Medicaid Changes in Better Care Reconciliation Act (BCRA) Go Beyond ACA Repeal and Replace

Medicaid Changes in Better Care Reconciliation Act (BCRA) Go Beyond ACA Repeal and Replace

Medicaid Changes in Better Care Reconciliation Act (BCRA) Go Beyond ACA Repeal and Replace

The Senate released an updated discussion draft of legislation called the Better Care Reconciliation Act of 2017 (BCRA) on July 20, 2017. For Medicaid, the overall framework is very similar to earlier versions of the bill in the Senate as well as the American Health Care Act (AHCA) that passed in the House. Both the BCRA and the AHCA go beyond repeal and replacement of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) to make fundamental changes to Medicaid by setting a limit on federal funding through a per capita cap or block grant. The BCRA also includes additional changes that would further reduce federal spending for states with high per enrollee spending, limit state financing mechanisms, allow states to impose work requirements, and make other eligibility changes. The revised draft of the BCRA leaves many provisions up to HHS Secretary discretion, creating further uncertainty for states about how implementation of the legislation would proceed. Across the board, these changes would have significant implications for the 74 million people covered by the Medicaid program and for states that jointly finance and administer the program.

The Congressional Budget Office estimates that under current draft of the BCRA, federal Medicaid spending related to the coverage provisions would decline by $756 billion over the 2017-2026 period or $739 billion accounting for all Medicaid provisions in the bill. According to CBO’s longer-term projections, the BCRA would reduce federal Medicaid spending by 35% in 2036 (Figure 1). These reductions would leave states with difficult choices about how to fill in the gaps in federal funding or cut back on Medicaid eligibility, benefits, or reimbursement rates (Figure 2). This brief explains the five most significant Medicaid changes in the BCRA as well as additional Medicaid changes that could have major implications for states, providers, and beneficiaries.

5 Most Significant Medicaid Financing Changes in the BCRA

1. Phase out the enhanced federal financing for the ACA Medicaid expansion.

Under the BCRA, for states that adopted the expansion as of March 1, 2017, the enhanced federal match would phase-out from 90% in CY 2020, to 85% in 2021, 80% in 2022, 75% in 2023 and then to the regular state match rate in 2024 and beyond. Thirty-one states plus DC have implemented the Medicaid expansion (Figure 3). On average, expansion enrollees account for 20% of all Medicaid enrollees (as of early 2016) and federal expansion financing accounts for about 21% of all Medicaid funding (for FY 2015). However, these shares are much higher in some states, placing them at higher risk for facing challenges in responding to the reduction in the federal match. Multiple states are likely to eliminate or scale back their expansion coverage due to the increased cost if federal funding is reduced, including eight expansion states (AR, AZ, IL, IN, MI, NH, NM, and WA) that have legislation requiring them to reduce or eliminate the expansion if the federal match rate is reduced. Given the magnitude of estimates of how much it would cost states to replace federal expansion funds, it appears that it is unrealistic to suggest that expansion states would be able to replace those funds and continue their expansion programs at current levels without the enhanced expansion match rate. Reports suggest that waivers or additional grant funding may be offered to states in place of the enhanced funding for the expansion, however, it is unlikely that such amounts would fully offset federal funding reductions in the BCRA tied to the expansion.

2. Limit federal Medicaid funding through a per capita, or per enrollee, cap on financing.

Under current law, Medicaid provides a guarantee of coverage for individuals who are eligible for the program and a guarantee to states of federal matching dollars for spending on Medicaid services. Beginning in FY 2020, the BCRA would limit federal Medicaid funding to each state based on the sum of the costs per enrollee for five beneficiary groups – elderly, blind and disabled adults,1 children, expansion adults, and other adults – multiplied by the number of enrollees in the group and the state’s federal match rate. The proposed legislation specifies a uniform national inflation factor for the federal financing growth rate. Under both AHCA and BCRA, the per enrollee amounts would increase annually at slower rates than projected growth for Medicaid.

The caps are estimated to result in large reductions in federal Medicaid spending over time. Under BCRA, the caps would initially grow by the Consumer Price Index for medical care (CPI-M) for adults and children and by the CPI-M plus one percentage point for elderly and disabled groups. Starting in 2025, per enrollee amounts for all groups would increase by the historically lower CPI for urban consumers (CPI-U). All of these rates are lower than projected growth for private health insurance spending per enrollee. Reductions in federal Medicaid funding from the caps are expected to grow over time, especially after 2025 when the inflation factor is limited to CPI-U. Current projections have CPI-M growing at 3.7% and CPI-U at 2.4% annually; however, the rate of growth for these indices can vary and fluctuate over time which could cause uncertainty and instability in state budgeting.

3. Provides Secretary discretion to adjust per enrollee spending down for states with per enrollee spending 25% higher than the national average.

The BCRA also includes a provision not included in the AHCA, which would direct the HHS Secretary to adjust target per enrollee amounts under the per capita cap to bring states closer to national average spending. Specifically, the Secretary would adjust a state’s target per enrollee amounts by 0.5% to 2% for states spending 25% or more either above or below the national average per enrollee expenditures beginning in 2020. These adjustments are applied to overall per enrollee spending in 2020 and 2021 and then for each enrollment group in subsequent years. Adjustments are to be budget neutral to the federal government (meaning they would not result in a net increase of federal payments under the per capita caps for the fiscal year). Certain states with population densities less than 15 individuals per square mile (currently: AK, MT, ND, SD, and WY) would be exempt from this provision. Data for 2014 show that the number of states with high per capita spending that face tighter caps exceeds the number of states that would experience relief for having low spending overall and for each eligibility group (Table 1). Secretary discretion and actual spending patterns will make it difficult for states to estimate the effect of this provision.

4. Allow states the option to choose block grant financing for non-expansion Medicaid adults.

Beginning in FY 2020 under the BCRA, states could elect to receive federal financing for nonelderly/non-disabled traditional adults (low-income parents and pregnant women) and/or adults eligible through the ACA Medicaid expansion in the form of block grant instead of per capita cap funding. The block grant amount that states would receive from the federal government is initially based on the state’s target per capita spending amount for the fiscal year multiplied by the number of adult enrollees and the federal average Medicaid matching rate. The amount would grow annually by CPI-U even prior to 2025 when the per capita cap amounts would grow by the higher CPI-M inflation factor. States have a maintenance of effort (MOE) requirement—essentially, a minimum amount states must spend each year—that is the state share of the enhanced CHIP match rate (without the 23 percentage point increase provided under the ACA) multiplied by the block grant amount. If a state fails to meet the MOE requirement in a given year, its federal block grant amount for the following year would be reduced. States that meet MOE and continue to elect the block grant option can rollover unused block grant funds into the next fiscal year.

Under the block grant option, states could impose conditions of eligibility and not comply with key provisions in current law like comparability and state-wideness.  Under the block grant option, states would be required to cover low-income parents and pregnant women at current federal minimum income levels and provide certain benefits. However, states could set conditions of eligibility for groups beyond these federal minimum groups, including for ACA expansion adults. Additionally, states electing the BCRA block grant option would not have to comply with other federal requirements, including comparability (the requirement that Medicaid-covered benefits be provided in the same amount, duration, and scope to all enrollees), state-wideness (the requirement that bars Medicaid programs from excluding enrollees or providers because of where they live or work in the state), and freedom of choice of provider (that allows beneficiaries to be permitted to choose among any provider participating in Medicaid). Like per capita caps, Medicaid block grants fail to account for changes in health care costs over time. Block grants also carry additional risk for states, providers, and beneficiaries because they do not account for changes in Medicaid enrollment (which could increase during an economic downturn).

5. Provides the HHS Secretary discretion to allocate funds to address the opioid crisis and public health emergencies. 
The BCRA appropriates $45 billion for FY 2018 through FY 2026 for grants to states to support substance use disorder treatment and recovery support services with significant discretion to the HHS Secretary to allocate the funds. The BCRA also provides the HHS Secretary with discretion to exclude from a state’s per capita cap or block grant limit a total of $5 billion across all states for Medicaid spending in response to a public health emergency from January 2020 through December 2024. This exclusion would only apply during a period in which the HHS Secretary has declared a public health emergency in a state or region and also deemed an exclusion appropriate. Under current law, states can increase spending with a guaranteed federal match or seek waivers (like in Flint, MI or for states hit by hurricane Katrina) to address public health emergencies.

Other Significant BCRA Medicaid Changes

Other BCRA Medicaid changes with significant implications for states, providers, and beneficiaries include the following:

Limiting states’ ability to use provider taxes to finance their share of Medicaid by lowering the provider tax safe harbor threshold2 from 6.0% to 5.0% of net patient revenues over 5 years, beginning in 2021. All states except for Alaska currently use provider taxes to finance the state share of Medicaid, and in 2016, 28 states had at least one tax exceeding 5.5% of net patient revenues. The proposed BCRA change could shift additional costs to states or result in additional reductions in Medicaid payment rates, services, or eligibility.

Creating a state option to require work as a condition of eligibility for nondisabled, nonelderly Medicaid adults as of October 1, 2017 (with some exemptions for certain groups including pregnant women or the sole caretaker of a child under age 6 or a child with a disability). Depending on how they are implemented, work requirements could increase administrative burdens on states and adversely affect some people, who are unable to comply due to their health, family caregiving obligations, or other reasons, by preventing them from accessing needed health coverage through Medicaid.3

Cancelling scheduled disproportionate share hospital (DSH) payment reductions for non-expansion (but not for expansion) states. The BCRA would exempt non-expansion states from the DSH reductions that were included in the ACA. During FY 2020-FY 2023, the BCRA would also provide a DSH payment increase to non-expansion states with per capita FY 2016 DSH allotment amounts (the FY 2016 DSH allotment divided by the number of uninsured individuals in the state for the fiscal year) that are below the national average per capita amount. A state qualifies as a non-expansion state if it is not covering expansion adults on or after January 1, 2021. This means that current expansion states that discontinue their expansions by the end of 2020 could qualify for increased DSH funds after their expansion ends. In addition, the BCRA would provide certain non-expansion states with $10 billion over 5 years (FY 2018-FY 2022) for safety-net funding.

Changing eligibility and enrollment processes with new requirements for eligible individuals to obtain and maintain Medicaid coverage. Changes include: repealing the requirement for states to cover Medicaid benefits retroactively for three months prior to the month of an individual’s enrollment in the program except for enrollees who are eligible based on old age or disability only); prohibiting hospitals from temporarily enrolling individuals in Medicaid if they are likely to be eligible under a state’s Medicaid eligibility rules (a policy known as “hospital presumptive eligibility”); removing a presumptive eligibility option that includes health care providers other than hospitals for expansion adults; and giving states the option to renew eligibility of Medicaid expansion adults every six months (or more frequently) compared to the current 12 month redetermination period.

Prohibiting federal Medicaid funding for Planned Parenthood for one year (beginning on the date of enactment). The Hyde Amendment already prevents the use of federal funds for abortion services,4 so the effect of this proposed policy would be to limit Planned Parenthood’s capacity to provide preventive care and other services to women (such as clinical breast exams or birth control).

Repealing the enhanced federal match rate available under the ACA for the Community First Choice (CFC) state plan option, as of January 1, 2020. The ACA established the CFC option to allow states to provide home and community-based attendant services and supports to Medicaid enrollees who would otherwise require an institutional level of care. States taking up the option currently receive a 6% increase in their federal match rate for CFC services, and without this additional funding states may eliminate the option. The BCRA also creates a demonstration that would provide 100% federal matching funds for certain states selected by the HHS Secretary providing home and community-based services (HCBS) for seniors or adults with disabilities under a Section 1915 (c) or (d) waiver or Section 1915 (i) state plan authority, limited to $8 billion over four years, from 2020 through 2023. The Secretary would select participating states with priority given to the 15 states with the lowest population density. Unlike CFC, the authority for this new demonstration is time-limited, all states likely could not participate, and federal funding is capped. The $8 billion allocated to the new demonstration is less than half of the cost of the elimination of CFC funding, estimated by the CBO at $19 billion over 10 years.

Increasing the federal match rate for Medicaid services provided to American Indians by non-Indian Health Services (IHS) providers. Under existing law, the federal government covers 100% of the costs of Medicaid-covered services provided to American Indians through an IHS or Tribally-operated facility, and the BCRA would expand this 100% match rate to apply to all Medicaid-covered services delivered by all Medicaid providers to Medicaid-eligible members of an Indian tribe.

Repealing the essential health benefit requirement in Medicaid alternative benefit plansbeginning in 2020. The alternative benefit plans are required for expansion adults and a state option for benefit package design for certain other populations. While the Medicaid benefit package for children under Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnostic and Treatment (EPSDT) is comprehensive, states have flexibility to design benefit packages for adults, and many services for adults are offered at state option. If the essential health benefits requirement were repealed, there would be no federal minimum requirement in Medicaid to ensure that adults have coverage in certain areas such as mental health and substance use disorder treatment.

Parliamentarian deals setback to GOP repeal bill

http://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/343234-parliamentarian-deals-setback-to-gop-healthcare-bill

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Major portions of the Republican bill to repeal and replace ObamaCare will require 60 votes, according to the Senate parliamentarian, meaning they are unlikely to survive on the floor.

The parliamentarian has advised senators that several parts of the bill could be stripped out, according to a document released Friday by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), the ranking member of the Senate Budget Committee. (Read the guidance here.)

The provisions that would likely be removed include polices important to conservatives, such as restrictions on tax credits being used for insurance plans that cover abortion.

Language in the bill defunding Planned Parenthood for a year also violates budget rules, according to the parliamentarian. That guidance is sure to anger anti-abortion groups who backed the bill specifically because of those provisions.

In a statement, Planned Parenthood said it was “obvious” that the defunding provision would be a violation of the reconciliation rules.

“No amount of legislative sleight of hand will change the fact that the primary motivation here is to pursue a social agenda by targeting Planned Parenthood,” the group said.

The parliamentarian has also not yet ruled on a controversial amendment from Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) that would allow insurers to sell plans that do not meet ObamaCare regulations. If that provision were struck, conservative support for the bill would be in doubt.

Republicans are trying to use the budget reconciliation process to pass their healthcare bill with only a simple majority. The provisions deemed impermissible under that process can be stripped if a senator on the floor raises an objection.

Democrats would be virtually certain to deny Republicans the 60 votes they would need to keep portions of the bill intact.

The result is that the arcane rules of the Senate could end up making the bill harder for Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) to pass.

A spokesman for McConnell was quick to point out that the parliamentarian only provides guidance on the legislation to help inform subsequent drafts. The bill will have to change before it gets to the floor if Republicans want to salvage any of provisions in question.

GOP leaders have said they want to vote on a procedural motion to begin debate on ObamaCare repeal legislation early next week. However, it’s still not clear if they have the votes, or which legislation they will be voting on; the replacement bill, or repeal-only legislation.

Some conservatives were already questioning Friday why the Senate parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, would rule against Planned Parenthood defunding, when that provision was allowed under reconciliation in 2015.

A spokesman for Sanders said the guidance has changed because it is now clear that Planned Parenthood would be the only organization affected by the defunding language.

“It passed last time because there was at least a question that other entities could be affected by the language,” the spokesman said. “In the interim, Republicans have not been able to show that any entity other than Planned Parenthood is affected, and the new [Congressional Budget Office] score confirms that.”

In a blow to the insurance industry, the parliamentarian has advised that two key market stabilization provisions in the bill would be against the rules. First, the legislation can’t appropriate the cost-sharing reduction subsidies insurers rely on to keep premiums and deductibles low; it can only repeal them.

Additionally, a “lockout” provision requiring consumers with a break in coverage to wait six months before buying insurance also violates the rules, according to the guidance.

The provision was added to the bill to address concerns that people would only sign up for health insurance when they’re sick, if insurers are still prevented from denying coverage for pre-existing conditions.

The parliamentarian also advised that a specific provision dealing with New York State’s Medicaid program would be a violation of the rules. Senate Minority Leader Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.) seized on that decision.

“The parliamentarian made clear that state-specific provisions” violate the rules, Schumer said. “This will greatly tie the majority leader’s hands as he tries to win over reluctant Republicans with state-specific provisions. We will challenge every one of them.”

Republican plan to ‘repeal and delay’ will leave millions more Americans uninsured

http://www.politico.com/interactives/2017/republican-obamacare-repeal-uninsured-double/?lo=ap_a1

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Majority Leader Mitch McConnell wants to hold a vote on a bill that would repeal major parts of Obamacare and give Republicans two years to pass a replacement. A new CBO report finds that repealing Obamacare without a replacement would result in 32 million more Americans losing health insurance over a decade — far deeper coverage losses than any of the health plans Republicans have proposed. Further, 75 percent of Americans would live in areas without any insurers selling coverage in the individual market by 2026.

The latest GOP health plan would strike:

  •  Individual mandate
  •  Insurance subsidies
  •  Medicaid expansion
  •  Planned Parenthood funding

The bill would effectively kill Obamacare’s individual and employer coverage mandates, strike health insurance subsidies, roll back Medicaid expansion and defund Planned Parenthood.

Repealing Obamacare would more than double the number of Americans without health insurance.

Under Obamacare, 10 percentof Americans would lack health insurance.

But if Republicans repeal Obamacare, the number could grow to 21 percent by 2026.

The uninsured rate plunged under the ACA, but would now skyrocket

ACARepeal ACA0510152025%1997201020172026Before the ACAACA passed10%21%

In the first year alone, nearly 17 million more people would no longer have insurance — or (16 percent) of Americans. That includes 10 million fewer buying plans on the individual market, 4 million fewer people covered through Medicaid, and 2 million fewer with job-based coverage.

But once Medicaid expansion and subsidies were repealed (roughly two years after enactment), the number of uninsured Americans would increase by 27 million in 2020. By 2026, about 59 million people or 21 percent of Americans would be uninsured.

Ten Ways That the House American Health Care Act Could Affect Women

Ten Ways That the House American Health Care Act Could Affect Women

Women have much at stake as the nation debates the future of coverage in the United States. Because the Affordable Care Act (ACA) made fundamental changes to women’s health coverage and benefits, changes to the law and the regulations that stem from it would have a direct impact on millions of women with private insurance and Medicaid. On May 4, 2017, the House of Representatives passed the American Health Care Act (AHCA), to repeal and replace elements of the ACA (Appendix Table 1). It would eliminate individual and employer insurance mandates, effectively end the ACA Medicaid expansion, cap federal funds for the Medicaid program, make major changes to the federal tax subsidies available to assist individuals who purchase private insurance, and ban federal Medicaid funds from going to Planned Parenthood. It would also allow states to waive the ACA’s Essential Health Benefits requirements and permit health status as a factor in insurance rating for individuals who do not maintain continuous coverage with the goal of reducing insurance costs.1 The Senate will now take up legislation to repeal and replace the ACA and may consider several elements that the House has approved in the AHCA. This brief reviews the implications of the AHCA for women’s access to care and coverage.

What moderate GOP senators want in ObamaCare repeal

What moderate GOP senators want in ObamaCare repeal

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The House managed to narrowly pass its ObamaCare repeal bill by finding a delicate balance between hard-line conservatives and moderates. Now the Senate is looking to achieve the same feat, only with a smaller margin for error.

Senate moderates have already put their markers down on the healthcare issues that concern them the most. Individual senators hold much more power in advancing the health bill than individual House members, and if Senate Republicans can’t find a balance among their caucus, the ObamaCare repeal effort could be doomed.

The Senate will only need 51 votes to pass the bill, but because of their slim majority, Republicans can only afford to lose two votes.

The centrist senators have several major concerns with the House bill, known as the American Health Care Act (AHCA), most notably its changes to Medicaid.

The Affordable Care Act allows states to expand Medicaid coverage to more people, funded mostly by the federal government. So far, 31 states and D.C. have done so.

Even as the healthcare bill was working its way through the House, moderate GOP senators hailing from states that took the Medicaid expansion objected to the proposed cuts to the program.

In early March, Republican Sens. Rob Portman (Ohio), Shelly Moore Capito (W.Va.) Cory Gardner (Colo.) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) sent a letter to Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) objecting to the Medicaid cuts in the House bill. “We will not support a plan that does not include stability for Medicaid expansion populations or flexibility for states,” the lawmakers wrote.

The legislation has changed since then, but the Medicaid provisions have been largely left alone. The House bill would undo ObamaCare’s Medicaid expansion by 2020, and would cut over $800 billion from the program.

After the House passed the legislation last week, Portman, Capito and Sen. Dean Heller (R-Nev.) were quick to say they still opposed the bill because of the Medicaid provisions.

Capito on Monday said she would like to see some form of Medicaid expansion remain permanent.

“I have seen a lot benefits to the Medicaid expansion in our state, particularly in the mental health and opioid and drug abuse areas,” Capito told reporters. As for the people who have gained coverage through expansion, Capito said “you can’t just drop them off and wish them good luck. “

Moderates have also objected to the fact that the most recent estimates of an earlier version of the House bill would have resulted in 24 million fewer people having insurance coverage over a decade.

Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) has crafted, along with Collins, a different ObamaCare replacement bill that would allow states to decide whether they want to keep ObamaCare or enact something different.

Cassidy has repeatedly objected to the House version of the legislation because he says it doesn’t fulfill President Trump’s promises to “lower premiums, maintain coverage and protect those with pre-existing conditions.” During a May 8 speech at the American Hospital Association, Cassidy said that while the AHCA may lower premiums, it does so by giving people “terrible coverage.”

Aside from coverage issues, abortion is also likely to cause some headaches in the Senate.

The primary group in the Senate working on the bill includes prominent conservatives like Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Mike Lee (R-Utah), who are likely to insist that the Senate keep a provision from the House that largely strips Planned Parenthood of funding. But Collins has said any Planned Parenthood language is a non-starter.

Moderates are also likely to insist on making sure language is removed from the House bill that would prohibit the bill’s tax credits from being used to purchase coverage on insurance plans that cover abortion. That could be a major problem for conservatives, especially if the revised bill is to have any chance at passing the House again.

Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas) on Monday acknowledged the balancing act leaders will need to pull off. “Now it’s a question of building consensus within the Republican conference. All 52 Republican senators are going to be part of the process … because we’re going to need everybody.”

Cornyn also said he wasn’t concerned about losing votes if the Planned Parenthood language remained in the bill.

A Squeaker In The House Becomes Headache For The Senate: 5 Things To Watch

A Squeaker In The House Becomes Headache For The Senate: 5 Things To Watch

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After weeks of will-they-or-won’t-they tensions, the House managed to pass its GOP replacement for the Affordable Care Act on Thursday by a razor-thin margin. The vote was 217-213.

Democrats who lost the battle are still convinced they may win the political war. As the Republicans reached a majority for the bill, Democrats on the House floor began chanting, “Na, na, na, na … Hey, hey, hey … Goodbye.” They claim Republicans could lose their seats for supporting a bill that could cause so much disruption in voters’ health care.

Now the bill — and the multitude of questions surrounding it — moves across the Capitol to the Senate. And the job doesn’t get any easier. With only a two-vote Republican majority and no likely Democratic support, it would take only three GOP “no” votes to sink the bill.

Democrats have made clear they will unanimously oppose the bill. “Trumpcare” is just a breathtakingly irresponsible piece of legislation that would endanger the health of tens of millions of Americans and break the bank for millions more,” said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.).

And Republicans in the Senate have their own internal disagreements, too.

Here are five of the biggest flashpoints that could make trouble for the bill in the upper chamber.

The American Health Care Act: 10 things to know

http://www.beckershospitalreview.com/hospital-management-administration/gop-health-bill-is-out-10-things-to-know-this-morning.html

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After years of lobbying to repeal and replace the ACA, House Republicans put forth The American Health Care Act on Monday. Here are 10 things to know about the legislation.

1. The AHCA would eliminate the ACA’s individual mandate, or requirement for American adults to enroll in health insurance. Further, the legislation eliminates the tax penalty adults faced if they were not covered. However, the concept of penalties still remains in some form: To encourage people to buy coverage, the AHCA lets insurers charge a 30 percent penalty for those who let their health plans lapse and try to buy a new policy, according to NPR.

2. The AHCA calls for Medicaid expansion to remain in effect through Jan. 1, 2020. This is different from earlier drafts of legislation, which called for an immediate reversal of Medicaid expansion. Thirty-one states, plus Washington, D.C., have opted to expand Medicaid under the ACA. By 2020, the government will “freeze” the expanded programs and restrict funding only to people who were in the program as of then — no added enrollees from that date on. States would keep getting that amount of federal aid for each Medicaid enrollee as long as the enrollee doesn’t lose eligibility for more than a month. There is also a provision in the AHCA that calls for grants of extra Medicaid provider reimbursement funds to go toward states that didn’t expand Medicaid.

3. The AHCA restructures Medicaid’s federal funding to a per-capita cap opposed to the current open-ended federal entitlement, reports Politico. States would receive capped payments based on how many people are enrolled in Medicaid. The plan also calls for more frequent eligibility testing of Medicaid enrollees.

4. The AHCA restructures Americans’ tax credits to buy health insurance. It replaces income-based subsidies under the ACA with refundable, age-based and income-capped tax credits, according to Politico. These credits increase with age, from as low as $2,000 for those under 30 or as high as $4,000 for those over 60. There would be a limit as far as credits for a single household — $14,000 — and subsidies would be eliminated over time for individuals with annual income of $75,000 and for families with annual income of $150,000, according to the report.

5. A few ACA staples roll over in the AHCA. The ACA provision related to pre-existing conditions would remain intact, meaning insurers would not be able to deny coverage or increase prices for people with such conditions, reports Reuters. Also, the AHCA retains provisions allowing adults up to age 26 to maintain coverage through their parents’ health plans, according to the report.

6. The AHCA eliminates the cap on the tax exemption for employer-sponsored insurance. Although earlier drafts of legislation capped the exemption at 90 percent of current premiums, the final version eliminated the proposal, according to Politico. The bill also gets rid of the penalty for businesses that do not offer employees health coverage.

7. The AHCA delays the effective date for the ACA’s Cadillac Tax on costly health plans from 2020 to 2025, according to The Hill. GOP lawmakers are delaying but keeping the tax to make certain their replacement plan will not increase the national deficit after a decade.

8. The AHCA bars federal Medicaid funds or federal family planning grants for Planned Parenthood clinics, according to the report. (Separate from the AHCA, the White House earlier this week extended terms for a compromise to Planned Parenthood by proposing maintained federal funding if the group agrees to discontinue providing abortions, according to ABC News.)

9. The cost of the AHCA is not yet known. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office has not yet scored the legislation, which means there is neither a cost estimate for the plan or how many Americans would gain or lose insurance under it.

10. What’s next? The House Ways and Means and Energy and Commerce committees are expected to review the AHCA legislation Wednesday. If the committees approve the measure, the full House could potentially act on it before April 7, according to The New York Times. The measure would then be taken up by the Senate.

Five Quick Ways HHS Secretary Tom Price Could Change The Course Of Health Policy

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After a bruising confirmation process, the Senate confirmed Rep. Tom Price, R-Ga., to head up the Department of Health and Human Services, by a 52-to-47 vote.

As secretary, Price will have significant authority to rewrite the rules for the Affordable Care Act, some of which are reportedly nearly ready to be issued.

But there is much more now within Price’s purview, as head of an agency with a budget of more than $1 trillion for the current fiscal year. He can interpret laws in different ways than his predecessors and rewrite regulations and guidance, which is how many important policies are actually carried out.

“Virtually everything people do every day is impacted by the way the Department of Health and Human Services is run,” said Matt Myers, president of the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids. HHS responsibilities include food and drug safety, biomedical research, disease prevention and control, as well as oversight over everything from medical laboratories to nursing homes.

Price, a Georgia physician who opposes the Affordable Care Act, abortion and funding for Planned Parenthood, among other things, could have a rapid impact without even a presidential order or an act of Congress.

Some advocates are excited by that possibility. “With Dr. Price taking the helm of American health policy, doctors and patients alike have sound reasons to hope for a welcome and long-overdue change,” Robert Moffit, a senior fellow at the conservative Heritage Foundation, said in a statement when Price’s nomination was announced.

Others are less enthusiastic. Asked about what policies Price might enact, Topher Spiro of the liberal Center for American Progress said at that time: “I don’t know if I want to brainstorm bad ideas for him to do.”

Here are five actions the new HHS secretary might take, according to advocates on both sides, that would disrupt health policies currently in force:

Who pays for war on Planned Parenthood?

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Planned Parenthood supporters in Los Angeles rally in 2015 for women’s access to reproductive health care on National Pink Out Day. Republicans in Congress this week announced plans to strip the group of federal funding.

The 15-month, $1.6 million congressional “investigation” into Planned Parenthood is finally over, with the chilling announcement that Republicans in charge plan now to eviscerate the nonprofit most associated with reproductive rights.

Tennessee’s Rep. Marsha Blackburn and the fellow Republicans on her “Select Panel on Infant Lives” – launched last year in the wake of the bogus “fetal parts” video smear led by California anti-abortion activist David Daleiden – issued their “recommendations” on Wednesday, with no Democratic input and zero proof of wrongdoing. Baseless as the proposals were, House Speaker Paul Ryan swiftly announced that at least one – senselessly stripping Planned Parenthood of hundreds of millions of dollars in federal funds – will be among the first orders of business.

Blackburn also called for bans on abortion at 20 weeks and federal funding for research using fetal tissue. Never mind that the former is unconstitutional and the latter saves lives.

This crusade against Planned Parenthood in particular – and reproductive rights in general – is misogynistic, archaic and counterproductive. Good people can disagree on the morality of abortion, but women have had the right to choose for more than 40 years and polls show the vast majority of Americans want to keep it that way.

In the name of placating evangelicals in their base and attacking one of Democrats’ favored organizations, congressional Republicans have singled out a health care provider that annually serves 2.5 million sometimes desperate humans. About nine in 10 Planned Parenthood clients come for services that have nothing to do with pregnancy termination. Eight in 10 are on Medicaid; many of the rest have no insurance.

Supreme Court strikes down Texas abortion restrictions

http://thehill.com/regulation/court-battles/284974-supreme-court-strikes-down-Texas-abortion

The justices said in the majority opinion that the two parts of the Texas law under challenge create a “substantial obstacle in the path of women” who are seeking abortions and neither provision “offers medical benefits sufficient to justify the burdens upon access that each imposes.”

Two dozen other states have similar restrictions in place, requiring abortion clinics to meet the standards of hospital-style surgical centers and requiring doctors who perform abortions to have admitting privileges at hospitals within 30 miles.