As ACA enrollment nears, administration keeps cutting federal support of the law

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/as-aca-enrollment-nears-administration-keeps-cutting-federal-support-of-the-law/2017/10/05/cc5995a2-a50e-11e7-b14f-f41773cd5a14_story.html?utm_term=.b9039864660d

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For months, officials in Republican-controlled Iowa had sought federal permission to revitalize their ailing health-insurance marketplace. Then President Trump read about the request in a newspaper story and called the federal director weighing the application.

Trump’s message in late August was clear, according to individuals who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations: Tell Iowa no.

Supporters of the Affordable Care Act see the president’s opposition even to changes sought by conservative states as part of a broader campaign by his administration to undermine the 2010 health-care law. In addition to trying to cut funding for the ACA, the Trump administration also is hampering state efforts to control premiums. In the case of Iowa, that involved a highly unusual intervention by the president himself.

And with the fifth enrollment season set to begin Nov. 1, advocates say the Health and Human Services Department has done more to suppress the number of people signing up than to boost it. HHS has slashed grants to groups that help consumers get insurance coverage, for example. It also has cut the enrollment period in half, reduced the advertising budget by 90 percent and announced an outage schedule that would make the HealthCare.gov website less available than last year.

The White House also has yet to commit to funding the cost-sharing reductions that help about 7 million lower-income Americans afford out-of-pocket expenses on their ACA health plans. Trump has regularly threatened to block them and, according to an administration official who was not authorized to speak publicly, officials are considering action to end the payments in November.

The uncertainty has driven premium prices much higher for 2018. A possible move by the Treasury Department to ease the requirement that most Americans obtain coverage could further erode a core element of the law.

On Friday, Sen. Margaret Wood Hassan (D-N.H.) called on the administration to abandon its “attempts to sabotage health care markets and raise health care costs for millions.” Such efforts, warn health advocates as well as state and local officials, will translate into more uninsured Americans.

“In Ohio, the Trump administration has already inflicted the damage,” said Lisa Hamler-Fugitt, executive director of the Ohio Association of Foodbanks. After its nearly $1.7 million enrollment-assistance grant was cut 72 percent last month, the group decided it no longer could effectively participate. “We are past the point of no return on this,” Hamler-Fugitt said.

HHS has told its regional administrators not to even meet with on-the-ground organizations about enrollment. The late decision, which department spokesman Matt Lloyd said was made because such groups organize and implement events “with their own agenda,” left leaders of grass-roots organizations feeling stranded.

“I don’t think it’s too much to ask the agency tasked with outreach and enrollment to be involved with that,” said Roy Mitchell, executive director for the Mississippi Health Advocacy Program, which receives no federal funding for its ACA efforts. “There’s money for HHS to fly around on private jets, but there’s not money and resources to do outreach in Mississippi.”

Administration officials make no apologies for actions scaling back federal support for the ACA, also known as Obamacare. Trump, Vice President Pence and those carrying out the law at different agencies take most every opportunity to claim that it is failing. HHS Secretary Tom Price’s abrupt resignation Friday, prompted by the furor over his use of expensive chartered planes for work trips, is not expected to shift this overall approach.

After failing to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, Republican leaders said it will “implode.” Health-care experts disagree, saying the ACA is stable under current law — but President Trump and congressional Republicans could change that. (Daron Taylor/The Washington Post)

“Obamacare has never lived up to enrollment expectations despite the previous administration’s best efforts,” Lloyd said in an email last week. “The American people know a bad deal when they see one, and many won’t be convinced to sign up for ‘Washington-knows-best’ health coverage that they can’t afford.”

Trump and his aides also are looking for ways to loosen the existing law’s requirements, now that the latest congressional attempt to repeal it outright has failed. The Treasury Department may broaden the ACA’s “hardship exemption” so that taxpayers don’t face costly penalties for failing to obtain coverage, a Republican briefed on the plan said. That is sure to depress enrollment among the younger, healthier consumers whom insurers count on to help buffer the health-care costs of sicker customers.

“We should fully expect the Trump administration to take a more activist route to deal with Obamacare, given the inability of Congress to move through with a repeal-and-replace bill,” said Lanhee Chen, a research fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.

While the law’s open enrollment period has attracted the most public attention, a more obscure battle within the administration over several states’ proposed changes for their marketplaces speaks volumes about the president’s approach to the law.

It was a Wall Street Journal article about Iowa’s request that provoked Trump’s ire, according to an individual briefed on the exchange. The story detailed how officials had just submitted the application for a Section 1332 waiver — a provision that allows states to adjust how they are implementing the ACA as long as they can prove it would not translate into lost or less-affordable coverage.

Iowa’s aim was to foster more competition and better prices. The story said other states hoping to stabilize their situations were watching closely.

Trump first tried to reach Price, the individual recounted, but the secretary was traveling in Asia and unavailable. The president then called Seema Verma, administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, the agency charged with authorizing or rejecting Section 1332 applications. CMS had been working closely with Iowa as it fine-tuned its submission.

State Insurance Commissioner Doug Ommen has repeatedly described the “Iowa Stopgap Measure” as critical to expanding marketplace options there. The plan would abolish the ACA exchange there and convert consumer subsidies into a type of GOP-styled tax credit. New financial buffers would help insurers handle customers with particularly high medical expenses.

Without the measure, “over 20,000 middle class farmers, early retirees and self-employed Iowans will likely either go uninsured or leave Iowa,” Ommen warned in a Sept. 19 statement. Those who sign up for 2018 exchange coverage face premium rate increases of 57 percent on average from the single insurer participating.

Some administration officials are still pressing for the waiver to be granted, according to interviews with several Republicans. The HHS spokesman confirmed last week that Iowa’s application “has been deemed complete and is currently under review” but did not address the president’s directive on the matter.

Eliot Fishman oversaw such waivers at CMS during the previous administration and said in an interview that President Barack Obama weighed in on those decisions only in “unusual” cases” toward the end of the process.

“Things that are tough calls typically go to the president, but they go with a [staff] recommendation that often carries a great deal of weight,” said Fishman, now senior director of health policy for the liberal health-care advocacy group Families USA.

Iowa is not the only red state to chafe at the administration’s unwillingness to allow more flexibility.

On Friday, Oklahoma sent a letter to Price and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin saying it was withdrawing its federal waiver request because administration officials had not provided an answer “after months of development, negotiation, and near daily communication over the past six weeks.”

“While we appreciate the work of your staff, the lack of timely waiver approval will prevent thousands of Oklahomans from realizing the benefits of significantly lower insurance premiums in 2018,” wrote Terry Cline, the state’s health secretary.

In at least one case, CMS has approved a waiver in a way that upended a state’s plan to maximize health coverage for its residents. Minnesota applied to CMS for permission to establish a reinsurance program, which can lower premiums by giving insurers a guarantee that they will have limited financial exposure for customers with particularly high medical expenses. The agency informed Gov. Mark Dayton (D) on Sept. 22 that it would provide $323 million for the program since the lower premiums would mean savings to the federal government on subsidies to Minnesotans with ACA health plans.

But, Verma added, the federal government also would cut $369 million in funding for a separate program aimed at residents who earn between 138 percent and 200 percent of the federal poverty level and don’t qualify for the same subsidies.

Minnesota’s entire congressional delegation, Democrats and Republicans alike, issued a joint statement saying they were “disappointed that our state is facing a last-minute penalty” and “exploring possible paths forward.”

Sen. Patty Murray (Wash.), the top Democrat on the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, said Trump should devote time to forging a bipartisan agreement to stabilize the ACA marketplaces.

“If he is only interested in sabotaging the market, that is a dangerous road for him to ride, because he will own it,” she said.

Gene therapies save lives, but how to pay for them?

http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/business/biotech/sd-me-drug-price-20171005-story.html

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Stem cell and gene therapies for cancer and other diseases used to be considered exotic. But stunning successes are fast moving them into the medical mainstream.

While only a few of these therapies have yet been approved, many more are being tested experimentally. In addition to treating otherwise fatal cancers, they may relieve sickle cell disease, restore failing hearts and even cure HIV infection.

And with mainstream success comes a mainstream worry: How will patients pay for these expensive treatments? Or to look at it another way, how much is it worth to save a life?

Drug company representatives discussed these issues Wednesday at Cell & Gene Meeting on the Mesa, an annual event in La Jolla devoted to stem cell and gene therapy.

At the end of August, drug giant Novartis marked a milestone by receiving U.S. approval for a blood cancer treatment made from the patient’s own genetically modified immune cells. The treatment, Kymriah, has rescued children and young adults who were gravely ill with acute lymphoblastic leukemia and placed them into remission.

Kymriah costs $475,000. But Novartis made an unusual guarantee: If patients don’t respond in a month, the company won’t charge for it.

However, these arrangements, like the therapies themselves, are so new that federal regulators are hesitant, said Pascal Touchon, a senior vice president with Novartis Oncology.

“The system is not organized for that,” Touchon said at a morning panel. “So when you ask for the first time whether we can do that, the answer is no. That’s the starting point.”

Novartis eventually reached agreement with the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, or CMS.

The challenge now is to make general rules for such therapies, instead of making rules case-by-case, said Bob Azelby, chief commercial officer of Juno Therapeutics. Juno is developing a cancer immune therapy similar to Novartis’.

“They’re getting value for the dollars they’re spending,” Azelby said of CMS.

Cell & Gene Meeting in La Jolla began more than a decade ago as a purely scientific conference on stem cells. But it has grown as stem cell technology has been augmented with gene therapy, the delivery of disease-fighting genes.

Genetically modifying stem cells provides a virtually unlimited source of cells with useful properties. These could fight cancer, or perhaps correct a disease caused by a faulty gene.

Many of these therapies, such as Kymriah, are made from a patient’s own cells, collected, modified, grown and re-infused into the body. Such custom-made treatments are extremely expensive. They belong to a class of treatments called CAR T cell therapy.

Bluebird Bio, also represented on the panel, is developing its own version of CAR T cell therapy, in its case for another blood cancer called multiple myeloma.

In addition, Bluebird is developing gene therapies for a rare disease called cerebral adrenoleukodystrophy, and the blood disorders sickle cell disease and beta-thalassemia.

“For Bluebird … it’s ultimately putting together a value story, that allows for a dialogue” about pay-for-performance, said Jeffrey Walsh, chief financial and strategy officer.

Vericel, which grows replacement skin from a burn patient’s own skin cells, also makes such a value pitch, said Nick Colangelo, president and CEO.

“When we treat a catastrophic burn patient, an order of our skin grafts can cost a couple hundred thousand dollars,” Colangelo said. “But it’s a one-time treatment.”

Moreover, treated patients have nearly a 90 percent survival rate, he said.

“That clearly is a product that has a lot of value,” Colangelo said.

Besides helping patients and the companies that make successful therapies, treatments like Kymriah also benefit companies that supply their research tools. One of them is Thermo Fisher Scientific, which had an early collaboration with Carl June, the physician who pioneered the therapy at the University of Pennsylvania.

Thermo Fisher supplied its Dynabeads, microscopic magnetic beads that attach to specified cells using an antibody linker, said Mark Stevenson, the company’s chief operating officer.

“They help extract and amplify the cells prior to the therapy … to actually enrich the cells that you want to pull out, also that you’re able to develop and expand the correct CAR T cells,” Stevenson said. “And for Novartis we scaled up that therapy to make a successful launch.”

“It’s a very exciting time for cell therapy,” Stevenson said. “We’ve been involved in it for 10 years and we’re finally seeing the benefits coming to patients.”

Eyes Fixed On California As Governor Ponders Inking Drug Price Transparency Bill

Eyes Fixed On California As Governor Ponders Inking Drug Price Transparency Bill

Insurers, hospitals and health advocates are waiting for Gov. Jerry Brown to deal the drug lobby a rare defeat, by signing legislation that would force pharmaceutical companies to justify big price hikes on drugs in California.

“If it gets signed by this governor, it’s going to send shock waves throughout the country,” said state Sen. Ed Hernandez, a Democrat from West Covina, the bill’s author and an optometrist. “A lot of other states have the same concerns we have, and you’re going to see other states try to emulate what we did.”

The bill would require drug companies to give California 60 days’ notice to state agencies and health insurers anytime they plan to raise the price of a drug by 16 percent or more over two years. They would also have to explain why the increases are necessary. In addition, health insurers would have to report what percentage of premium increases are caused by drug spending.

Drugmakers spent $16.8 million on lobbying from January 2015 through the first half of this year to kill an array of drug legislation in California, according to data from the secretary of state’s office. For the pricing bill alone, the industry has hired 45 lobbyists or firms to fight it. Against the backdrop of this opposition campaign, Brown must decide by Oct. 15 whether to sign or veto the bill.

“When they have to justify in California, de facto, they have to justify it to the other 49 states,” said Gerard Anderson, a health policy professor at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore. “Other states essentially get to piggyback on the good efforts of California, and hopefully, because they might have difficulty justifying the price increases, everybody’s prices around the country will be lower.”

Other states, including Maryland, Vermont, Nevada and New York, have passed similar laws aimed at bringing more transparency to prices and curbing price gouging. But the pharmaceutical industry has fought the hardest in California. If drug companies don’t like the disclosure laws in smaller states, they could decide not to sell their drugs there, Anderson said, but the market in California is just too big to ignore.

“States like Maryland are just not as powerful,” he said. “It just doesn’t have the clout that a state like California has.”

This is the second go-round for such a drug price bill. Last summer, similar legislation crashed and burned. Its intended regulations were gutted so extensively that Hernandez decided to pull it. But, he said, two key things happened after that, setting the stage for a successful second attempt.

First, in August 2016, less than a week after Hernandez pulled the bill, controversy erupted nationally over the price of EpiPens, which spiked nearly 500 percent. The increase sparked outrage from parents who carry the auto-injectors to save their children from life-threatening allergic reactions.

Momentum grew among federal lawmakers last September. They called for hearings. Several bills were proposed across the country aimed to rein in drug prices.

Then came the election of November 2016. After Donald Trump became president and Republicans took control of Congress, the No. 1 health policy priority became repealing and replacing the Affordable Care Act, President Barack Obama’s signature legislation.

As federal lawmakers focused on dismantling the ACA, Hernandez said he saw another opportunity for state lawmakers to act on drug prices. He reintroduced his bill in early 2017, and this time political support grew quickly — beyond the usual suspects.

“It wasn’t just labor,” he recalls. “It was consumer groups, it was health plans. It was the Chambers of Commerce, it was the hospital association.”

The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, or PhRMA, a drug industry’s trade group, argued that the bill known as SB 17 was full of “false promises” that wouldn’t help consumers pay for their medicines and would instead stifle innovation with cumbersome regulatory compliance.

“That takes up a lot of resources and will take up a lot of time,” said Priscilla VanderVeer, deputy vice president of public affairs for PhRMA. “And that could mean pulling resources from research and development and having to put it into the reporting structure.”

Some experts say that price transparency alone is not sufficient to bring down costs  and that other changes are needed.

Hernandez is optimistic the governor will sign SB 17 into law. But he knows nothing’s certain. That’s because of what happened on Sept. 11, the day the bill came up for a key vote in the state Assembly — the same place it went down the year before. Hernandez thought he’d secured all the votes he needed, but at the last minute the votes started slipping away.

The bill needed 41 votes to pass the Assembly. During the roll call, the tally stalled around 35. Hernandez said he had plenty of colleagues willing to cast the 42nd vote, but with drug lobbyists swarming the Capitol, no legislators wanted to be the one to cast the deciding vote.

“If the bill fails and you’re stuck out there, then you’re the person that’s attacking the industry,” Hernandez said.

Still, the bill crossed the 41-vote threshold and the remaining lawmakers joined in. In the end, the bill passed with 66 votes. All the Democrats and half of the Republicans in the state Assembly voted for it.

This was much to the dismay of drug companies, which lobbied hard and issued a blitz of advertising in the last weeks before the vote.

Experts said the drug industry doesn’t want a large influential state like California forcing them to share their data.

Drugmakers are likely already devising ways to work around the California bill, warned Anderson, the Johns Hopkins professor. They’ve filed lawsuits to try to slow or stop laws from being implemented in other states, or to weaken the rules if and when they go into effect. Policy experts are watching to see what kinds of legal challenges the California law might be vulnerable to, and if it can withstand them.

“We learn from the mistakes of other states,” Anderson said. “Legislation is an iterative process. We have 50 states and hopefully, by some time, we’ll get it right. We’re looking for California to take the lead on this.”

Trump administration rolls back ACA contraception mandate

https://www.axios.com/trump-administration-rolls-back-aca-contraception-mandate-2493726693.html

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The Trump administration will immediately soften the Affordable Care Act’s contraception mandate, broadening exemptions for employers who have a religious or moral objection to helping provide birth control to their employees.

What’s happening: Churches and some religious organizations have always been exempt from the contraception mandate, but the Trump administration is broadening the exemptions to all nonprofit organizations as well as for-profit companies, including publicly traded corporations.

Key points: These are broad exemptions.

  • Allowing exemptions based on a “moral” objection is a big step. Previous exemptions and carve-outs were limited to employers’ religious beliefs.
  • When the Supreme Court ruled that Hobby Lobby should be able to get an exemption from the mandate, it limited its decision to companies that are closely controlled by a few people. Hobby Lobby, for example, already closed on Sundays and otherwise reflected the faith of its owners. These new rules will allow any company to seek an exemption.

The background: The ACA requires employers to include certain preventive services — including contraception — in their employees’ health care plans, without copays or other forms of cost-sharing. Churches have always been exempt. The Supreme Court also allowed an exemption for closely held corporations whose owners have a religious objection to contraception.

The Obama administration had tried to work out a middle ground for other “religious-affiliated” employers, but they said that process was still an encroachment on their religious liberty.

The Critical Skills for Leading Major Change in America’s Health System

https://hbr.org/2017/10/the-critical-skills-for-leading-major-change-in-americas-health-system

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At a time of profound volatility in the U.S. health system, change management is an essential skill for public and private leaders alike. For these leaders — and young people aspiring to careers as health care managers — one very practical question emerges: What are the critical skills for leading major change in our health system?

As someone who has led large change management projects in both the federal government and a large private health system, my view is that effective leadership of fundamental change requires the following: a commitment to transparency; involving stakeholders so they feel that their voices are heard; making listening a personal priority of the leader; going overboard in communicating; emphasizing that the sought-after change is achievable; and developing a motivating narrative.

Two personal stories illustrate these points.

The first concerns the challenge of creating the meaningful use program for the HITECH Act when I served as national coordinator of health information technology from 2009 to 2011, at the beginning of the Obama administration. The second involves the task of replacing the electronic health record system (EHR) at Harvard-affiliated Partners HealthCare, the largest health system in New England. The latter was a project I led after returning to Partners in 2011. This was a $1.2 billion capital investment, the biggest in the organization’s history.

Both challenges were fundamentally political with a small “p.” And the road to success was in many ways the same.

The HITECH Act, which was part of the federal stimulus program enacted in response to the financial crisis of 2008, tasked the Obama administration and its Department of Health and Human Services with creating a nationwide, interoperable, private, and secure electronic-health-information system. The president made this goal even more formidable by promising that every American would have an electronic health record by 2014.

The HITECH Act provided a wide array of authorities:

  • As much as $30 billion in new spending under Medicare and Medicaid. This was for incentive payments and supplemental reimbursement for services provided by health professionals and hospitals that became meaningful users of IT.
  • $3 billion in discretionary spending authority for the national coordinator to set up the national infrastructure needed to support and facilitate the adoption and meaningful use of EHRs.
  • Authority to write new regulations defining meaningful use of these systems, creating a certification process for EHRs, and specifying standards that would enable records to support meaningful use, as defined by regulation.

The HITECH Act also included constraints — many about timing. Regulations setting out standards had to be issued within about nine months from the time I arrived. Furthermore, payments to providers for conforming to meaningful use were to be available under the law in less than two years — by January 1, 2011. So any infrastructure supports to assist providers in becoming meaningful users had to be in place very fast — by early 2010 at the latest.

Still another constraint — one of those important details that are appreciated by students of management — was that the Office of the National Coordinator that I inherited was tiny (a total of 35 FTEs) and had never written a regulation or made a grant before. There was, for example, no grants-management office even though we were expected to rapidly expend $3 billion in infrastructure grants and contracts to prepare the nation for meaningful use.

Though the implementation of the HITECH Act seemed superficially like a technology project, I gradually came to realize that it was much more than that.  Nothing in the law required hospitals or doctors to adopt or meaningfully use electronic health records. They had incentives to do so, but they could easily refuse.

In fact, we were actually engaged not in a technology-implementation program but in a huge change-management initiative. We had to convince hundreds of thousands of health professionals and thousands of hospitals and hospital managers to take on the difficult, complex, costly, disruptive, and frustrating task of changing the way they managed what is arguably the most critical resource used in daily patient care: information. We were in a contest for the hearts and minds of professionals running our health care system. This larger battle for hearts and minds conditioned everything we did in applying our authorities and meeting our practical challenges.

First, to create the credibility and trust we needed to lead this movement, we insisted on transparency. We formulated the meaningful-use regulation in public through a series of hearings and public deliberations, which were streamed live. Whenever we faced the option of whether to make a decision in public or private, we chose the public approach. We held scores of open meetings involving our advisory committees during the two years I was national coordinator.

Second, to deepen public trust, we made listening a priority. Understanding that people affected by government policy want to be heard, I took every meeting I could with representatives of health care stakeholders, especially physicians and hospitals. After one meeting, I got feedback about what a great exchange we had. In fact, I had said nothing at all beyond introducing myself at the outset.

Third, we communicated extensively. When we released the proposed rule, we did so with a press event in the Great Hall of the Department of Health and Human Services with a packed crowd. I then went on a national tour — to Tampa, Minneapolis, Tucson, Salt Lake City, Omaha, Burlington, Buffalo, Houston, and beyond — to explain the proposed regulation.

Fourth, we emphasized the feasibility of complying with the meaningful-use rule. We needed to make clear that becoming a meaningful user was not a superhuman task. We wanted adoption to be so manageable that non-adopters would be embarrassed among their peers at golf outings or weekend cocktail parties.

Fifth, we sought narratives — metaphors for what we were trying to accomplish — and I used them repeatedly in my speeches. The one that stuck was an escalator image: We were getting on an escalator toward increasingly sophisticated and powerful uses of EHRs. We were starting on the first step, but the rest would follow in due time.

We also spoke of inevitability. It was inconceivable, we argued, that within 10 years, physicians and hospitals would still be walled off from the information age. They could make the conversion now — with government support — or they could wait and do it on their own. But either way, they were going to have to make the change. They were going to have to get on that escalator.

The meaningful-use program has had its problems, but it did succeed in one of its most fundamental purposes: the adoption of EHRs, which are now ubiquitous in medical practice.  In the end, the program got very close to fulfilling President Obama’s promise that every American would have an electronic health record by 2014.

Now let’s turn to the task of implementing a new EHR in a large operating health system that included two major teaching institutions (Massachusetts General Hospital and Brigham and Women’s Hospital); multiple community hospitals; a rehab hospital; a nationally-known, inpatient, psychiatric facility; a half-dozen community health centers; a home-health-care agency; thousands of community-based physicians; and the largest non-profit, private, biomedical-research program in the world.

The Partners HealthCare System was already sophisticated electronically.  The problem was that it had multiple, homegrown, electronic health records onto which local physician-developer teams had layered a wide variety of specialty specific applications. The result was an electronic tower of Babel that was becoming increasingly expensive to service and modernize. But the key problem was that the records were not internally interoperable, which had become a growing barrier to improving quality and efficiency in an increasingly demanding local-health-care environment.

Before I arrived in 2011, Partners leadership had made the decision to replace all this complexity with a single, commercial EHR. It was my job to lead the process of picking one and rolling it out.

Now, though Partners was legally a single health-care-delivery system, I knew from having worked there for much of my professional life that it was in fact a loose confederation of independent institutions populated by equally independent and skeptical professionals. Winning their support, and that of managers throughout the system, was critical to success. Once again, we were battling for hearts and minds, which meant that many of the approaches we relied on in government were relevant.

Building trust through a transparent decision process was the first strategy we pursued. The initial and critical decision we faced was which EHR to purchase.  There were two finalists. To choose, we collected evidence, evaluated the alternatives, and made decisions in highly public and inclusive ways. We invited thousands of professionals to test and rate the two products. We reported the results publicly on a project website. We conducted site visits to health care organizations around the country using the products we were considering. Site visit teams were diverse and representative of major Partners institutions and stakeholders. They rated the sites’ experiences with the EHRs, using a standardized protocol. We reported results on the website.

Then, we held a public debate between advocates of the two contending records — in which teams argued about relative merits before the audience voted. The vote was highly influential in our final choice. This transparent and inclusive decision-making process included an enormous amount of built-in listening and feedback from affected staff, another critical part of the change-management process.

To address the need for inclusive governance and representative decision making, we put in place a governing council for the EHR project. Members included representatives of critical Partners institutions and stakeholder groups. This council approved all major decisions with respect to the choice of the EHR and implementation policy. We then took those approved decisions to senior management of Partners, and ultimately to the Partners board, for final endorsement. Obviously, the fact that a representative body had approved our recommendations enormously increased their weight with management and board members.

As in the case of the meaningful-use program, communication was important. It didn’t require traveling the country, but it did require visiting all the major Partners institutions to speak with their staff and management, to answer questions, and to take in feedback.

Finally, we needed a rationale and a narrative that conveyed the necessity of undertaking this admittedly expensive and disruptive change in Partners affairs.  The rationale and narrative focused on the institution’s obligation to its patients. This was conveyed first in a motto: one patient, one record, one billing statement. To make this motto concrete, we made a video of a patient describing how she had had to carry a paper record from one Partners institution to another — all of which had siloed EHRs — as she got care for her breast cancer: surgery at Newton-Wellesley Hospital, chemotherapy at Dana-Farber Cancer Institute, and radiation at the Massachusetts General Hospital. I recall vividly the impact this video had during a presentation I made to the academic chairs of departments at Mass General. Patients’ stories had an almost unimpeachable legitimacy, even with the most senior Harvard academic leaders.

Before I left Partners to join the Commonwealth Fund in 2013, we had chosen the EHR and begun the rollout of the new IT infrastructure. While that rollout has not been perfect and, typical of such massive implementations, there have been plenty of complaints about the difficulty of using the new record, it has largely proceeded according to plan.

Change management is at the core of everything that public and private institutions are striving to achieve in reforming national policy and care-delivery approaches in order to improve the quality and cost of health care services provided daily to Americans. The effectiveness of leaders in both the public and private sectors in managing ambitious change efforts will determine their ultimate success. And my experience suggests that the skills required in these two sectors are remarkably similar — because change management, regardless of setting, involves convincing human beings to give up something they know for something new and uncertain.