MARKETS TAKE BIGGEST HIT SINCE FEBRUARY, HEALTH STOCKS SLIDE

https://www.healthleadersmedia.com/finance/markets-take-biggest-hit-february-health-stocks-slide

Healthcare stocks were not immune from Wall Street’s worst day since the period of high volatility earlier this year.

Stocks fell across the board on Wednesday, as Wall Street suffered its worst trading day in more than eight months.

In response to heightened concerns over the Federal Reserve’s recent decision to increase interest rates and rising Treasury bond yields, stocks plunged in all three major trading markets. The Dow Jones Industrial Average fell sharply by 832 points, the S&P 500 dropped by 3.3%, and the Nasdaq slid by more than 4%.

Healthcare stocks suffered in the general market slide, with the Dow Jones U.S. Health Care Index down by 2.46% at the end of trading.

However, among the ‘Big 5’ insurers, Aetna’s slide of 0.15% was the smallest drop. The Hartford, Connecticut-based insurer was boosted by receiving approval Wednesday morning from the Department of Justice on its $69 billion merger with CVS. For its part, the retail pharmacy giant finished the day down 0.72%.

Here’s how the four other major health plans fared:

  • Cigna Corp. finished down 1.9%
  • UnitedHealth Group fell by 2.58%
  • Anthem Inc. ended down 2.34%
  • Humana Inc. fell by 1.82%

Below are how several other healthcare companies finished during Wall Street’s downturn on Wednesday:

  • Tenet Healthcare dropped by 8.43%
  • Centene Corp. dipped by 0.74%
  • Express Scripts Holding Co. fell by 1.69%
  • Teladoc, Inc. dropped by 8.42%
  • Community Health Systems finished down 6.35%
  • HCA Healthcare Inc. slipped by 3.19%
  • Molina Healthcare dropped by 3.52%
  • Magellan Health Inc. fell slightly by 0.61%
  • Athenahealth, Inc. dipped by 2.81%
  • Quorum Health Corp. fell by 6.89%
  • WellCare finished down 2.08%
  • LifePoint dropped slightly by 0.36%
  • Universal Health Services, Inc. slid by 1.36%

 

 

 

 

The Health 202: Preexisting Conditions

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/paloma/the-health-202/2018/10/12/the-health-202-republicans-play-defense-on-preexisting-conditions/5bbf91061b326b7c8a8d194b/?utm_term=.1a2bca86b60d

THE PROGNOSIS

With less than a month before the midterm elections, endangered Republican lawmakers are mounting a defense against attacks they’re trying to dismantle a core element of the health-care law they fought to eliminate.

Democratic candidates on the campaign trail now regularly accuse Republicans of wanting to take away health-care protections for people with preexisting conditions. They’ve pointed to a lawsuit brought by 20 attorneys general in Republican-led states aiming to overturn the Affordable Care Act as proof the GOP wants to let such protections go down with the health-care law. That’s after Republicans whiffed in their effort to repeal and replace the ACA  last summer.

Vulnerable Republican contenders are responding to the slams by airing campaign ads saying they embrace this portion of the ACA. They’re also introducing a wave of bills in Congress they say would protect those with prior illnesses from losing access to affordable health care. But experts question the efficacy of those measures, saying they seem more designed as protection against Democratic attacks than significant policy solutions, as I helped report in a story with Colby Itkowitz this week.

In August, 10 Senate Republicans, including Sen. Dean Heller of Nevada, one of the most vulnerable GOP senators facing reelection in November, sponsored a bill to guarantee protections for patients with preexisting conditions regardless of whether the ACA is struck down in court.

The bill, spearheaded by Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), would guarantee that insurers sold plans to individuals regardless of whether they have preexisting conditions. But critics and health-policy experts contend the bill leaves a loophole that would exclude coverage for certain services associated with those conditions. For example, a person with cancer wouldn’t be denied coverage, but the insurer wouldn’t be required to cover that patient’s cancer treatments.

Larry Levitt, senior vice president for health reform at the Kaiser Family Foundation, explained the Justice Department’s argument in the Texas lawsuit that certain provisions of the ACA should be thrown out, including a “preexisting condition exclusion prohibition.”

Levitt said that such exclusions were common before Obamacare. While Tillis’s bill would restore some parts of the ACA if the Texas lawsuit is successful, it wouldn’t change rules that prohibit insurers from excluding coverage for those with prior illnesses.

“The thing about insurance regulation is it’s kind of like plumbing: A small leak becomes a big leak,” Levitt said. “Insurers would take advantage of that loophole.”

Tillis spokesman Daniel Keylin pushed back on those criticisms and said they are based on an assumed outcome of the Texas lawsuit.

Keylin said there have been “misleading and inaccurate claims made about this bill, claims that assume the courts will strike down the entirety of the Affordable Care Act in Texas versus United States.”

Keylin said the Tillis bill wasn’t meant to be “comprehensive health-care legislation,” or the “totality of Congress’s answer to the Affordable Care Act falling.”

“There is obviously no ironclad way to precisely predict how the court will rule. However, this legislation is an important preemptive step toward getting feedback, hashing out ideas, and underscoring the importance of protecting Americans with preexisting conditions,” Keylin said

He said Tillis would consider “modifications or amendments” to the measure if the court ruling goes beyond what the bill addresses.

On the House side, Rep. Steve Knight (R-Calif.), locked in a tight race in California’s 25th district, introduced a bill last month similar to Tillis’s proposal. Two other vulnerable Republican congressmen also introduced nonbinding resolutions affirming their support for protecting those with preexisting conditions, though neither contains substantive policy solutions.

Iowa Republican Rep. David Young’s resolution says regardless of what happens to the ACA, Congress should retain protections for preexisting condition. Texas Republican Rep. Pete Sessions’s resolution says states should be allowed the authority to restructure their individual health-care marketplaces, but should ensure people with preexisting conditions can access affordable coverage.

“It seems not to be politically acceptable anymore to be against protecting people with preexisting conditions,” Levitt said, pointing to all the Republican proposals. “If you look at an example, like Sen. Tillis’s bill, it shows how wide a gap there can be between a state of desire to protect people and the reality of what an actual piece of legislation does.”

For their parts, spokespeople for Young and Sessions said the congressmen’s views on protecting patients with certain conditions are not new. In a statement, Knight said he has “always advocated” for such coverage.

“He’s always been supportive of protecting preexisting conditions going back to the [American Health Care Act]. This is just another step,” Young spokesman Cole Staudt said.  “This is not a new position for him.”

Sessions, Young and Knight voted to repeal the ACA, though Young co-sponsored an amendment to the Republican bill that would have buffered the impact of the repeal on people with preexisting conditions. Staudt added  that Young would consider introducing  legislation in the future depending on the outcome of the Texas lawsuit.

Yet Joel Ario, managing director of Manatt Health and former director of the Health and Human Service’s Office of Health Insurance Exchanges, said any proposal that “deviates from what was originally in the ACA as a single risk pool concept is going to disadvantage people with preexisting conditions.”

He pointed to Republicans’ record opposing individual pieces of Obamacare, pointing to the elimination of the individual mandate in the GOP tax overhaul:  “Anybody who voted for the mandate repeal voted against people with preexisting conditions,” he said.

Ario called GOP messaging ahead of the midterms a response to public polling that shows how important preexisting condition coverage is to voters.

“Republicans are trying to play into public support for protecting preexisting conditions,” he said, adding they’re “ignoring the fact that their previous action disadvantaged people with preexisting conditions.”

 

Percentage of young U.S. children who don’t receive any vaccines has quadrupled since 2001

https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/percentage-of-young-us-children-who-dont-receive-any-vaccines-has-quadrupled-since-2001/2018/10/11/4a9cca98-cd0d-11e8-920f-dd52e1ae4570_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.bff48313afaa&wpisrc=al_health__alert-hse&wpmk=1

A small but increasing number of children in the United States are not getting some or all of their recommended vaccinations. The percentage of children under 2 years old who haven’t received any vaccinations has quadrupled in the last 17 years, according to federal health data released Thursday.

Overall, immunization rates remain high and haven’t changed much at the national level. But a pair of reports from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention about immunizations for preschoolers and kindergartners highlights a growing concern among health officials and clinicians about children who aren’t getting the necessary protection against vaccine-preventable diseases, such as measles, whooping cough and other pediatric infectious diseases.

The vast majority of parents across the country vaccinate their children and follow recommended schedules for this basic preventive practice. But the recent upswing in vaccine skepticism and outright refusal to vaccinate has spawned communities of undervaccinated children who are more susceptible to disease and pose health risks to the broader public.

Of children born in 2015, 1.3 percent had not received any of the recommended vaccinations, according to a CDC analysis of a national 2017 immunization survey. That compared with 0.9 percent in 2011 and with 0.3 percent of 19- to 35-month-olds who had not received any immunizations when surveyed in 2001. Assuming the same proportion of children born in 2016 didn’t get any vaccinations, about 100,000 children who are now younger than 2 aren’t vaccinated against 14 potentially serious illnesses, said Amanda Cohn, a pediatrician and CDC’s senior adviser for vaccines. Even though that figure is a tiny fraction of the estimated 8 million children born in the last two years who are getting vaccinated, the trend has officials worried.

“This is something we’re definitely concerned about,” Cohn said. “We know there are parents who choose not to vaccinate their kids . . . there may be parents who want to and aren’t able to” get their children immunized.

Some diseases, like measles, have made a return in the United States because parents in some areas have failed or chosen not to vaccinate their children. Last year, Minnesota suffered a measles outbreak, the state’s worst in decades. It was sparked by anti-vaccine activists who targeted an immigrant community, spreading misinformation about the measles vaccine. Most of the 75 confirmed cases were young, unvaccinated Somali American children.

The data underlying the latest reports do not explain the reason for the increase in unvaccinated children. In some cases, parents hesitate or refuse to immunize, officials and experts said. Insurance coverage and an urban-rural disparity are likely other reasons for the troubling rise.

Among children aged 19 months to 35 months in rural areas, about 2 percent received no vaccinations in 2017. That is double the number of unvaccinated children living in urban areas.

The new data shows health insurance plays a significant role, as well. About 7 percent of uninsured children in this age group were not vaccinated in 2017, compared with 0.8 percent of privately insured children and 1 percent of those covered by Medicaid.

Those differences are concerning because uninsured and Medicaid-insured children are eligible for free immunizations under the federally funded Vaccines for Children program.

“Parents may not be aware of this, so this may be an education issue,” Cohn said.

Other issues, such as child care, transportation and a shortage of pediatricians in rural areas, are also likely to affect vaccination coverage.

A second report on vaccination coverage for children entering kindergarten in 2017 also showed a gradual increase in the percentage who were exempted from immunization requirements. (The exemptions do not distinguish between one vaccine versus all vaccines.)

Eighteen states allow parents to opt their children out of school immunization requirements for nonmedical reasons, with exemptions for religious or philosophical beliefs.

The overall percentage of children with an exemption was low, 2.2 percent. But the report noted “this was the third consecutive school year that a slight increase was observed.” The report does not provide a breakdown, but the majority of exemptions are nonmedical, according to data reported by the states.

Saad Omer, a professor of global health, epidemiology and pediatrics at Emory University, said that an analysis he and colleagues conducted a few years ago found the rate of increase in nonmedical exemptions had appeared to stabilize by the 2015-2016 school year after many years of increase.

But the latest CDC data appears to reflect a change, he said. “It seems that in recent years, exemptions are going up, and the trend is likely due to parents refusing to vaccinate,” he said.

In the 2017-2018 school year, 2.2 percent of U.S. kindergartners were exempted from one or more vaccines, up from 2 percent in the 2016-2017 school year, and from 1.9 percent in the 2015-2016 school year, according to the CDC report.

Reasons for the increase couldn’t be determined from the data reported to CDC, the agency said. But researchers said factors could include the ease of obtaining exemptions or parents’ hesitancy or refusal to vaccinate.

States such as West Virginia and Mississippi, which do not allow nonmedical vaccine exemptions, have higher percentages of children getting vaccinated, said Mobeen Rathore, a pediatric infectious disease physician in Jacksonville, Fla., and a spokesman for the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP).

Earlier this year, researchers from several Texas academic centers identified “hotspots” where outbreak risk is rising in 12 of the 18 states that allow nonmedical exemptions because a growing number of kindergartners have not been vaccinated.

 

Welcome to “The Dose,” a New Health Policy Podcast

https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/podcast/2018/oct/doctor-who-prescribed-cooking-classes

 

Today we launch the Commonwealth Fund’s brand-new health policy podcast, The Dose.Every other Friday, host Shanoor Seervai will sit down with a leading expert to break down the latest research, hear personal stories about interactions with health care and the health system, and learn about innovations that could make life easier for patients, families, and caregivers.

In episode 1 of The Dose, Seervai talks to Martin Marshall, a primary care physician in East London. Through the stories of his patients and his own experience, Marshall explores what’s different about delivering primary care in the U.K. versus the United States. You’ll hear how Marshall helps one of his patients manage his diabetes with cooking classes, and how he leans on his intimate knowledge of a client’s family history to arrive at a diagnosis.

Click here to listen, and then subscribe wherever you get your favorite podcasts.

High-Deductible Health Plans Fall From Grace In Employer-Based Coverage

https://www.thefiscaltimes.com/2018/10/03/High-Deductible-Health-Plans-Fall-Grace-Employer-Based-Coverage

With workers harder to find and Obamacare’s tax on generous coverage postponed, employers are hitting pause on a feature of job-based medical insurance much hated by employees: the high-deductible health plan.

Companies have slowed enrollment in such coverage and, in some cases, reinstated more traditional plans as a strong job market gives workers bargaining power over pay and benefits, according to research from three organizations.

This year, 39 percent of large, corporate employers surveyed by the National Business Group on Health (NBGH) offer high-deductible plans, also called “consumer-directed” coverage, as workers’ only choice. For next year, that figure is set to drop to 30 percent.

“That was a surprise, that we saw that big of a retraction,” said Brian Marcotte, the group’s CEO. “We had a lot of companies add choice back in.”

Few if any employers will return to the much more generous coverage of a decade or more ago, benefits experts said. But they’re reassessing how much pain workers can take and whether high-deductible plans control costs as advertised.

“It got to the point where employers were worried about the affordability of health care for their employees, especially their lower-paid people,” said Beth Umland, director of research for health and benefits at Mercer, a benefits consultancy that also conducted a survey.

The portion of workers in high-deductible, job-based plans peaked at 29 percent two years ago and was unchanged this year, according to new data from the Kaiser Family Foundation. (Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)

Deductibleswhat consumers pay for health care before insurance kicks in — have increased far faster than wages, even as paycheck deductions for premiums have also soared.

One in 4 covered employees now have a single-person deductible of $2,000 or more, KFF found.

Employers and consultants once claimed patients would become smarter medical consumers if they bore greater expense at the point of care. Those arguments aren’t heard much anymore.

Because lots of medical treatment is unplanned, hospitals and doctors proved to be much less “shoppable” than experts predicted. Workers found price-comparison tools hard to use.

High-deductible plans “didn’t really do what employers hoped they would do, which is create more sophisticated consumers of health care,” Marcotte said. “The health care system is just way too complex.”

At the same time, companies have less incentive to pare coverage as Congress has repeatedly postponed the Affordable Care Act’s “Cadillac tax” on higher-value plans.

Although deductibles are treading water, total spending on job-based health plans continues to rise much faster than the overall cost of living. That eats into workers’ pay in other ways by boosting what they contribute in premiums.

Employer-sponsored group health plans, which insure 150 million Americans — nearly half the country — tend to get less attention than politically charged coverage created by the ACA.

For these employer plans, the cost of family coverage went up 5 percent this year and is expected to rise by a similar amount next year, the research shows.

Insuring one family in a job-based plan now costs on average $19,616 in total premiums, the KFF data show. The American worker pays $5,547 of that in a country where the median household income is more than $61,000.

The KFF survey was published Tuesday; the NBGH data, in August. Mercer has released preliminary results showing similar trends.

The recent cost upticks, driven by specialty drug costs and expensive treatment for diseases such as cancer and kidney failure, are an improvement over the early 2000s, when family-coverage costs were rising by an average 7 percent a year. But they’re still nearly double recent rates of inflation and increases in worker pay.

Such growth “is unsustainable for the companies I have been working with,” said Brian Ford, a benefits consultant with Lockton Companies, echoing comments made over the decades by experts as health spending has vacuumed up more and more economic resources.

For now at least, many large employers can well afford rising health costs. Earnings for corporations in the S&P 500 have increased by double-digit percentages, driven by federal tax cuts and economic growth. Profit margins are near all-time highs.

But for workers and many smaller businesses, health costs are a heavier burden.

Premiums for family plans have gone up 55 percent in the past decade, twice as fast as worker pay, according to KFF.

Employers’ latest cost-control efforts include managing expenses for the most expensive diseases; getting workers to use nurse video-chat services and other types of “telemedicine”; and paying for primary care clinics at work or nearby.

At the “top of the list” for many companies are attempts to manage the most expensive medical claims — cases of hemophilia, terrible accidents, prematurely born infants and other diseases — that increasingly cost as much as $1 million each, Umland said.

Employers point such patients to the highest-quality doctors and hospitals and furnish guides to steer them through the system. Such steps promise to improve results, reduce complications and save money, she said.

On-site clinics cut absenteeism by eliminating the need for employees to drive across town and sit in a waiting room for two hours to get a rash or a sniffle checked or get a vaccine, consultants say.

Almost all large employers offer telemedicine, but hardly any workers use it. Thirty-nine percent of the larger companies covering telemedicine now make it comparatively less expensive for workers to consult doctors and nurses virtually, the KFF survey shows.