The Health Care Fight Isn’t Over, Despite Democratic Cheering

https://www.thefiscaltimes.com/2017/07/28/Health-Care-Fight-Isnt-Over-Despite-Democratic-Cheering

There was an air of finality to things in the Senate early Friday morning when Arizona Sen. John McCain crossed party lines to join Maine’s Susan Collins and Alaska’s Lisa Murkowski in killing a last-ditch attempt by Republican leadership to pass and Affordable Care Act repeal bill.

The headline above New York Times columnist David Leonhardt’s byline Friday morning was, “Phew: The Health Bill Fails.” But as a sleep-deprived Washington crawled out of bed several hours later, reality began to creep back into the picture. The fight over the ACA isn’t over; the battlefield has just changed.

The vote in the early hours of the morning had been on a measure that Republican leadership only made public a couple of hours before they expected to call the roll. Dubbed a “skinny repeal,” it was a mishmash of policies that even some senators who voted for it viewed with disgust. On Thursday afternoon, for example, South Carolina’s Lindsey Graham derided the bill as “horrible policy” and “a fraud.”

The bill would have repealed the individual insurance mandate imposed by the ACA, and in a nod to the arcane rules of the process Republicans were using to try to ram it past Democratic objections, it also repealed the employer mandate, but only for eight years. It contained other sops to elements of the GOP base, like a one-year ban on payments to Planned Parenthood from Medicaid, and the delayed implementation (for only three years?!) of a tax on medical devices.

A Congressional Budget Office score had promised that if the bill became law, millions of Americans would lose health insurance and those who were still able to buy it through the individual market would pay much higher premiums. For a considerable number of Republicans who voted for it, the hope was that the bill would never become law, but would force the House of Representatives to sit down in a conference committee and begin crafting a replacement.

For some senators, hope wasn’t enough. Graham, McCain, Wisconsin’s Ron Johnson and Louisiana’s Bill Cassidy, in a press conference Thursday afternoon, said they couldn’t vote for it without express assurances from the House that it wouldn’t simply accept the Senate measure as written and vote to send it to the president.

A vague statement from Ryan released after their remarks was enough for the others, but not for McCain, who scuttled the bill with his “no” vote and a dramatic thumbs-down in the wee hours of Friday morning.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was visibly frustrated with the conclusion of his months-long effort to find a repeal bill that could gather 50 votes in his conference. In remarks afterward, he expressed “regret” that the Senate had failed to achieve its goal, before adjourning until Monday, when he said lawmakers would take up some of the president’s judicial appointments.

But it wasn’t long before a tweet from President Trump reminded everyone that last night’s vote was nothing like the final curtain in the ACA drama.

Trump has long been promising to “let Obamacare implode,” arguing that doing so would strengthen his negotiating position even as it harmed the American people. And the drawn-out struggle over the GOP’s attempt to craft a legislative replacement for the law, or even to just repeal it with a promise to come back and replace it later, has often obscured the fact that he is well-positioned to just that if he chooses to.

The ACA’s original structure has already been partially dismantled, with payments to insurers that were part of the original bill suspended and insurance companies responding with higher premiums and lower deductibles. Other parts of it were never implemented it at all. Some large states, like Texas and Virginia, have refused to take part in the law’s Medicaid expansion, which would have provided millions of Americans with health care that they cannot currently afford.

Given that wobbly foundation, it wouldn’t take much prodding to tip the whole system over, and the president has all the tools he needs to do that.

Trump has already shown an interest in two of them.

First, he could publicly and explicitly direct the Internal Revenue Service to redirect enforcement efforts away from the individual mandate that is a core part of the ACA. By requiring people to carry an insurance policy or face a financial penalty, the mandate helps balance the pool of people insured in the individual market by including both healthy individuals who might only need expensive health care in an emergency, and unhealthy people in need of expensive chronic care.

In a system where insurers are required to issue policies to all applicants, that mix is essential to avoid a “death spiral” of ever-sicker risk pools forcing insurers to charge ever-higher premiums until the market collapses.

Second, Trump could order his administration to cease making Cost Sharing Reduction payments to insurers. The payments are meant to compensate insurance companies for the cost of providing policies to lower-income Americans, but they have been challenged as unconstitutional by the Republican House of Representatives.

The administration has already put the insurance industry on edge by making the payment of the CSRs almost a month-to-month decision. Eliminating them entirely would drive many insurers out of the marketplace and would cause others to raise premiums to unsustainable levels.

In other words, those who think the battles over the ACA are finished are deluding themselves.

McCain Votes No, Derails ‘Skinny Repeal’ In Marathon Session

http://khn.org/news/mccain-votes-no-derails-skinny-repeal-in-marathon-session/?utm_campaign=KHN%3A%20First%20Edition&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=54732817&_hsenc=p2ANqtz–k_RyjnrsV5I3OytT1xGTiBIWnlNlMSYdyr5kwTt0JGgLaodLbaU2ev3Wam6ReA9qmZGmMuhZW58niwFrwiz5mc2divg&_hsmi=54732817

Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), who interrupted brain cancer treatment to return to Capitol Hill and advance the health law repeal efforts, cast the dramatic and decisive “no” vote in the early morning hours that upended the Republican effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act.

The Senate struggled late into the night to craft and then vote on a so-called “skinny repeal” of the health law, but came up empty as the bill was defeated in a 51-49 vote that prompted gasps in the chamber. McCain’s vote was unexpected and ends — for now — the Republican party’s effort to kill Obamacare.

Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Susan Collins (R-Maine) cast the two other Republican “no” votes in a cliffhanger drama that ended just before 2:00 a.m. Friday.

Earlier, a group of Republican senators trashed the new measure, widely dubbed a “skinny repeal,” saying it would only worsen the health care system, and they demanded unprecedented promises from their House colleagues to change it.

“The skinny bill in the Senate doesn’t even come close to honoring our promises of repealing Obamacare,” said Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.). “Virtually nothing we’re doing in any of these bills and proposals are addressing the challenges, the problems, the damage done [by the Affordable Care Act].”

Staff of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) crafted the new bill, which was under discussion all afternoon and posted publicly late Thursday evening.Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell goes on and off the Senate floor during an all-night session to consider the Republican healthcare bill. (Photo by Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

The slimmed-down version of the Senate bill — The Health Care Freedom Act, which the White House refers to as the “freedom bill” —included an end to key elements of the health law. Among them were rollbacks of the mandates for individuals and employers to buy health insurance, changes to waivers available under Section 1332 of the ACA that would give states more leeway to alter essential benefits in insurance plans, and a repeal of the medical-device tax.

It was not immediately clear how the bill achieved savings similar to $133 billion in the House’s version of repeal legislation. An equal or better level of savings is required under the arcane budgetary process that is being used to advance the bill, known as reconciliation.

Budget reconciliation allows the measure to pass the Senate on a simple majority vote, but requires that all of its provisions pass muster with the Senate parliamentarian as budget-related. The text of the bill posted publicly at 10 p.m. The CBO report on it began circulating on Twitter around midnight and the vote finally closed around 1:45 a.m. Friday.

One provision that had been restored after the parliamentarian initially struck it was an attempt to defund Planned Parenthood for a year. The new provision took in at least one additional abortion provider, and was expected to survive. The funding for Planned Parenthood was to be shifted to community health centers.

Keeping the attack on Planned Parenthood solidified Murkowski and Collins’ opposition to the vote.

This new iteration of the repeal comes after two versions failed to win over the 50 GOP senators needed. But even with all the rewriting and behind-the-scenes negotiation, four senators called a press conference to declare they will not vote for this “skinny repeal” unless House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) promises not to merely pass the measure but send it to a conference committee between the two chambers, where it can be substantively altered.

The four senators slammed the trimmed-down compromise.

“I am not going to vote for a piece of legislation that I believe is not a replacement, that politically would be the dumbest thing in history to throw this out there,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.).

Left to right, Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), Bill Cassidy (R-La.), Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) and John McCain (R-Ariz.) hold a news conference Thursday to say they would not support the “skinny repeal” legislation unless it was guaranteed to go to conference with the House. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

He said that he, Johnson and McCain and Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) would not vote for the skinny repeal until Ryan pledges to “go to conference,” where Graham can include a measure to shift current Obamacare funding into a block-grant program for states.

His fear, Graham said, is that the House might simply take up and pass the skinny repeal in order to be done with it and notch a win in their seven-year battle against Obamacare.

Graham referred to estimates that said the repeal of the ACA mandates would “collapse the individual market” and leave the GOP to “own the problem at a time when Obamacare is collapsing.”

Ryan did release a statement with a conditional promise to take the bill to conference. Initially, it did not satisfy Graham or McCain. Graham and Johnson were persuaded, however, after a phone conversation with Ryan. McCain was not.

For their part, Democrats uniformly panned the GOP’s efforts.

“We’ve had one bad bill after another. There is no bill that is a good bill,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.). “Every bill takes people off health care. Every bill makes you pay more for less. There’s a race to the bottom, so to speak.”

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), hammered the entire process: “This is nuclear grade bonkers.”

Senate ObamaCare repeal bill falls in shocking vote

http://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/344268-senate-defeats-obamacare-repeal-measure

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The Senate rejected a scaled-back ObamaCare repeal bill in the early hours of Friday in a shocking vote that marks a major defeat for GOP leaders and the seven-year effort to repeal the health law.

The Senate voted 49-51 against the “skinny” bill, which would have repealed ObamaCare’s individual and employer mandates and defunded Planned Parenthood.

Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) provided the crucial vote against the bill, alongside GOP Sens. Susan Collins (Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (Alaska).

A succession of Republicans attempted to appeal to McCain, as well as Murkowski, on the Senate floor while the preceding vote was held open long after it usually would have closed.

Vice President Pence, and Sen. Jeff Flake, also of Arizona, were among those who went to talk to McCain.

“We all wanted to try to get to a positive outcome,” Murkowski said after the vote. “It’s very disappointing that we weren’t able to.”

McCain, who returned to the Senate this week after learning he had brain cancer last week, said in a statement after the vote that he wanted to go back and use the committee process, while working with Democrats on healthcare.

“We must now return to the correct way of legislating and send the bill back to committee, hold hearings, receive input from both sides of the aisle, heed the recommendations of nation’s governors, and produce a bill that finally delivers affordable health care for the American people,” McCain said in the statement.

The so-called “skinny” bill was cast by Republicans as a way to keep their repeal hopes alive and get to negotiations with the House.

Now, it appears that Republican hopes of repealing ObamaCare have been quashed.

In a speech from the Senate floor early Friday morning after the surprise failed vote, Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said “it is time to move on.”

“What we tried to accomplish for the American people was the right thing for the country,” McConnell said. “I think the American people are going to regret that we couldn’t find another way forward.”

Moving forward, McConnell invited Democrats to offer their ideas, but he seemed skeptical, saying that “bailing out insurance companies” would not be acceptable.

“Now I think it’s appropriate to ask, what are their ideas?” McConnell said. “It’ll be interesting to see what they suggest as the way forward.”

Democratic requests include providing funding to lower premiums for high-cost enrollees, known as “reinsurance,” and guaranteeing key ObamaCare payments, known as cost-sharing reductions.

President Trump reacted on Twitter, saying the three Republicans and Democrats who all voted against the bill had let the country down.

The president has threatened to cancel the reinsurance payments, and in a separate tweet appeared to do so again. “As I said from the beginning, let ObamaCare implode, then deal. Watch!” Trump tweeted.

Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) pointed to hearings that could be held by Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) with Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) in the health committee.

“We’re not adverse to that, I just don’t have high hopes that we’re really going to get anything that solves the problem that we think exist with ObamaCare,” Thune said.

Ahead of the vote, many GOP senators admitted that the measure was not good policy, but, in a highly unusual situation, said they were voting for it simply to advance the process and set up a negotiation with the House on a new bill, in what is known as a conference committee.

But some Republicans harbored fear that a conference committee could fail, and the House could eventually just take up the scaled-down bill and send it to the president.

Insurers and many healthcare experts warned that by repealing the mandate to have insurance without a replacement, the bill would significantly destabilize health insurance markets and spike premiums.

The Blue Cross Blue Shield Association warned of “steep premium increases and diminished choices that would make coverage unaffordable and inaccessible.”

The Congressional Budget Office found that the bill would result in 16 million more uninsured people and roughly 20 percent higher premiums, largely from repealing the mandate to have insurance.

Republicans pointed out many of those people would choose not to buy insurance, without the mandate.

Sen. Lindsey Graham (S.C.), a Republican, warned that if the bill became law it would “collapse the individual market.” But he said he received assurances from Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) that the House would not just pass the bill and there would be a conference committee.

The process for sending the bill to the floor was highly unusual. GOP leaders released the text of the bill just hours before the final vote, a decision widely denounced by Democrats.

With the bill’s failure, some expressed hope about bipartisanship.

“I hope so,” said Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.). “I have tried in the past as has [Collins] to have a dialogue. It hasn’t worked. Maybe this had to happen to begin to have a conversation.”

McCain casts crucial vote to kill ‘skinny’ ObamaCare repeal

http://thehill.com/homenews/senate/344270-mccain-votes-to-kill-gops-skinny-backup-obamacare-repeal-plan

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Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) cast the crucial surprise vote that killed the last-resort Senate Republican ObamaCare repeal bill early Friday morning in a shocking moment that at least temporarily ended the GOP’s hopes of eliminating the former president’s signature law.

Voting shortly after midnight, McCain — who returned to the Senate on Tuesday after undergoing emergency surgery related to brain cancer — joined GOP Sens. Susan Collins (Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (Alaska) in opposing the measure that would have repealed key parts of ObamaCare.

McCain cast the “no” vote two days after a dramatic return to the Senate floor during which he called on his colleagues to work together on major issues such as healthcare reform, which has long been a Senate tradition until the upsurge of partisanship in recent years.

The vote cements McCain’s status as the Senate’s maverick, a role he relished earlier in his career when President George W. Bush occupied the White House.

McCain, who was defeated in the 2008 presidential election that brought Barack Obama to power, has emerged this year as one of President Trump’s most outspoken critics in Congress.

The two feuded during Trump’s presidential campaign; at one point, Trump mocked McCain for being a prisoner of war, saying he liked war heroes who were not captured.

That history simply added to the drama of Friday morning’s moment.

The bare-bones healthcare proposal, dubbed the “skinny” repeal because it left untouched big sections of ObamaCare, would have resulted in 16 more million people being without insurance in a decade, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO).

The CBO also estimated that it would increase premiums by 20 percent compared to current law.

Given those statistics, there was speculation early in the week about whether McCain would vote with his party given his own health news.

McCain did vote with Republicans to start debate on Tuesday, but warned he was opposed to the current version of their repeal-and-replace legislation.

He warned on Thursday that he did not want the skinny bill to become law, and asked for assurances from House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) that there would be a conference and that the House would not just pick up the skinny bill and pass it.

Other senators aligned with him appeared reassured by a Ryan statement and backed the skinny bill. But McCain appeared to feel differently with his own vote.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) pushed the skinny bill as a backup proposal after Republicans failed to agree on a bigger repeal that repealed and replaced the pillars of ObamaCare or a repeal-only measure that passed both chambers in 2015.

He appeared almost distraught after McCain’s surprise vote and seemed close to choking up on the floor after falling short of his promise to repeal ObamaCare.

“This is clearly a disappointing moment,” he said.

“I regret that our efforts were simply not enough this time. Now, I imagine many of our colleagues on the other side are celebrating. Probably pretty happy about all this. But the American people are hurting, and they need relief.”

Many Republican senators, however, did not support the substance of the so-called skinny legislation. They decided to vote for it as a way to prolong the healthcare negotiation by setting up a conference negotiation with the House.

Still, McCain’s vote surprised many Republicans including Sen. Bill Cassidy (La.), who said he thought the Arizona Republican was in favor of the legislation.

Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) told reporters, “I’m shocked at this.”

Vice President Pence was spotted lobbying McCain on the Senate floor shortly before the crucial vote. He also worked on Collins while other GOP leaders focused on Murkowski.

But those efforts fell short.

Senate Republican Conference Chairman John Thune (R-S.D.) said McCain was wrestling with the decision all day but in the end would not budge.

“He had made up his mind and I’m not sure there was much that could have been done about it,” he said.

McCain declined to “go through my thought process” when reporters asked him about his vote.

Whatever he may have thought about, the diagnosis of brain cancer he received from doctors last week hovered over his decision.

None of his colleagues mentioned it explicitly, but many Democrats thought it would be a sad irony if the lawmaker voted for legislation that CBO projected would cause 16 more million people to be without health insurance at a time when he was depending on doctors in his fight against cancer.

In addition, McCain was never a big fan of the Senate healthcare reform effort, which would have cut billions of dollars in Medicaid funding for his home state of Arizona, one of 30 states that expanded enrollment under ObamaCare.

He raised Republican suspicions and Democratic hopes shortly before the historic vote when he declined to tell reporters how he would vote on the latest idea from the GOP leadership, the so-called “skinny” repeal.

One Republican leadership source predicted earlier in the day that it had a “nine out of 10” chance of passing.

But McCain’s defection became apparent when he began huddling with Democrats on the Senate floor.

He complained earlier this month after Senate GOP leaders left out three Medicaid-related amendments that Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey (R) asked to be included in the bill.

McCain joined GOP Sens. Lindsey Graham (S.C.), Ron Johnson (Wis.) and Cassidy at a press conference a few hours before the vote in which they asked for assurances from House GOP leaders that the “skinny” bill would be revised substantially in a conference negotiation with the House.

Ryan tried to provide some assurance by telling senators that he was willing to work with them, but a Ryan spokesperson earlier in the day described a conference negotiation as an “option” but not a certainty.

“If moving forward requires a conference committee, that is something the House is willing to do,” Ryan said in a statement.

But McCain told reporters that pledge did not go far enough.

“I would like to have the kind of assurances he did not provide,” he said.

Parliamentarian issues warning on another GOP healthcare proposal

Parliamentarian issues warning on another GOP healthcare proposal

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The Senate parliamentarian advised senators Thursday that another GOP healthcare proposal will need 60 votes for passage because it violates Senate rules.

The GOP’s repeal and replace plan, which failed on the floor Tuesday, contained a provision that would allow states to waive some ObamaCare requirements, including one that says insurers must cover 10 certain benefits in all of their plans.

But the parliamentarian advised that the language would violate the rules of reconciliation, the fast track budget maneuver Republicans are using that only needs 51 votes and is immune to Democratic filibuster.

Because the state waivers language violates these rules, it would need 60 votes, which is impossible without Democratic support.

The parliamentarian has already saidthat a number of other provisions could be stripped out.

These provisions, which are part of the GOP’s failed repeal and replace bill, could still be added to whatever healthcare bill Congress passes.

Republicans want to push through the Senate a “skinny repeal” bill that eliminates ObamaCare’s insurance mandates and some taxes.

That bill may then go to conference with the House, where more language could be added, including these provisions that are revised to meet Senate rules.

It’s not yet clear how the state waivers could be changed to follow Senate rules.

States Have Already Tried Versions Of ‘Skinny Repeal.’ It Didn’t Go Well

http://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2017/07/27/539588546/states-have-already-tried-versions-of-skinny-repeal-it-didn-t-go-well?utm_source=&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=10058

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Betting that thin is in — and might be the only way forward — Senate Republicans are eyeing a “skinny repeal” that would roll back an unpopular portion of the federal health law. But health policy analysts warn that the idea has been tried before, and with little success.

Senators are reportedly considering a narrow bill that would eliminate the Affordable Care Act’s “individual mandate,” which assesses a tax on Americans who don’t have insurance. The bill would also eliminate the ACA’s penalties for some businesses – those that have 50 or more workers and fail to offer their employees health coverage.

Details aren’t clear, but it appears that — at least initially — much of the rest of the 2010 health law would remain, under this strategy, including the rule that says insurers must cover people who have pre-existing medical problems.

In remarks on the Senate floor Wednesday, Sen. Minority Leader Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., said that “we just heard from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office that under such a plan … 16 million Americans would lose their health insurance, and millions more would pay a 20 percent increase in their premiums.” The CBO posted its evaluation of the GOP’s proposed plan Wednesday evening.

Earlier in the day, some Republicans seemed determined to find some way to keep the health care debate alive.

“We need an outcome, and if a so-called skinny repeal is the first step, that’s a good first step,” said Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C.

Several Republican senators, including Dean Heller of Nevada and Jeff Flake of Arizona, appear to back this approach, according to published reports. It is, at least for now, being viewed as a step along the way to Republican health reform.

“I think that most people would understand that what you’re really voting on is trying to keep the conversation alive,” said Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn. “It’s not the policy itself … it’s about trying to create a bigger discussion about repeal between the House and Senate.”

But what if, during these strange legislative times, the skinny repeal were to be passed by the Senate and then go on to become law? States’ experiences with insurance market reforms and rollbacks highlight the possible trouble spots.

Considering the parallels

By the late 1990s, states such as Washington, Kentucky and Massachusetts felt a backlash when some of the coverage requirement rules they’d previously put on the individual market were lifted. “Things went badly,” said Mark Hall, director of the health law and policy program at Wake Forest University.

Premiums rose and insurers fled these states, leaving consumers who buy their own coverage (usually because they don’t get it through their jobs) with fewer choices and higher prices.

That’s because — like the Senate plan — the states generally kept popular parts of their laws, including protections for people with pre-existing conditions. At the same time, they didn’t include mandates that consumers carry coverage.

That goes to a basic concept about any kind insurance: People who don’t file claims in any given year subsidize those who do. Also, those healthy people are less likely to sign up, insurers said, and that leaves insurance companies with only the more costly policyholders.

Bottom line: Insurers end up “less willing to participate in the market,” said Hall.

It’s not an exact comparison, though, he added, because the current federal health law offers something most states did not: significant subsidies to help some people buy coverage. Those subsidies could blunt the effect of not having a mandate.

During the debate that led to passage of the federal ACA, insurers flat-out said the plan would fail without an individual mandate. On Wednesday, the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association weighed in again, saying that if there is no longer a coverage requirement, there should be “strong incentives for people to obtain health insurance and keep it year-round.”

Individual mandate is still unpopular in voter polls

About 6.5 million Americans reported owing penalties for not having coverage in 2015.

Polls consistently show, though, that the individual mandate is unpopular with the public. Indeed, when asked about nine provisions in the ACA, registered voters in a recent Politico/Morning Consult poll said they want the Senate to keep eight, rejecting only the individual mandate.

Even though the mandate’s penalty is often criticized as not strong enough, removing it would still affect the individual market.

“Insurers would react conservatively and increase rates substantially to cover their risk,” said insurance industry consultant Robert Laszewski.

That’s what happened after Washington state lawmakers rolled back rules in 1995 legislation. Insurers requested significant rate increases, which were then rejected by the state’s insurance commissioner. By 1998, the state’s largest insurer — Premera Blue Cross — said it was losing so much money that it would stop selling new individual policies, “precipitating a sense of crisis,” according to a study published in 2000 in the Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law.

“When one pulled out, the others followed,” said current Washington Insurance Commissioner Mike Kreidler, who was then a regional director in the federal department of Health and Human Services.

The state’s individual market was volatile and difficult for years after. Insurers did come back, but won a concession: For a time, the insurance commissioner lost the power to reject rate increases. Kreidler, first elected in 2000, reclaimed that authority.

Predicting the effect of removing the individual mandate is difficult, although Kreidler said he expects the impact would be modest, at least initially. Subsidies that help people purchase insurance coverage — if they remain as they are under current law — could help blunt the impact. But if those subsidies are reduced — or other changes are made that further drive healthy people out of the market — the impact could be greater.

“Few markets can go bad on you as fast as a health insurance market,” said Kreidler.

As for employers, dropping the requirement that those with 50 or more workers must offer health insurance or face a financial penalty could mean some workers would lose coverage. But their jobs might be more secure, said Joseph Antos, a health care economist and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.

That’s because the requirement under the ACA meant that some smaller firms didn’t hire people or give workers more than 30 hours a week — the minimum needed under the ACA to be considered a full-time worker who qualified for health insurance.

The individual mandate, he added, may not be as much of a factor in getting people to enroll in coverage as some think, because the Trump administration has indicated it might not enforce it anyway — and the penalty amount is far less than most people would have to pay for health insurance.

However, the individual market could be roiled by other factors, Antos said.

“The real impact would come if feds stopped promoting enrollment and did other things to make the exchanges [— the state and federal markets through which insurance is offered —] work more poorly.”