Medicaid Worsens Your Health? That’s a Classic Misinterpretation of Research

Medicaid Worsens Your Health? That’s a Classic Misinterpretation of Research

As a program for low-income Americans, Medicaid requires the poor to pay almost nothing for their health care. Republicans in Congress have made clear that they want to change that equation for many, whether through the health bill that is struggling in the Senate or through future legislation.

The current proposal, to scale back the Affordable Care Act’s Medicaid expansion and to cap spending each year, would give incentives to states to drop Medicaid coverage for millions of low-income Americans. It would offer tax credits toward premiums for private coverage, but those policies would come with thousands of dollars in new deductibles and other cost sharing. Despite the much higher out-of-pocket costs, some policy analysts and policy makers argue that low-income Americans would be better off.

To take one highly placed example, Seema Verma, the leader of the agency that administers Medicaid, recently cited studies questioning the program’s effectiveness and wrote that the health bill “will help Medicaid produce better results for recipients.”

What is the basis for the argument that poor Americans will be healthier if they are required to pay substantially more for health care? It appears that proponents like Ms. Verma have looked at research and concluded that having Medicaid is often no better than being uninsured — and thus that any private insurance, even with enormous deductibles, must be better. But our examination of research in this field suggests this kind of thinking is based on a classic misunderstanding: confusing correlation for causation.

It’s relatively easy to conduct and publish research that shows that Medicaid enrollees have worse health care outcomes than those with private coverage or even with no coverage. One such study that received considerable attention was conducted at the University of Virginia Health System.

For patients with different kinds of insurance — Medicaid, Medicare, private insurance and none — researchers examined the outcomes from almost 900,000 major operations, like coronary artery bypass grafts or organ removal. They found that Medicaid patients were more likely than any other type of patient to die in the hospital. They were also more likely to have certain kinds of complications and infections. Medicaid patients stayed in the hospital longer and cost more than any other type of patient. Private insurance outperformed Medicaid by almost every measure.

Other studies have also found that Medicaid patients have worse health outcomes than those with private coverage or even those with no insurance. If we take them to mean that Medicaid causes worse health, we would be justified in canceling the program. Why spend more to get less?

But that is not a proper interpretation of such studies. There are many other, more plausible explanations for the findings. Medicaid enrollees are of lower socioeconomic status — even lower than the uninsured as a group — and so may have fewer community and family resources that promote good health. They also tend to be sicker than other patients. In fact, some health care providers help the sickest and the neediest to enroll in Medicaid when they have no other option for coverage. Because people can sign up for Medicaid retroactively, becoming ill often leads to Medicaid enrollment, not the opposite.

Some of these differences can be measured and are controlled for in statistical analyses, including the Virginia study. But many other unmeasured differences can skew results, even in studies with such statistical controls. The authors of the U.V.A. surgical study and of studies like it know this, and say as much right in their papers. They practically shout that the correlations they find are not evidence of causation.

That hasn’t stopped policy makers and others in the media from asserting otherwise.

Other approaches to studying Medicaid more credibly demonstrate the value of the program. The most straightforward way is a prospective randomized trial, which gets around the subtle biases that plague studies that use only statistical controls. There has been exactly one randomized study of Medicaid, focused on an expansion of the program in Oregon.

Because demand for the program exceeded what Oregon could fund, in 2008 the state introduced a lottery for Medicaid eligibility. A now famous analysis took advantage of this lottery’s randomness, finding that Medicaid increased rates of diabetes detection and management, reduced rates of depression and lowered financial strain. It did not detect improvements in mortality or measures of physical health, but it did not have enough sick patients or enough time to detect differences we might have expected to see. In other words, it was not powered to detect changes in mortality or physical health.

Saying that this study proves Medicaid doesn’t work ignores this limitation. Regardless, there was nothing to indicate that having Medicaid worsened health.
Another way to tease out the causal effect of Medicaid is to look at variations in Medicaid eligibility rules across states. With respect to health outcomes, these state decisions are effectively random, so they act like a natural experiment. Older studies based on this approach, using data from the 1980s and 1990s, have not found that Medicaid causes worse health.

Findings from more recent studies looking at expansions in enrollment, in the 2000s and then under the Affordable Care Act in 2014, are consistent with older ones. One can argue that Medicaid can be improved upon, but the credible evidence to date is that Medicaid improves health. It is better than being uninsured.
Here’s another telling way to test the idea that Medicaid is harmful. Some of the studies that associate Medicaid with worse health, as compared with private insurance, also find the same association with Medicare. No one argues that Medicare is making people sick.

A very recent New England Journal of Medicine review by Ben Sommers, Atul Gawande and Kate Baicker found that Medicaid increases patients’ access to care and leads to earlier detection of disease, better medication adherence and improved management of chronic conditions. It also provides people with peace of mind — knowing that they will be able to afford care when they get sick.

Research is clear on how people react when asked to pay more for their health care, as the Senate would ask many of those now on Medicaid to do. As the Congressional Budget Office reported, many poor people would choose not to be covered, because even if they could afford the premiums with help from tax credits, deductibles and co-payments would still be prohibitively expensive. No studies prove that removing millions from Medicaid in this way would “produce better results for recipients,” at least as far as their health is concerned.

 

The Hidden Costs to Patients of Insured Healthcare

The Hidden Costs to Patients of Insured Healthcare

Providers of healthcare and their families occasionally find themselves consumers of costly medical services and only then realize the complexity of the system that laypersons must deal with on a routine basis. As a physician and father of a medical student who had a traumatic injury on the grounds of the hospital where he worked, I learned only too well the Byzantine nature of the insurance accounting and billing component of our healthcare system.

In the midst of seasonally cold weather in January, my son tripped on an uneven paved surface just outside the hospital where he was reporting for the first day of his assignment and landed with his left arm extended, because his right arm was carrying reference books, absorbing the impact on his left shoulder.  This was a most unexpected accidental event for a long distance runner who also worked out in the weight room regularly. Unable to move, he was carried to the emergency room where the student clerk became the first patient of the shift.  He was seen by the usual array of interns, junior and senior residents, fellows, and attending physicians who were able to establish the diagnosis of shoulder dislocation using an x-ray, achieve anesthesia, and reduce the separation. After a shoulder immobilizer was placed, he was on his way with opioid analgesics.  He later elected to have surgery to repair the structural damage and thereafter needed to sleep in a recliner for several weeks to avoid interference with healing. Regular physical therapy then began with a dozen or more sessions needed to achieve the targeted mobility. Interval follow up with the orthopedic surgeon was of course required as well.

By the end of the range of treatments, he had received a dizzying array of bills from the physicians who saw him, from the ER attending to the radiologist, orthopedist and anesthesiologist, the laboratory, the hospital for facilities usage, the outpatient surgery center, the pharmacy, and of course the physical therapist. Each was neatly submitted by a separate organization, the hospital, professional service corporations, the laboratory, and physical therapy offices. The overall total amount billed was almost $40,000, an amount that would have driven him into financial chaos without dual insurance coverage through his wife and our secondary insurance policy for this 25 year old dependent under one of the new stipulations of the Affordable Care Act.  Dealing with the payments, though greatly reduced from the initial bill, required a phenomenal amount of paperwork and repeated inquiries to providers and insurance companies, especially with respect to the secondary insurer. Under current law, secondary insurance providers cannot obtain the information they request from the primary insurer but require the insured to provide all original bills as well as statements of benefits provided from the primary insurer. This is a particularly time-consuming and unintended consequence of current healthcare law that places an undue documentation burden on care recipients.

A simple retelling of this tale of how a moment’s error was able to change a person’s life for months and incur a remarkable amount of debt should be ample evidence for anyone that insurance coverage for the young is absolutely necessary, despite the presumed invincibility of youth. It also conveys a sense of the enormous effort required in coming to grips with the insurance coverage and billing process.  Without a team approach and support of personnel skilled in these processes, he would never have been able to manage the reams of financial statements generated and the endless requests for additional copies of documents that had already been sent.

The practitioners of medicine in the U.S. are doing a great job of managing challenging problems. The system of healthcare, however, is badly broken. The costs of care are known by most to be consequential and on the rise. The costs in terms of the patient’s time spent addressing a mountain of paperwork submitted by a highly fragmented array of providers are less well understood.  We must not lose sight of either aspect in the process of repairing the system.

Cruz plan could be key to unlocking healthcare votes

Cruz plan could be key to unlocking healthcare votes

The fate of ObamaCare repeal-and-replace could hinge on an amendment from Sen. Ted Cruz.
The Texas senator is pushing for a provision that would allow insurers to sell plans that do not comply with ObamaCare insurance regulations, so long as they also sell plans that comply with those rules. Cruz says giving insurers a path around the regulations should allow them to offer some plans at a lower cost.
It’s unclear whether the amendment will be added to the Senate bill, or even whether it will pass muster under budgetary rules.
But the amendment could be the key to ensuring that the legislation passes both the House and the Senate.

House Freedom Caucus Chairman Mark Meadows (R-N.C.) indicated he could support the Senate bill if the Cruz amendment is included. That’s different than a little over a week ago, when Meadows said the Senate’s legislation lacked enough conservative support to pass the House.
“If the Cruz Consumer Choice amendment gets there, yes I can support it without the MacArthur amendment in there because I think it gives everybody some options,” Meadows told reporters late last week.

Leaders have sent two version of a revised Senate healthcare bill to the Congressional Budget Office — one with the Cruz amendment and one without it, a GOP aide confirmed to The Hill.

The text of Cruz’s amendment hasn’t been publicly released, but the goal is for the plans that don’t adhere to ObamaCare’s insurance regulations to be cheaper than those that do.

For many conservatives, lowering insurance premiums is key.

It wasn’t easy to net conservatives’ support in the House for the healthcare bill, as it took weeks for the ultra-conservative Freedom Caucus to come on board.
Leadership couldn’t pass the bill without Freedom Caucus votes, and eventually won their support after the addition of a controversial amendment from Rep. Tom MacArthur (R-N.J.). That amendment would let states apply for waivers to opt out of certain core ObamaCare insurance requirements, such as a ban from charging sick people more and the requirement that they cover a list of “essential” services, such as maternity and mental health care.

Meadows suggested the Cruz amendment would be an acceptable substitute for the House’s MacArthur amendment.
“Right now I’m looking at the Cruz consumer Choice amendment as the primary vehicle that makes the most sense to me,” Meadows said, “and I applaud him for stepping out.”

The Cruz amendment could also help get the vote of Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), who quickly came out in opposition to the Senate bill in its current form, in part because it doesn’t lower the cost of consumers’ healthcare enough.

In an analysis of the Senate bill, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimated premiums would be 20 percent higher in 2018 and 10 percent higher in 2019. Then, in 2020, premiums would drop 30 percent lower than under ObamaCare.

In a June 23 Medium post, Lee wrote that “for all my frustrations about the process and my disagreements with the substance of [the Better Care Reconciliation Act], I would still be willing to vote for it if it allowed states and/or individuals to opt-out of the Obamacare system free-and-clear to experiment with different forms of insurance, benefits packages, and care provision options.”

But the Cruz amendment risks alienating Senate moderates, who want to keep the protections for pre-existing conditions in place.

GOP health care bill would make rural America’s distress much worse

http://theconversation.com/gop-health-care-bill-would-make-rural-americas-distress-much-worse-78018?utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Latest%20from%20The%20Conversation%20for%20July%201%202017%20-%2077496134&utm_content=Latest%20from%20The%20Conversation%20for%20July%201%202017%20-%2077496134+CID_7e419ab4ae6962d1afd6f9273e9cc417&utm_source=campaign_monitor_us&utm_term=GOP%20health%20care%20bill%20would%20make%20rural%20Americas%20distress%20much%20worse

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What rural areas need from health care reform

Previous efforts at health care reform show us that rural areas are uniquely vulnerable. Efforts need to take account not only of coverage and access – as has been the focus of the current debate – but also how reform affects rural health care institutions and the larger social factors shaping overall health.

The particular economic factors affecting rural health care institutions make rural areas particularly vulnerable to political shifts that disrupt services for existing patients and for those newly insured, creating immense challenges for rural providers. Steps that fail to account for the impact of financial hardship on these institutions not only hurt their bottom line but contribute to poor morale and workforce turnover and larger-scale decisions to reduce services, which decrease their ability to address patient needs.

At the same time, commitment to improving the health of rural Americans requires attention to the so-called upstream factors shaping rural health. That means preserving the safety net programs so vital in rural areas with underemployment and low-paying jobs, strengthening rural economies and investing in high-quality education.

If our leaders are serious about reform that will lessen the rural-urban mortality gap, they should recognize the unique needs of rural America and ensure health care policy reflects how vital access to quality care is to their financial success – not to mention their well-being.