WHY RETURNING TO A PRE-ACA MARKET ISN’T AN OPTION

http://www.managedhealthcareconnect.com/article/why-returning-pre-aca-market-isn-t-option

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After the recent failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act (ACA), it is anyone’s guess as to what comes next. Tax reform and infrastructure now appear to have moved ahead of health care on the legislative agenda—leaving the ACA largely out of lawmakers’ hands, and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) at the helm.

The President has implied that the federal government might halt federal payments to insurance companies meant to provide financial assistance to consumers who qualify for subsidies if they purchase health insurance on the ACA exchange. So far that has not happened. In a recent appearance on ABC’s “This Week” Sunday newsmagazine, HHS Secretary Tom Price, MD, said that he and his team are combing through the specifics of the ACA law, “asking the question, ‘does this help patients or does it harm patients? Does it increase costs or does it decrease costs?’”

There are more than 1400 instances in the law where the HHS Secretary has discretion to make changes, making the HHS the most likely source for any forthcoming health reform.

Republicans generally favor pushing more decision-making down to the states, and offering more choice to consumers. Dr Price has talked up a provision drafted by Senator Ted Cruz (R-Texas) that was included in the Senate’s plan. It would have given consumers the choice to purchase insurance that does not meet the ACA’s standard of the essential health benefits, but instead meets a given State’s definition of which service it deems essential. Coupled with the ability to grant state waivers for changes to the current law, many have suggested this could lead to consumers purchasing plans that do not cover most services.

“Dusting Off” The Old Way

The so-called Consumer Freedom Option is strongly opposed by the nation’s largest health insurers, which seemed to bewilder Secretary Price.

“It’s really perplexing, especially from the insurance companies, because all they have to do is dust off how they did business before Obamacare,” he said during the This Week interview. It is “exactly the kind of process that has been utilized for decades.”

Even though the Cruz provision went down with the rest of the Senate bill in July, it is not unreasonable to wonder if Secretary Price might try to figure out how to offer low-cost “skinny plans.” Or if Congress might do that same if and when health care moves back into the limelight.

This begs two questions:

  1. Can the United States ever go back to the way health insurance worked before the ACA, dusting things off, as Secretary Price suggested?
  2. Can selling insurance inside and outside of the ACA—as the Cruz provision envisioned—work?

Most industry experts offer a resounding “no” to both questions. As we have reported previously, it is difficult to take benefits away once they are given. For that reason, there is consensus that the ACA in some form or fashion is here to stay. There is also near universal agreement that certain parts of the ACA—notably the exchanges—need work. But experts also point out that provisions like Sen Cruz’s, that propose parallel systems where different rules apply, will not improve the exchanges, and indeed will likely hasten the so-called death spiral.

AHIP Objects, Actuaries Agree

In a July letter to Senate leaders, America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP) pointed out that even though the Cruz provision calls for a single risk pool, such a pool would be established “in name only. In fact, it creates two systems of insurance for healthy and sick people.”

A paper published this year by the American Academy of Actuaries, reinforces this claim.

“If insurers were able to compete under different issue, rating, or benefit coverage requirements, it could be more difficult to spread risks in the single risk pool…. Changes to market rules, such as increasing flexibility in cost-sharing requirements, could require only adjustments to the risk adjustment program. Other changes, such as loosening or eliminating the essential health benefit requirements, could greatly complicate the design and effectiveness of a risk adjustment program, potentially weakening the ability of the single risk pool to provide protections for those with preexisting conditions.”

Such a system, according to the paper, would effectively create two risk pools, and premiums in the ACA plans would be much higher than in those not subject to ACA regulations, leading to a destabilized ACA market. Moreover, things would get worse if people were allowed to move between plans depending on their health status.

Making the Problems Worse

The experts we spoke with agreed, citing the potential for confusion and flawed benefit design. Additionally, it does not adequately address the ACA exchange problems, and indeed may exacerbate them.

“The Cruz amendment would not likely achieve anything other than allowing young/healthy individuals to purchase cheaper, inadequate coverage at a lower price,” David Marcus, director of employee benefits at the National Railway Labor Conference, explained. “It would generally do nothing to lower premiums for ACA-compliant coverage.”

Gary Owens, MD, president of Gary Owens Associates, a medical management and pharmaceutical consultancy firm, implied that Cruz’s plan is a half-baked solution that most would have a difficult time navigating.

“This seems to just one more attempt to cobble together a solution to address the issue of healthcare access and coverage,” he said. “It would probably create more confusion for consumers about which plan is appropriate for their needs.”

Norm Smith, president of Viewpoint Consulting, Inc, which surveys managed markets decision-makers for the pharmaceutical industry, concurred.

“Many of the people buying these plans would not be able to define what’s covered, and what’s not,” he said. “Plans would be difficult for state insurance commissions to control without standardized benefit design.” He added that ACA plans would be crippled as younger, healthier people leave in favor of non-ACA coverage.

F Randy Vogenberg, PhD, RPh, principal at the Institute for Integrated Healthcare, said that the Cruz approach is a tepid response to what he sees as failure on the ACA exchanges.

“It has no merit because it does not address the need to change from the current exchange products,” he explained.

More Choice or Inadequate Coverage?

Proponents cite the fact that skinny plans give more choice to consumers, and that free-market principles are needed, vs increased government intervention. Mr Smith reminded us that the ACA—which is based on the Romney plan that became law in Massachusetts—already contains free-market components. For that reason, he said that introducing more choice could work in theory. However, in practice, “with the level of medical insurance literacy being so low, I’m not sure most members will understand what they are buying.”

Mr Marcus added that “The marketplace is already designed to have market principals, though the insurance that is available through [it] is limited to certain types of coverage.  Offering more choice means certain people can get cheaper plans, but those cheaper plans are generally inadequate methods of protecting against health costs.”

Dr Owens explained that health reform will take much more than simply going back to the way insurance was sold in the 1990s, or tacking piecemeal amendments onto the ACA one after the other.

“Trying to glue on a piecemeal solution is not the answer,” he said. “Congress needs to drop the partisan approaches, put together a real working group that will take the needed time and use the available expertise to develop a comprehensive plan that takes the ACA to the next level.”

New Consumer Expectations

In the end, a big reason that insurers cannot simply dust off their plans from the past may be due to customer preference. Consumers often feel hamstrung when it comes to buying appropriate, affordable coverage. Yet they possess more power than many believe, as evidenced by the backlash Washington lawmakers have faced at local town hall meetings. This, in large part, led to the downfall of ACA repeal efforts.

The term “pre-existing conditions” is now a part of almost every health consumer’s lexicon, and people do not expect to be shut out of the market or forced to buy an exorbitantly expensive plan just because they have such a condition. The ACA appears to have cemented that mindset.

Dr Owens explained that insurers are more eager to work within the already established system of regulations, as opposed to wading into uncharted regulations.

“I don’t think the insurers want to increase the complexity of the marketplace,” he said.

Mr Smith agreed, adding that there would need to be “an awful lot of explaining before members knew what they were buying.”

“Going back just doesn’t make sense,” Mr Marcus noted. “Insurance carriers have spent huge sums of money developing systems to comply with the ACA. Profits at the largest carriers are the highest they have ever been. Insured individuals now have an expectation for ACA market reforms to be continued, but the concept behind the Cruz amendment would not change that.”

Additionally, the health insurance industry as a whole is probably concerned about payers who would choose to sell substandard plans outside of the ACA exchanges. Consumers would be left “in a bind when they need to access coverage,”  Dr Owens said, which would not reflect well on the industry. — Dean Celia

Hospital Impact—The only thing clear about healthcare policy is the continued lack of clarity

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/hospitals/hospital-impact-only-thing-clear-about-healthcare-policy-continuing-lack-clarity?utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal&mrkid=959610&mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWldFeE1XUXlPRFE0TlRneCIsInQiOiJ5dzRsZ1IwekxcL2FMZnN3NkJIOHZGbnpNV1RPcmtMNmdPd1MwV0RLUXNBSXl6QzJnK0s0NktPVzBLOUtRRjF1K0puZzZMZG95dERnN2VUcVRpeForakRVZVJsXC9GWllyU1g1Rk9ZY2pERVRQcjVyT1wvQkMycXdobjd5UnNKa2p3NiJ9

Executive looking out window

For healthcare leaders, it’s discouraging that federal policy decisions seem to be made at the last minute without much planning or consideration of unintended consequences.

I spent my Labor Day vacation in Monterrey, California, watching the waves crash into the sand and wondering what the future of healthcare will look like in the coming months and years. Some clarity is emerging that we have not seen in the past, and I feel comfortable making some observations and predictions:

  • Congress will not revisit the repeal and replacement of the Affordable Care Act before the end of the year. It is simply dealing with far too many other issues—passing a budget, raising the debt ceiling, approving disaster aid for Harvey and Irma, not to mention its desire for tax reform—that lawmakers must address.
  • While the Senate HELP committee is attempting a bipartisan effort to shore up the ACA, the issues listed above will make it almost impossible for such a law to be passed during this session.
  • The leadership of the Department of Health and Human Services ideologically opposes the very concept of the ACA and is also responsible for implementing the law. The tension between those two facts will lead to confusion and uncertainty for those of us in healthcare.
  • The passage of the ACA changed the terms of debate around healthcare reform. Granting health insurance to more than 20 million Americans has now shifted public opinion so that a solid majority believes the federal government should ensure that its citizens have insurance.
  • The ACA is not failing, but going forward it can be undermined without congressional action.

As a former anatomic pathologist, I am always interested in postmortem examination of failures, and the failure of Republicans to repeal the ACA ranks high in any list of stunning political disasters. Pundits have identified several possible causes:

  • Republicans never had a clear replacement plan or goal.
  • Taking away benefits from 22 million Americans is politically unpopular.
  • The ACA was not in a “death spiral.”
  • The president did not exert necessary leadership to get GOP senators to support his unpopular position.
  • Republican governors who had expanded Medicaid did not support the effort.
  • Organized opposition to repeal led to most Americans not supporting repeal.

Autopsy results always arrive too late for those of us who are still alive, and it is more important for those of us in healthcare to interpret the mixed messages coming out of HHS and Congress so that our organizations can continue to care for patients under the current system.

HHS seems willing and eager to let states experiment with healthcare reform. Alaska has received approval for $323 million over five years to subsidize insurance carriers and stabilize its individual ACA marketplace. Iowa is likely to receive approval for a radical 1332 waiver approach to healthcare reform in the Hawkeye state, and other states are preparing waiver submissions.

Meanwhile, HHS actions that seem to undermine the ACA include refusing to guarantee cost-sharing reduction subsidies to insurance companies and slashing the budget to support ACA enrollment for 2018. HHS recently announced advertising budget cuts of 90% for 2018 and the navigator program cuts of 40%.

A recent study—detailed in a post on The Incidental Economist blog—compared Kentucky ACA enrollment under a Democratic governor who supported advertising and a Republican governor who cut advertising. It found that lack of TV advertising led to 450,000 fewer page views on the ACA website and 20,000 fewer unique visits to the enrollment website.

ACA supporters, meanwhile, have recently put together a private enrollment campaign for 2018 to fill in the gap created by HHS decisions, Axios reported.

Last week, the Senate HELP Committee heard from state insurance commissioners and governorsabout ideas to stabilize the ACA marketplaces. They include:

  • Funding the cost-sharing reduction subsidies to insurance companies.
  • Facilitating reinsurance programs.
  • Expanding the ACA 1332 waiver programs to let states innovate.
  • Funding enrollment activities such as advertising and navigator programs.

Although health policy experts largely support these recommendations, it is hard to see how such a divided Congress could pass such proposals. Even if such legislation were approved, it would likely come too late to impact health insurance company decisions for 2018.

So, as of early September, we are left with the ACA continuing to be the law of the land, but with those in charge of the federal government not entirely supporting its success. Healthcare organizations have difficulty caring for patients when the rules keep changing and when clarity is hard to come by. It is also discouraging that decisions seem to be made at the last minute without much planning or consideration for unintended consequences.

That said, we still need to keep taking care of patients. My advice is to:

  • Continue to prepare for the transition from fee-for-service to value-based payments, but be aware that the Trump administration might slow down this process.
  • Continue to cut unnecessary costs.
  • Continue to improve the measurable quality of the care you give.
  • Participate in efforts in your individual states to innovate through waiver programs.
  • Collaborate with your physicians who are confused by all the uncertainty.
  • Keep up to date with the frequent changes that nobody can predict.

 

 

Healthcare Triage News: Congress is Back, and Healthcare Should Be on the To-do List

Healthcare Triage News: Congress is Back, and Healthcare Should Be on the To-do List

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Congress is back in session, and it has a full month ahead. They have to deal with hurricanes, raise the debt limit, fund the government, keep us out of war, AND they want to talk about cutting taxes, too. With all this going on, it’s going to be hard to get anything done around healthcare, but there’s lots that needs to be done.

There’s one Obamacare repeal bill left standing. Here’s what’s in it.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/politics/cassidy-graham-explainer/?utm_term=.c90e0ce41aa2

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After a dramatic series of failed Senate votes in July, there’s one repeal-and-replace plan for the Affordable Care Act left standing. Trump is pushing for a vote, per Politico, and John McCain has announced his support, but the bill has yet to gain significant traction.

The proposal, crafted by Sens. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.) and Dean Heller (R-Nev.), essentially turns control of the health-care markets over to the states. Rather than funding Medicaid and subsidies directly, that money would be put into a block grant that a state could use to develop any health-care system it wants. It also allows states to opt out of many ACA regulations. “If you like Obamacare, you can keep it,” Graham has said, using a common nickname for the health-care law. “If you want to replace it, you can.”

In reality, that may not be true. The Medicaid expansion and subsidy funding would be cut sharply compared to current spending, going to zero in a decade.

 “You can’t actually keep the same program if your federal funding is being cut by a third in 2026,” said Aviva Aron-Dine, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. And even putting aside the cuts, she said, the block grant structure would fundamentally change the health-care landscape. “[Funding] is capped, so it wouldn’t  go up and down with the economy,” when fewer or more people become eligible for subsidies.

Republicans contest this. The drop in funding “gives strong incentives for the states to be more efficient with their program,” said Ed Haislmaier, a senior fellow at the conservative Heritage Foundation. That is, states may be able to maintain the ACA structure and regulations as long as they streamline operations.

If the streamlining turns out to be insufficient, the cuts would hit liberal states the hardest, according to a report by the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities. This is largely because they tend to be the biggest spenders on health care: They’ve expanded Medicaid and aggressively signed people up for marketplace coverage. They have the most to lose.

 On the whole, Aron-Dine says, “This is a lot more similar to the [Senate repeal bill] than different. All of them end with devastating cuts to marketplace subsidies, Medicaid, and weakening of consumer protections.”

Haislmaier agreed, pointing out the Cassidy-Graham plan was originally intended as an amendment to the Senate bill.

Here’s the nitty gritty of what would change, compared to the ACA and the Senate plan that failed in July:

Who would need to be covered

Under the Cassidy-Graham plan, the mandates would be eliminated at the federal level. States could choose to keep the measure, replace it or get rid of it completely.

How they would pay for coverage

The federal health insurance subsidies that help most people with ACA marketplace plans afford their coverage would change. This bill would shift those subsidies to the state-level, so people in some states may see their subsidy scaled back or eliminated.

Proposed changes to Medicaid

The bill would restructure Medicaid and decrease its funding. That would make it very difficult for states to maintain the Medicaid expansion.

 

State officials plead for bipartisan ObamaCare fix

State officials plead for bipartisan ObamaCare fix

State officials plead for bipartisan ObamaCare fix

State insurance officials pleaded with senators on Wednesday to quickly act to stabilize the ObamaCare marketscalling for a multiyear extension of key payments to help fund premiums for low-income customers.

Congress must pass a fix by the end of September to shore up the wobbly individual markets, several officials said, in particular funding for key ObamaCare insurer payments known as cost-sharing reductions (CSR).

“The CSR funding issue is the single most critical issue that you can address to help stabilize insurance markets for 2018 and potentially bring down costs,” Tennessee’s insurance commissioner Julie Mix McPeak told the Senate Health Committee.

The panel kicked off a series of hearings Wednesday on stabilizing the markets. If Congress can pass a bill, it would represent the biggest bipartisan update since President Obama signed the law in 2010.

Health committee Chairman Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) wants to find consensus by the end of next week. To sell the fix, he and ranking member Patty Murray (D-Wash.) held a private meeting with senators not on the committee and the witnesses who testified as Wednesday’s hearing.

“If we can do two things, that would be two more things that we have agreed on in a bipartisan way in the last seven years in health insurance,” Alexander told reporters.

“And then let the leaders see if we can pass it, and hope the House does and that the president signs it.”

Despite some pushback that could still come from conservatives calling the payments an “insurer bailout,” Alexander and Murray hope to cobble together a bipartisan group that agree some continuation of the payments is necessary.

The cost sharing subsidies, which reimburse insurers for giving discounted deductibles and co-pays to low-income customers, have been made by the Trump administration on a month-to-month basis.

Republicans had sued the Obama administration over the payments, calling them unconstitutional, but many have since acknowledged they need to continue at least in the near term to prevent steep premium hikes.

Insurers have asked for long-term certainty on the payments, threatening to hike premiums and leave the ObamaCare markets altogether if they don’t get it.

Democrats, and some Republicans like Alexander, agree Congress should fund the payments, but there’s disagreement on the time frame.

Alexander wants to fund the payments through 2018 while Murray has pushed for multiple years.

“It is critical that we work toward a multiyear solution in order to provide the kind of certainty that will have the most impact on families’ premiums and choices in the marketplaces,” Murray said.

America’s Health Insurance Plans, the nation’s largest insurer trade association, and other stakeholder groups urged Congress to fund the payments through at least 2019.

“Without two years of CSR funding, uncertainty will persist and the Congress will need to address these same issues early next year,” the groups wrote in a letter to the committee Tuesday.

Meanwhile, Republicans say a bipartisan health bill must include changes to ObamaCare’s state waivers so states have more control over what their insurance plans look like.

Alexander said ObamaCare’s waivers should be amended so “states can have more flexibility to devise ways to provide more coverage with more choices and lower costs.”

“It just hasn’t been very appealing to states because it is a difficult tool to use,” he said.

This point was echoed by Pennsylvania’s insurance commissioner Theresa Miller, who called the process to get approved cumbersome.

“Baseline coverage requirements should be kept intact as much as possible … but make it easier for states to respond to market issues,” she said.

For example, it takes at least six months to get a waiver approved with the federal government, which the commissioners said made it difficult to quickly respond to market issues.

But Democrats have been wary of anything they say could result in coverage losses and the availability of less comprehensive insurance plans.

The Senate GOP’s ObamaCare repeal plan, which failed in a dramatic vote with Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) joining two other Republicans in opposition, contained language intended to make it easier for states to approve less comprehensive plans.

However, Democrats say that is going in the wrong direction.

We should be “moving forward not backward on affordability, coverage and quality of care,” Murray said.

“We’re all well aware threading this needle won’t be easy,” she said, “but I do believe an agreement that protects patients and families from higher costs and uncertainty, and maintains the guardrails in our current health care system, is possible.”

Several commissioners also recommended setting up a temporary reinsurance program to help insurers with high cost patients with the intent of lowering premiums for healthier ones.

“Congress should enact a federal reinsurance program with a minimum duration of three years,” said Washington state insurance commissioner Mike Kreidler, adding that it would “significantly help stabilize the individual health insurance market.”

But Alexander indicated it’s unlikely for the bill to include reinsurance funding, noting that the U.S. is already trillions in debt.

“If a reinsurance program is such a good idea … why don’t states do it?” he asked, suggesting states impose small fees on every insurance plan sold to help fund it.

Democrats are also pushing for a bill to restore ObamaCare outreach funding after the Trump administration announced drastic cuts to the program.

Alaska’s insurance director Lori Wing-Heier said the cuts concern her because “these programs reduce the number of uninsured citizens and maximize public participation.”

Insurance official to Congress: ObamaCare not collapsing

Insurance official to Congress: ObamaCare not collapsing

Insurance official to Congress: ObamaCare not collapsing

A Pennsylvania insurance official told Congress Wednesday that ObamaCare is not collapsing, as some Republicans have argued.

Speaking at a Senate Health Committee hearing on efforts to stabilize Affordable Care Act (ACA) markets, Teresa Miller, Pennsylvania’s acting Human Services secretary and former insurance commissioner, said that the notion is “just false.”

“I’m not going to sit here this morning and tell you that the ACA is perfect,” she said. “I think we all know that it’s not, but the narrative that the ACA is failing and imploding is just false.”

Miller, who works in the administration of Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf, noted that insurers in the state filed average premium increases of just 8.8 percent for next year, and that most enrollees receive government subsidies to help them afford premium costs.

While there have been “difficulties” in the market, she said, “our individual market is not collapsing.”

Other states have encountered more problems with their markets, but every state is on track to have at least one insurer offering ObamaCare coverage in every county next year, after some worries that there would be empty counties.

The insurance commissioners testifying largely called for efforts to further stabilize ObamaCare markets, for example by funding key payments known as cost-sharing reductions, which President Trump has threatened to cancel.

Multiple commissioners also called for a program called reinsurance that provides government funding to bring down premiums by paying for part of especially sick enrollees’ claims.

The Senate Health Committee is trying to reach a deal on a bipartisan stabilization bill by the end of next week, a tough task on such a polarizing issue.

A Glimmer of Bipartisanship on the ACA

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2017/sep/bipartisanship-on-the-aca?omnicid=EALERT1267321&mid=henrykotula@yahoo.com

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With the eclipse of Republican efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act (ACA), bipartisan approaches to improving the law are having a moment in the sun. This week, Senators Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) and Patti Murray (D-Wash.) are cosponsoring hearings before the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) committee on bipartisan solutions to stabilizing private health insurance markets. The Problem-Solvers — a new caucus of House Democrats and Republicans — are similarly at work on a cross-party package of reforms. Eight governors have released a bipartisan plan, as has a group of health policy experts with mixed party affiliations.

The value of bipartisanship is indisputable. The alternative — on excruciating display over the last seven months — is ongoing partisan warfare that destabilizes our health care system. Health care providers and insurers cannot function effectively when changes in party control at the federal level threaten to upend the health care system every two to four years. And the fear of health coverage loss is unquestionably stressful for the millions of Americans who depend upon the ACA.

But the growing apparent consensus on key elements for a short-term, cross-party package is encouraging. These proposals focus on strengthening individual insurance marketplaces by legislating cost-sharing reduction payments; helping private insurers manage the risk of very high-cost patients using reinsurance and other means; creating a source of backup coverage for “bare markets” that lack private insurers; and offering states greater flexibility in implementing federal regulations governing private insurance markets.

Different groups propose additional bells and whistles, and there is much room for disagreement on how to design and implement specific provisions. But at least both parties are at the table. Where there’s a will, there may be a way.

Still, important practical questions remain. One is whether the will really exists. Republican supporters of repeal and replace continue to divide the Senate Republican caucus. Conservatives in the House — including the Freedom Caucus — will likely oppose anything that threatens their hope that the ACA will collapse of its own weight. And it is possible that President Trump, still grumbling about the failure of repeal and replace, will veto any narrow package that he believes pours salt in his health care wound.

Ironically, the failure of ACA markets to self-destruct may also sap the will for bipartisan reforms. Deadlines and crisis drive congressional action and, until recently, the threat that some individual markets — admittedly, small in number and population — would lack any insurer was an important spur for Congress to act. Now, that threat has receded as the last of the bare markets has found a carrier.  Bipartisanship is the legislative equivalent of nuclear fusion; it needs major external pressure to push those mutually repelling atoms together.

Even if there were a will, there might not be a way to get an ACA package into the queue. The fall congressional calendar is packed with other high-profile, high-stakes, deadline- and crisis- driven legislation. By September 30, Congress must reauthorize the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), which has traditionally enjoyed bipartisan support and is vital to the health care of more than 9 million American children. To respond to Hurricane Harvey, Congress also needs to rapidly enact emergency aid for Texas and Louisiana, which will require the extension of previously controversial flood relief legislation.

And these measures are just the beginning. Congress has to fund the federal government by September 30 — with or without support for the border wall — or face a government shutdown. There is the need to pass a controversial increase in the federal debt ceiling by the same date. And to have any hope of enacting major tax reform before the 2018 election, work must accelerate right after Labor Day. Putting the tax project off until after January is dangerous for proponents, because passing controversial tax legislation is infinitely more difficult in an election year.

Bipartisanship on health care action could lay vital groundwork in the short term for bolstering the individual health insurance market. Longer term, bipartisanship is essential for the kind of fundamental change that is necessary to increase coverage and contain costs in our health care system. We should not, however, underestimate the huge political and procedural obstacles that lie in the way of current admirable efforts to bring the two parties together on health care. It will take all the skill of committed Senate and House leaders from both parties to make progress on health care this year — or thereafter.

Governors urge keeping US health law’s individual mandate

http://abcnews.go.com/Health/wireStory/apnewsbreak-governors-health-care-plan-retains-mandate-49537497

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A bipartisan governor duo is urging Congress to retain the federal health care law’s unpopular individual mandate while seeking to stabilize individual insurance markets as lawmakers work on a long-term replacement.

The recommendation is part of a compromise plan that’s designed to be palatable to both parties. It was endorsed by six other governors.

Ohio Gov. John Kasich, a Republican, and Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper, a Democrat, shared their plan in a letter to congressional leaders Thursday. They acknowledge that retaining the mandate may be a difficult sell for Congress, which has failed so far to pass a replacement health care bill.

“The current mandate is unpopular, but for the time being it is perhaps the most important incentive for healthy people to enroll in coverage,” they wrote to House and Senate leaders of both parties.

Experts concur that keeping younger, healthier people in the insurance pool protects against costs ballooning out of control.

The penalty and coverage requirement, or individual mandates, were intended to nudge healthy people into the insurance market. They have consistently polled negatively with Americans. In an Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll conducted in July, 48 percent of those surveyed favored repealing the mandate, while 35 percent opposed repeal.

Kasich and Hickenlooper’s letter was signed by Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval of Nevada; Democratic Govs. Tom Wolf of Pennsylvania, John Bel Edwards of Louisiana, Steve Bullock of Montana and Terry McAuliffe of Virginia; and Alaska Gov. Bill Walker, a one-time Republican no longer affiliated with a political party.

After Republicans’ failure to pass a replacement of President Barack Obama’s health care law, Kasich and Hickenlooper teamed up to push for health care exchanges that would stabilize the market and assure affordability. Both took pains to quash speculation that their collaboration and public appearances suggested a bipartisan presidential ticket was in the making for 2020.

Hickenlooper emphasized Thursday that steadying individual markets is a top — and time-driven — priority. Addressing Medicaid expansion costs and other health care elements can follow, he told reporters in Denver.

“Is this going to fix all that is broken with our health care system? No,” he said. “If we can demonstrate success at stabilizing the individual markets, then we can move to the other parts of health care as well.”

Kasich and Hickenlooper also recommended that President Donald Trump commit to cost-sharing reduction payments to insurers and that Congress fund those offsets at least through 2019. Those payments reimburse insurers for providing low-income people with legally required reductions on copays and deductibles. If Trump follows through on threats to pull the plug, premiums would jump about 20 percent.

Kasich said the proposal satisfies the concerns of all parties studying the health care law.

“If you want to keep what you have, you can,” the Ohio governor said Thursday. “We’ve stabilized everything up front, but then over time, we open up the doors to innovation and individual plans, within guardrails.”

The governors support creating a temporary stability fund that states could tap to reduce premiums and limit losses; continuing to fund educational outreach and enrollment efforts under the Affordable Care Act; exempting insurers that agree to cover underserved counties from the federal health insurance tax; and supporting states’ efforts to find creative solutions for covering the uninsured.

The governors said states can pursue lots of options without federal assistance, but in some cases they are “constrained by federal law and regulation from being truly innovative.”

Kasich and Hickenlooper are expected to be in Washington next week to testify on their proposal. But congressional action on even a modest compromise is expected to be difficult following years of harsh partisan battling over the Republican drive to dismantle the health care law.

Bipartisan group of governors calls on Congress to shore up elements of Affordable Care Act

https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/bipartisan-group-of-governors-calls-on-congress-to-shore-up-elements-of-affordable-care-act/2017/08/31/7853b978-8e71-11e7-84c0-02cc069f2c37_story.html?utm_term=.3975c59ec12b

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A bipartisan group of governors is trying to jump-start efforts to strengthen private insurance under the Affordable Care Act, urging Congress to take prompt steps to stabilize marketplaces created by law while giving states more freedom from its rules.

In a blueprint issued Thursday, the eight governors ask House and Senate leaders of both parties to take several steps to reverse the rising rates and dwindling choices facing many of the 10 million Americans who buy health plans on their own through ACA marketplaces.

Specifically, the state leaders say Congress should devote money for at least two years toward “cost-sharing subsidies” that the 2010 health-care law promises to pay ACA insurers to offset deductibles and other out-of-pocket expenses for lower-income customers. The House sued the Obama administration over the subsidies’ legality, and President Trump has repeatedly suggested that he might halt the payments — sending tremors through insurance companies in the marketplaces.

Five days before the House and Senate return to Washington, the governors also recommend preserving “for now” the ACA’s requirement that most Americans carry health insurance. Though this rule is unpopular, they concluded that it is “for the time being … perhaps the most important incentive for healthy people to enroll in coverage.”

The proposal also calls for a federal fund, to be available for two years, to buffer insurers from high-cost customers, and for the government to foster competition in ACA marketplaces by encouraging insurers to move into counties with only one company. Those that do would have the law’s insurer taxes waived on health plans sold in those locations.

Led by Ohio Gov. John Kasich (R) and Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper (D), the blueprint essentially fleshes out the contours of four principals that many of the same governors recommended to Senate leaders in June. It focuses on the insurance market for individuals and families that buy coverage on their own — a fraction of the country’s consumers with private insurance but a perennially shaky part of the industry that the ACA was designed to strengthen.

Greg Moody, a longtime health-care aide to Kasich, said the blueprint is also an acknowledgment of the failure this year of Republicans who control Congress to deliver on their years-long goal of replacing the ACA. “We’ve recently seen how difficult that is,” Moody said.

The blueprint envisions a quick federal boost to shore up the marketplace for the coming year, while deferring to states longer term to experiment with potential changes in insurance subsidies, for instance, or different forms of penalties for consumers who drop coverage.

The proposal was released Thursday so that it would attract attention before two days of hearings scheduled next week by the Senate’s health committee, which will explore bipartisan ideas for improving the law and its marketplaces.

The other governors who signed on are Brian Sandoval (R-Nev.), Tom Wolf (D-Pa.), Bill Walker (I-Alaska), Terry McAuliffe (D-Va.), John Bel Edwards (D-La.) and Steve Bullock (D-Mont.).

Despite jitters, some health insurers start to prosper

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It has not been a market for the faint of heart.

Supporters of the Affordable Care Act achieved a major victory this past week when, thanks to cajoling and arm-twisting by state regulators, the last “bare” county in the United States — in rural Ohio — found an insurer willing to sell health coverage through the law’s marketplace there. So despite earlier indications that insurance companies would stop offering coverage under the law in large parts of the country, insurers have now agreed to sell policies everywhere.

But a moment of truth still looms for the industry in the coming weeks under the law known as Obamacare. Companies must set their final plans and premiums by late September, even as the Trump administration continues to threaten to cut off billions of dollars in government subsidies promised by the legislation. Insurers are also awaiting Senate hearings set to start Sept. 6 for a hint of what steps, if any, lawmakers may take to stabilize the market.

With congressional Republicans’ yearslong quest to dismantle the Affordable Care Act dead for now, the fate of the landmark law depends in large part on the health of the insurance marketplaces and the ability of insurers to make a viable business out of selling coverage to individuals. When the law passed seven years ago, insurers saw a potential bonanza: tens of millions of brand-new paying customers, many backed by generous government subsidies and required by the new law to have health coverage. Now, about four years after the law’s marketplaces opened for business, most of the industry’s biggest players have pulled out.

Yet the continuing churn among insurers and the anxiety pervading the industry have obscured an encouraging fact: Many of the remaining companies have sharply narrowed their losses, analysts say, and some are even beginning to prosper.

“Outside of the noise,” the surviving companies “are seeing a path forward in this marketplace,” said Deep Banerjee, an analyst with Standard & Poor’s who has examined the financial results of more than two dozen Blue Cross insurers.

“It is still a new market,” he added, “and everyone is adjusting to it.”

The healthier business outlook has been achieved at a big cost to consumers. To stanch their losses, many companies raised their prices substantially for this year while narrowing their networks of providers to hold down costs.

In some cases, companies will seek even higher rates for 2018; the lone insurer left in Iowa is asking for a nearly 60 percent increase, on average.

Among the insurers now making money in the individual market and expanding is Centene, a for-profit company. Some of the Blue Cross insurers, including Health Care Service Corp., which operates plans in multiple states, including Texas and Illinois, and Independence Blue Cross, which has 300,000 customers in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, began to turn a profit in the market this year.

Oscar Health, a venture capital-backed insurance startup, lost roughly $200 million last year but, sensing a more promising future, plans to enter three more states and expand in California and Texas.

Centene made use of its experience, including setting up networks of hospitals and doctors that care for Medicaid patients, to sell coverage. The company now insures about 1.1 million people in the individual market.

“For 2018, we intend to grow this profitable segment of our business,” Michael Neidorff, the company’s chief executive, told investors last month.