly functioning in 2018, but hospital companies will likely face higher levels of uncompensated care as fewer individuals enroll in exchange products,” Fitch said.

Still, Fitch said it is the ACA’s Medicaid expansion — not the exchanges — that have primarily driven a decrease in uncompensated care for hospitals.

“The AHCA’s changes to the ACA related Medicaid expansion were relatively more benign than the expected dislocation in the exchange covered lives with respect to the ultimate influence on hospital companies’ patient payer mix and the financial burden of treating uninsured patients,” Fitch said. “However, while current Medicaid enrollment is likely to be stable, more states will not likely expand eligibility given the uncertainty of future funding.”

Study: Texans paid approximately 10 times more at EDs than urgent care centers for same diagnosis

http://www.beckershospitalreview.com/finance/study-texans-paid-approximately-10-times-more-at-eds-than-urgent-care-centers-for-same-diagnosis.html

OR Efficiencies

Texans are likely to pay more at freestanding emergency departments than at hospital-based EDs or urgent care centers, according to a study published in Annals of Emergency Medicine.

For the study, researchers examined more than 16 million Blue Cross Blue Shield of Texas insurance claims from 2012 to 2015. During that time period, Texans’ utilization of freestanding EDs rose 236 percent. That compares with a 10 percent jump for hospital-based emergency departments and a 24 percent jump for urgent care clinics, according to a news release.

Researchers also found the average price per visit at freestanding EDs was $1,431 in 2012 compared with $1,842 at hospital-based EDs. In 2015, the average price per visit was $2,199 at freestanding EDs and $2,259 at hospital-based EDs. However, the average price per visit at urgent care centers was $164 in 2012 and $168 in 2015, according to the study.

The study also looked at out-of-pocket liability. At freestanding EDs, patients’ out-of-pocket liability increased from 32 percent in 2012 to 35 percent in 2015, researchers said. At hospital-based EDs, the increase was 29 percent to 33 percent. And at urgent care centers, patients saw out-of-pocket liability go from 36 percent in 2012 to 38 percent in 2015.

“There was 75 percent overlap in the 20 most common diagnoses at freestanding EDs versus urgent care centers and 60 percent overlap for hospital-based EDs and urgent care centers. However, prices for patients with the same diagnosis were on average almost 10 times higher at freestanding and hospital-based EDs relative to urgent care centers,” researchers said.

The study’s authors concluded the higher prices at freestanding and hospital-based EDs “imply potential inefficient use of emergency facilities.”

The Wrong Way to Lower Health-Insurance Premiums

https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2017-03-17/the-wrong-way-to-lower-health-insurance-premiums

Image result for high deductible health plan

For proponents of the American Health Care Act, perhaps the most encouraging nugget in the Congressional Budget Office’s otherwise critical analysis is that insurance premiums could fall by 10 percent on average by 2026. Even this prediction is more mirage than reality, however, in part because of an obscure concept known as “actuarial value.”

As many opponents of the Republicans’ Obamacare replacement legislation have already noted, for many people, the decline in premiums would be smaller than the cutback in their subsidies, so they would still end up paying more. And in any case, the predicted fall in premiums partly reflects a troubling rise in the share of older Americans without insurance, a change that would shift the enrollment pool to younger, less expensive beneficiaries.

Another factor, however, has received less attention, though it is hidden in plain sight in the CBO analysis: The premium reduction would occur in no small part because the insurance products wouldn’t be as good. In other words, their actuarial value would fall.

An insurance policy’s actuarial value is the share of total health-care costs paid by the plan rather than the policy holder, through deductibles and copayments. A plan with an actuarial value of 80 percent will pick up, on average, 80 percent of the cost of care. Plans with higher actuarial values have higher premiums, not surprisingly, because they provide deeper insurance. And if a plan’s actuarial value is very low, it may not really qualify as insurance at all.

The Affordable Care Act sets minimum actuarial values for each of the four tiers of plans that can be sold on the exchanges; the lowest, for bronze plans, is about 60 percent. The new legislation would repeal these minimums.

 In its analysis of the Republican proposal, the CBO found that insurers would offer lower-value policies “because they could offer a plan priced closer to the amount of the premium tax credit so that a younger person would have low out-of-pocket costs for premiums and would be more likely to enroll.” Similarly, insurers would hesitate “to offer plans with high actuarial values out of a fear of attracting a greater proportion of less healthy enrollees to those plans.” Since plans would still be required to cover 10 categories of essential health benefits, and since out-of-pocket limits would remain in place, plans would not dip too far below 60 percent, in the CBO’s estimation. But more plans would drop toward that level.

To see how big a deal this is, it is instructive to study the table toward the end of the CBO’s analysis, which calculates premiums under current law and under the AHCA. A 40-year-old single person could see his or her premium fall 7 percent — to $6,050, from $6,500. That’s only slightly less than the average 10 percent premium decline. Yet the actuarial value of the person’s plan would decline to 65 percent, from 70 percent or 87 percent, depending on his or her income.

To get some sense of what these lower actuarial values mean in terms of higher deductibles, we can look to the most recent Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services calculator. It suggests that a plan with a $1,500 deductible, an 80 percent coinsurance rate (the plan pays 80 percent of costs above the deductible and below the maximum out-of-pocket threshold), and a $7,200 maximum out-of-pocket limit would have an actuarial value of 73 percent. The same plan with a $5,000 deductible would have an actuarial value of 61 percent. In other words, a decline in actuarial value of about 12 percentage points (not far from the average decline in the CBO examples) would raise the policy’s deductible by $3,500.

It’s no wonder that the premium for such a plan would be lower — in the same way that it’s no wonder a 12-ounce can of soda costs less than a 35-ounce bottle. It’s no great accomplishment to lower premiums by increasing other consumer costs.

As the CBO concluded, under the Republicans’ system, “individuals’ cost-sharing payments, including deductibles, in the nongroup market would tend to be higher than those anticipated under current law.” Indeed, according to an analysis from the Center for American Progress, average total costs to consumers would be significantly higher.

If you think that competition can fix this, note another problem that the CBO points out: Under Obamacare, the actuarial value requirements allow for easy comparison shopping; plan A can be directly compared with plan B. Under the Republican system, it would be harder to shop for a policy based on price.

Health-care reform is indeed complicated. Esoteric concepts like actuarial value have big effects on every family’s bottom line.

 

California Employer Health Benefits: Prices Up, Coverage Down

http://www.chcf.org/publications/2017/03/employer-health-benefits

Since 2000, the percentage of employers offering health benefits has declined in California and nationwide, although coverage rates among offering firms have remained stable. Only 55% of firms reported providing health insurance to employees in 2016, down from 69% in 2000. These findings underscore the important role that Medi-Cal and Covered California play in providing insurance to working Californians — coverage that could be negatively impacted by the Republicans’ repeal and replacement of the Affordable Care Act.

Nineteen percent of California firms reported that they increased cost sharing in the past year, and 27% of firms reported that they were very or somewhat likely to increase employees’ premium contribution in the next year. The prevalence of plans with large deductibles also continues to increase.

California Employer Health Benefits: Prices Up, Coverage Down presents data compiled from the 2016 California Employer Health Benefits Survey.

Other key findings include:

  • Health insurance premiums for family coverage grew by 5.6%. Family coverage premiums have seen a cumulative 234% increase since 2002, compared to a 40% increase in the overall inflation rate.
  • The average monthly health insurance premium, including the employer contribution, was $597 for single coverage and $1,634 for family coverage in California, and was significantly higher than the national average.
  • 41% of workers in small firms faced an annual deductible of at least $1,000 for single coverage, compared to 17% of workers in larger firms. The prevalence of these higher deductibles in small firms has increased substantially in the past five years.
  • Only one in four firms with many low-wage workers (those earning $23,000 or less) offered health coverage to employees in 2016.
  • In the past year, 24% of large firms extended eligibility for health benefits to workers not previously eligible.

The complete Almanac report, as well as past editions, is available under Document Downloads.

The CBO report raises five serious questions

https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/right-turn/wp/2017/03/14/the-cbo-report-raises-five-serious-questions/?_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8z9Sylks_wibB_-6SdY9AQGBM3g03O-yrykjFdnlayePaRf6KdLp5erCdoZM5RZvXTKhGTRTUJKrOfKMio5kAnhglcYQ&_hsmi=45675040&utm_campaign=KHN%3A%20Daily%20Health%20Policy%20Report&utm_content=45675040&utm_medium=email&utm_source=hs_email&utm_term=.86ffca0b81b7

The Congressional Budget Office report on the American Health Care Act — showing that as many as 24 million people could lose health insurance, Medicaid would be drastically cut and older, poorer Americans would suffer the most — leaves us with a number of questions:

Why did House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) force votes in two committees and then spring the disturbing CBO score, revealing that members voted rashly (not knowing the effects) or don’t care about loss of coverage and regressive consequences? Perhaps he is so convinced that his members will vote for anything that he made no effort to spare them from votes they one day (Election Day 2018, for example, and especially in districts Hillary Clinton carried) will regret. It is far from clear what he thought he was going to “get away with.” Unlike President Trump, he cannot merely dismiss inconvenient facts and plunge forward. Well, he can, but he puts his members’ seats and his own speakership at risk.

What’s the point of passing something so obviously unacceptable to the Senate? Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) blasted the effort: “The CBO estimate that millions of Americans could lose their health insurance coverage if the House bill were to become law is cause for alarm. It should prompt the House to slow down and reconsider certain provisions of the bill.” Her colleague and Trump supporter Sen. David Perdue (R-Ga.) echoed Sen. Tom Cotton’s advice on Sunday to “get this right.” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) argued, “[L]et’s say the CBO is half-right. That should be cause for concern. So, rather than attacking the CBO as the exclusive way of moving forward, I would think the prudent thing for the party to do is to look at the CBO report and see if we can address some of the concerns raised.” Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) scoffedat the notion the bill would really save money. “Society is going to pay for health care whether it’s through insurance or not,” he remarked.

 

CBO ignites firestorm with ObamaCare repeal score

http://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/323652-cbo-millions-would-lose-coverage-under-gop-healthcare-plan

Image result for congressional budget office

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) on Monday projected that the number of people without health insurance would grow by 14 million in 2018 under the Republican ­ObamaCare replacement bill, with that number rising to 24 million in a decade.

The bombshell estimate was larger than even many analysts had predicted, stirring fresh doubts about whether the legislation can pass ahead of a possible vote in the House next week.

Democrats highlighted President Trump’s campaign promises to provide “insurance for everybody,” saying the bill falls woefully short.

“The CBO’s estimate makes clear that TrumpCare will cause serious harm to millions of American families,” Senate Democratic Leader Charles Schumer (N.Y.) said in a statement.

“Tens of millions will lose their coverage, and millions more, particularly seniors, will have to pay more for health care. The CBO score shows just how empty the president’s promises, that everyone will be covered and costs will go down, have been.”

The CBO estimated that 24 million people would become uninsured by 2026 under the bill, largely due to the proposed changes to Medicaid. Seven million fewer people would be insured through their employers over that same time frame because some people would choose not to get coverage and some employers would decline to offer it.

The CBO calculated that premiums would decrease an average of 10 percent by 2026 after an initial increase of 15 percent to 20 percent due to the repeal of ­ObamaCare’s requirement that everyone buy coverage. Costs would rise for older people but fall for younger people, it said.

Out-of-pocket costs, including deductibles, “would tend to be higher” under the GOP plan than under ­ObamaCare because of looser requirements on insurers. High deductibles have been one of the GOP’s main lines of attack against ­ObamaCare.

 

Federalism and the End of American Healthcare Act

http://www.yalelawjournal.org/forum/federalism-and-the-end-of-obamacare

Federalism and the American Health Care Act

Image result for federalism and the american healthcare act

Republicans may talk the talk of devolving health care policy to the states, but that’s not what the American Health Care Act does. Instead, it starves health reform of the funding upon which it depends.

Most significantly, Republicans intend to phase out the Medicaid expansion and to impose a hard cap on federal contributions. If a recession forces a state to exceed its cap in a given year, any overruns will come out of its Medicaid payments the following year. With that kind of shortfall, the states will have to make savage Medicaid cuts to make ends meet.

Republicans also want to slash the subsidies that make insurance affordable in the private market. Under the ACA, no one making less than four times the poverty level has to devote more than 10 percent of her income toward private coverage; most pay much less. The American Health Care Act would erase that affordability guarantee and, instead, extend age-based subsidies that would be much too meager for most people to afford coverage.

If federal money is withdrawn, states will be stuck. Because of the countercyclical trap and ERISA, they won’t be able to enact and sustain coverage expansions on their own. The end result will not be the diversity that federalism celebrates. It will be a uniformly crappy system that leaves millions of the sick and poor without coverage.

It doesn’t have to be this way. A group of Republican senators led by Bill Cassidy (R-LA) and Susan Collins (R-ME) has floated an alternative, the Patient Freedom Act of 2017, that retains the ACA’s funding streams while giving the states more room to choose how to use that money. That’s a model that deserves serious attention from both Republicans and Democrats. It might enable partisans on both sides move past the rancorous debate over the ACA.

For now, however, the Republicans seem intent on dismantling coverage gains across the entire United States. Their proposals trade on the rhetoric of states’ rights, but they would have the perverse effect of inhibiting state power. That’s bad for federalism — and bad for the country.