

Air Force veteran Billy Ramos, from Simi Valley, Calif., is 53 and gets health insurance for himself and for his family from Medicaid — the government insurance program for low-income people. He says he counts on the coverage, especially because of his physically demanding work as a self-employed contractor in the heating and air conditioning business.
“If I were to get hurt on the job or something, I’d have to run to the doctor’s , and if I don’t have any coverage they’re going to charge me an arm and a leg,” he said. “I’d have to work five times as hard just to make the payment on one bill.”
There are about 22 million veterans in the U.S. But fewer than half get their health care through the Veterans Affairs system; some don’t qualify for various reasons or may live too far from a VA facility to easily get primary health care there.
Many vets instead rely on Medicaid for their health insurance. Thirty-one states and the District of Columbia chose to expand Medicaid to cover more people — and many of those who gained coverage are veterans.
The GOP health care bill working its way through the Senate would dramatically reduce federal funding for Medicaid, including rolling back the expansion funding entirely between 2021 and 2024.
Air Force veteran Billy Ramos, now 53, in a 1982 photo from his basic training days as an airman in Texas, at Lackland Air Force Base. Now self-employed, Ramos relies on Medicaid for his family’s health insurance needs. (Courtesy of Billy Ramos)
Medicaid coverage recently has become especially important to Ramos — a routine checkup and blood test this year showed he’s infected with hepatitis C. California was one of the states that chose to expand Medicaid, and the program covers Ramos’ costly treatment to eliminate the virus.
“Right now, I’m just grateful that I do have [coverage],” he said. “If they take it away, I don’t know what I’m going to end up doing.”
The Senate health plan — which proposes deep cuts to federal spending on Medicaid — has veterans and advocates worried. Will Fischer, a Marine who served in Iraq, is with VoteVets.org, a political action group that opposes the Republican health plan.
“If it were to be passed into law, Medicaid would be gutted. And as a result, hundreds of thousands of veterans would lose health insurance,” Fischer said.
It’s too early to know just how many veterans might lose coverage as a result of the Medicaid reductions. First, states would have to make some tough decisions: whether to make up the lost federal funding, to limit benefits or to restrict who would get coverage.
But Dan Caldwell thinks those concerns are overblown. He’s a Marine who served in Iraq and is now policy director for the group Concerned Veterans for America.
“The people who are saying that this is going to harm millions of veterans are not being entirely truthful,” Caldwell said. “They’re leaving out the fact that many of these veterans qualify for VA health care or in some cases already are using VA health care.”
About a half-million veterans today are enrolled in the VA’s health care program as well as in some other source of coverage, such as Medicaid or Medicare. Andrea Callow, with the non-profit group Families USA, wrote a recent report showing that nearly 1 in 10 veterans are enrolled in Medicaid.
“Oftentimes veterans will use their Medicaid coverage to get primary care,” Callow said. “If, for example, they live in an area that doesn’t have a VA facility, they can use their Medicaid coverage to see a doctor in their area.”
Whether a particular veteran qualifies for coverage through the VA depends on a host of variables that she said leaves many with Medicaid as their only option.
But, Caldwell said, rather than fighting to preserve Medicaid access, veterans would be better served by efforts to reform the care the VA provides to those who qualify.
“We believe that giving veterans more health care choice and restructuring the VA so that it can act more like a private health care system will ultimately lead to veterans who use the VA receiving better health care,” he said.
The Urban Institute found that the first two years after the enactment of the Affordable Care Act saw a nearly 44 percent drop in the number of uninsured veterans under age 65 — the total went from 980,000 to 552,000. In large part, that was the result of the law’s expansion of Medicaid.
Medicaid’s Role in Financing Behavioral Health Services for Low-Income Individuals

Behavioral health conditions affect a substantial number of people in the U.S. and are especially common among people with low incomes.1,2,3 Behavioral health conditions include mental illnesses, such as anxiety disorders, major depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, and post-traumatic stress disorder, as well as substance use disorders (SUD), such as opioid addiction. These conditions range in severity, with some being more disabling than others. People with behavioral health needs may require a range of services, from outpatient counseling or prescription drugs to inpatient treatment.
As a major source of insurance coverage for low-income Americans, and as the only source of funding for some specialized behavioral health services, Medicaid plays a key role in covering and financing behavioral health care. In 2015, Medicaid covered 21% of adults with mental illness, 26% of adults with serious mental illness (SMI), and 17% of adults with SUD.4 In comparison, Medicaid covered 14% of the general adult population.5 In total, approximately 9.1 million adults with Medicaid had a mental illness and over 3 million had an SUD in 2015. Nearly 1.8 million of these adults had both a mental illness and an SUD.6,7
Current Medicaid program financing guarantees federal financial support to states with no pre-set limit. The Better Care Reconciliation Act (BCRA), as proposed by the Senate, restructures federal Medicaid financing by changing it to a per capita cap or block grant, which would likely impact states’ ability to provide coverage for and access to behavioral health services for people who need them. This issue brief provides an overview of Medicaid’s role for people with behavioral health needs, including eligibility, benefits, service delivery, access to care, spending, and the potential implications of the BCRA.

California risks losing $114.6 billion in federal funds within a decade for its Medicaid program under the Senate health care bill, a decline that would require the state to completely dismantle and rebuild the public insurance program that now serves one-third of the state, health leaders said Wednesday.
The reductions in the nation’s largest Medicaid program would start at $3 billion in 2020 and would escalate to $30.3 billion annually by 2027, according to an analysis released by the state departments of finance and health care services.
“It is not Medicaid reform,” Jennifer Kent, director of the state Department of Health Care Services, said in an interview. “It is not entitlement reform. It is simply a huge funding reduction in the Medicaid program. We are deeply concerned what that means for the long-term viability of the program as it stands today.”
Medicaid covers a staggering 13.5 million low-income Californians — children, people with disabilities, nursing home residents and others. About 3.8 million of them, many of whom are chronically ill, became eligible for coverage under the Affordable Care Act, informally known as Obamacare.
California would face the biggest losses of any state, according to a report issued Wednesday by the consulting firm Avalere Health. Federal funding would drop by 26 percent over 10 years, the report said. Many states, including Alabama, Georgia, Texas and Florida, would face a drop of less than 10 percent.
The Senate bill to repeal and replace the ACA would be a “massive and significant fiscal shift” of responsibility from the federal government to states, according to the analysis. It would force difficult decisions about who and what to cover and how much to pay doctors, hospitals and clinics, the report said.
In addition to expanding its Medicaid population early and vigorously under Obamacare, the state began covering undocumented immigrant children last year. California’s program, known as Medi-Cal, also provides dental care and other services that are optional under federal Medicaid rules.
The state’s Medicaid director, Mari Cantwell, said Republican proposals present a fundamental problem that can’t be solved by making cuts around the edges.
“Nothing is safe — no population, no services,” Cantwell said. “It is really disheartening and honestly horrifying to think about the world under this Senate bill and what it would mean.”

Healthcare CEOs made the rounds of news shows in this week to air their grievances with the Better Care Reconciliation Act, the Senate GOP bill intended to replace Obamacare.
The American Hospital Association, American Medical Association, AARP, and several other organizations have registered their opposition to the proposed bill.
But, it’s healthcare CEOs who are working to mitigate the anticipated changes who are anticipating how the proposed legislation would affect their organizations.
Among healthcare chief executives weighing in on the topic in recent days are Cleveland Clinic CEO Toby Cosgrove, MD, New York Presbyterian CEO Steven J. Corwin, MD, and Kaiser Permanente CEO Bernard Tyson.
Cleveland Clinic CEO Toby Cosgrove
With the anticipated greater numbers of uninsured patients coming into hospitals, “you’re going to have hospitals that are in very deep financial trouble,” Cosgrove told CNBC’s “Squawk Box” on Wednesday. “And this is particularly true of rural hospitals and safety net hospitals, which are very dependent on Medicare and Medicaid for their returns.”
As he sees it, legislators are not looking at the “root cause of the problem.” It’s not how you divide the money,” he said. “The problem really is the rising cost of healthcare.”
“I think if we came together and dealt with the root cause there’d be plenty of money to go around to look after people,” Cosgrove said. “But if we don’t deal with it now, we’re going to have the same problem going 10 years from now.”
“We’re really headed in the wrong direction,” Cosgrove said. We’re talking about payment reform; we’re not talking healthcare reform.”
Kaiser Permanente CEO Bernard J. Tyson
Bernard J. Tyson, chairman and CEO of Oakland, Calif.-based Kaiser Permanente, wrote in a LinkedIn post that although the ACA – also known as Obamacare – is an imperfect legislation, future healthcare reform must build on its progress, rather than undo it.
“We need to pause and ask policymakers to answer the most fundamental question: What does progress on healthcare look like for the people in America?”
In his view, it should cover more people, not fewer people; be affordable.
Without question, we must make healthcare more affordable; provide the best quality of care and best health outcomes.
Tyson points out that the U.S. has among the poorest health outcomes compared to the other developed nations. The healthcare industry can improve quality if “we commit to moving from a predominantly ‘sick care,’ episodic, fee-for-service model to a predominantly preventive model with incentives for value, integrated care and, most important, keeping people healthy.”
“The draft bill does not expand coverage; it does not do enough to protect people in need of care, nor does it provide enough assistance to those who need help in paying for health care and coverage,” he writes.
NewYork-Presbyterian CEO Steven J. Corwin
Speaking to Bloomberg on Tuesday, Steven J. Corwin, CEO of NewYork-Presbyterian said, “Just remember this: One in three children in this country is insured by Medicaid. One in three.”
Corbin noted that two-thirds of the expense of Medicaid are for people who are in nursing homes.
“So, you can work all your life, be a grandma, or ma, and then go through your assets, and then you have to be on Medicaid to go into a nursing home,” he said. “This is going to be devastating to so many people.”
Asked whether he would prefer having something concrete done in Congress or just see the proposed bill go away, Corbin said: “I’d like to see it go away. And, I’d like to see the Medicaid expansion remain, and I’d like to see the insurance market stabilized.”

The future of the Affordable Care Act is up for debate after Donald Trump’s surprise victory, but value-based care is likely to remain a guiding force in the healthcare industry.
Love it or loathe it, the United States is headed for four years of drastic policy changes under a Donald Trump administration, giving lawmakers another good chance to repeal, replace, or revise the Affordable Care Act.
The landmark healthcare legislation was the centerpiece of one of the most contentious campaigns in American history. Staring down anticipated premium hikes of up to 25 percent on the public health insurance exchanges, millions of concerned citizens voted for the candidate they felt was most likely to make positive changes to a system that has never quite managed to address their needs.
The impact of a Republican Congressional majority, a Republican President, and a vacant seat on a Supreme Court that already struck down one of the ACA’s major provisions is as of yet unknown, but a conservative twist to our national drama will certainly bring the future of the healthcare coverage framework into question.
For healthcare provider organizations, the plot will thicken even further. Thanks to provisions that require payers to cover patients with preexisting conditions and adhere to premium caps that have reduced their profitability, the ACA has incentivized a quick shift towards value-based care.
Eager to trim costs, pay for fewer services, and attract as many patients as possible in a competitive and confusing marketplace, payers have incentivized providers to abandon the traditional fee-for-service reimbursement structure and look to population health management strategies as a way to stem the financial bleeding.
Will significant changes to the Affordable Care Act free up payers to return to more lucrative business practices, or will commercial insurers, Medicare, and Medicaid stay the course?
How can healthcare providers position themselves for success in what will undoubtedly be another turbulent episode in the healthcare saga, and what are the nation’s options for developing a new path forward while still delivering the best possible care to its patients?
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Warren Buffett is attacking the Republican Party’s plans to repeal and replace ObamaCare, claiming bills in the House and Senate would provide tax cuts for the rich.
Legislation passed by the House, he said, should be called “Relief for the Rich Act.”
Buffett, one of the wealthiest men in the country, claimed his tax bill would have been reduced by $679,999, or 17 percent, from the House bill.
“There’s nothing ambiguous about that. I will be given a 17 percent tax cut. And the people it’s directed at are couples with $250,000 or more of income. You could entitle this, you know, Relief for the Rich Act or something,” he said in an interviewwith PBS.
Buffett made the comments are a question about the GOP plan to do away with an ObamaCare surcharge on people earning a higher income.
Buffett also suggested that the bill would give many lawmakers a tax cut.
The annual salaries for lawmakers are much lower, he noted, at around $174,000 a year.
“But most of them have — if you look at the disclosures, they have substantial other income,” he said.
“If they get to higher than $250,000, as a married couple, or $200,000 as a single person, they have given themselves a big, big tax cut, if they — if they voted for this.”
The Senate on Tuesday decided to delay action on their draft healthcare bill until after the July 4 recess following criticism from conservatives and centrists in the conference.
https://www.axios.com/what-we-know-about-the-senate-health-care-bill-2-0-2450356848.html

What we’re hearing:
What’s becoming a big problem: Cruz is pushing to allow insurers offering ACA-compliant plans to also offer non-compliant plans, which wouldn’t be required to meet the ACA’s pre-existing conditions protections or other insurance regulations. Cruz wants to include that in the revised bill to cut the cost of individual insurance, and says sick people could still get subsidies that would protect them from premium hikes.
But that’s off the table, senior GOP aides say, because most Republican senators have already decided they don’t want to undermine the ACA’s pre-existing condition protections in any way.

Powerful hospital and medical school lobbying groups are spending at least $1 million on television ads opposing Senate Republicans’ plan to repeal and replace Obamacare.
The ads ask viewers to consider whether they’ll be among the millions of Americans projected to lose their health coverage under the Senate proposal, Rick Pollack, chief executive officer of the American Hospital Association, said Tuesday in a conference call with reporters.
The bill, which Republicans have put on hold until after the July 4 recess amid growing opposition within their own party, would leave an additional 22 million people in the U.S. without insurance, the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office estimated. Hospitals have a lot to lose under the current version of the bill, and the AHA, which represents about 5,000 institutions, last week told GOP senators to “go back to the drawing board.”
It’s the second time that the coalition will run ads opposing Republicans’ attempts to replace the Affordable Care Act, often called Obamacare. The group also ran ads opposing the House’s health bill, which passed in May. The House proposal would also increase the number of uninsured by more than 20 million, according to the CBO.
Samantha Dean, a spokeswoman for the AHA, said the campaign’s ads have already begun running and will cost seven figures. She wouldn’t give a precise amount.
The advertisements will continue to run “for as long as needed,” Dean said.

The Better Care Reconciliation Act bill may make the health insurance markets look better almost immediately by giving insurers a more predictable, more lucrative market.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell is well aware of the political peril of taking health benefits away from millions of voters. He also knows the danger of reneging on the pledge that helped make him the majority leader: to repeal Obamacare.
Caught between those competing realities, McConnell’s bill offers a solution: go ahead and repeal Obamacare, but hide the pain for as long as possible. Some of the messaging on the bill seems nonsensical (see: the contention that $772 billion squeezed out of Medicaid isn’t a cut). But McConnell’s timetable makes perfect sense — if you are looking at the electoral calendar.
Here are a few key dates in McConnell’s “Better Care Reconciliation Act” (BCRA) that seem aimed more at providing cover for lawmakers than coverage for Americans:
2019: First major changes and cuts to the Affordable Care Act exchanges happen after the 2018 midterm cycle, allowing congressional Republicans to campaign on a “fixed” health system, even though Obamacare is still largely in place next year.
2019: States share $2 billion in grants to apply for waivers under a much looser process through this fiscal year. These waivers could allow insurers to sell skimpy plans that have low price tags but don’t take adequate care of people with preexisting conditions. None of those waivers has to go into effect, however, until after 26 Republican governors face re-election in 2018.
2020: Stabilization cash that makes the markets more predictable and fair for insurers flows through the congressional midterm cycle and the 2020 presidential cycle. Then it disappears. Medicaid expansion funds hold steady through this crucial political window, too.
2024: States enjoy their last few sips of Medicaid expansion cash at the end of 2023 — just as, perhaps, a second Republican presidential term is ending.
2025: The bill changes the formula for the entire Medicaid budget (not just the Obamacare expansion), dramatically reducing federal funding over time. That starts eight years and two presidential election cycles from now.
McConnell insists everything about the bill has been aboveboard and transparent.
“Nobody’s hiding the ball here. You’re free to ask anybody anything,” McConnell said on June 13.
But he and his working group did literally hide the bill from Democrats and most Republicans, crafting it behind closed doors until there was just a week left before his goal to secure a vote on it. (That timing was thrown off Tuesday with the announcement the vote was delayed, but the dealmaking is just beginning.)
Meanwhile, at least two policy details in the bill may obscure the effects for several years and make the health insurance markets look better almost immediately by giving insurers a more predictable, more lucrative market.
One is a stipulation that compels the federal government, for two years, to pay the cost-sharing reduction payments to insurance companies that President Donald Trump has threatened to end. The payments are part of the Affordable Care Act, and they flow to insurers on behalf of low-income marketplace customers to cover their out-of-pocket health expenses. Republicans had sued to stop the payments, adding considerable instability to ACA marketplaces next year. McConnell ends that uncertainty for two years.
On top of that cash infusion, the BCRA proposes a “Short-Term Stabilization Fund” that would also aim to help lower premium costs and could attract a few more insurers into counties that are sparsely covered now. It would dish out $50 billion to insurers — $15 billion per year in 2018 and 2019 and $10 billion per year in 2020 and 2021.