Lax Ambulance Rules Put Paramedics, Patients at Risk

http://www.realclearhealth.com/articles/2016/12/01/lax_ambulance_rules_put_paramedics_patients_at_risk_110293.html?utm_source=RealClearHealth+Morning+Scan&utm_campaign=e55112c10f-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2016_12_01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_b4baf6b587-e55112c10f-84752421

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When an ambulance driver using her phone’s GPS got distracted and crashed through a guardrail, rolling off an embankment in north-central Ohio in August 2014, the consequences were dire: A 56-year-old patient was ejected and killed, and an EMS worker was injured.

The emergency medical service worker was not strapped in, and the patient was only partially restrained, a situation that is all too common in ambulances across the nation.

Unlike school buses, ambulances are not regulated by the federal government. While states set minimum standards for how they operate, it’s usually up to local EMS agencies or fire departments to purchase the vehicles and decide whether to require their crew to undergo more stringent education and training.

Some agencies demand that crew members in the back of an ambulance use lap and shoulder restraints for their patients and themselves, but many agencies don’t. In some places, ambulance drivers don’t receive any special training before they get behind the wheel, even though they must speed through traffic under tremendous pressure.

“One agency will make them take a course before they can drive. Another will just say, ‘here are the keys,’ ” said Bruce Cheeseman, Idaho’s EMS operations manager.

Ambulances have been involved in 4,500 crashes a year on average over a 20-year period, a third of which resulted in injuries, according to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA). About 2,600 people a year were injured and 33 were killed. Some were drivers or ambulance crew members, some were patients and some were pedestrians, bicyclists or occupants of other vehicles.

Safety and EMS experts say ambulances should be safer than cars and more like school buses, given that they’re transporting sick or injured people and workers caring for them. While the number of injuries and fatalities may seem small compared to the number of people transported, the experts say state and local agencies need to do a better job overseeing ambulance safety.

“These are vehicles carrying cargo that’s human and vulnerable and fragile because they’re already injured or experiencing a medical emergency,” said Dia Gainor, executive director of the National Association of State EMS Officials, whose members license ambulance services and personnel. “It’s unconscionable that the public is placed at risk when being put in the back of an ambulance.”

What happens when you don’t price-regulate drugs? Just look at the United States.

http://www.vox.com/science-and-health/2016/11/30/12945756/prescription-drug-prices-explained

Americans aren’t buying lots more drugs. We’re just spending more on the ones we do buy.

There isn’t much evidence that Americans use an inordinately high amount of prescription drugs. It’s just that when we buy prescription medications, we pay more for the exact same product.

House OKs 21st Century Cures bill; Senate votes next week

http://www.fiercehealthcare.com/healthcare/house-passes-landmark-medical-cures-bill-senate-to-vote-next-week?utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal&mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiTmpNMk1tUmxOekV3TnpZMCIsInQiOiJtUTFHVmlSWVByUWJLZ1JDRjgxaklCNXlaM2hcLzRKRXBpYlE4MFwvV1BydTgyTVJvZjAxUGF5dlFUVVVVSGF6YzdETkNyUGVtY0M1eVV0OXFESWlUNEQ1dFJGeE5hamxLWTFzb1RVRVVGZ1NFPSJ9

congress

Not everyone was on board, however. Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-Texas) voted against the measure because he said that though the bill attempts to address the need for research funding, it doesn’t guarantee the money: “There may be bipartisan agreement, but there is not a bipartisan advancement.”

He also said the revised version of the bill grants all of big pharma’s “wish lists” and doesn’t tackle rising drug costs. Indeed, Doggett said it was appropriate that the medical cures bill is packed into a larger measure called the Tsunami Warning Bill because people who rely on lifesaving drugs and want to fill a prescription have been “buried in one wave, after another wave, after a giant wave of pharmaceutical price gouging. Whether it’s an EpiPen for a child who is going to have an allergic reaction, whether it’s for insulin for someone who is diabetic and relies on that insulin, whether it’s an oncology drug that costs over $100,000, it is wave after wave of a tsunami of price gouging.”

 

Consultant: Trump’s choice for HSS, CMS leadership spells trouble for hospitals

http://www.healthcarefinancenews.com/news/consultant-trumps-choice-hss-cms-leadership-spells-trouble-hospitals?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWm1Fd1pEWXdPV1V3TlRRNSIsInQiOiJqRitmbGZXbGdhVndGYytNYkdtSFkzMVlrM2tYanVNbXVJM1wvT3M3cHBmTnZHNDRkTG56MVwvZVQwQm5taExhRHlYaEtGYXFJWXd6WTBvbGdDRlJscFAwRThWMnFyejM2SUhFVmU5d0hxRGhJPSJ9

Most major healthcare organizations lavished praise on Price in statements released Tuesday, but Keckley paints a much less rosy picture.

“The big losers from November 8 on, with repeal a virtual certainty, are hospitals,” Keckley said. “They end up getting the raw end of the deal on doing away with the exchanges. They end up with uncertainly about ACO and bundles they’ve been developing.”

Keckley said healthcare systems are being cautious and are taking a second look at their value-based programs.

“The CFOs are saying to CEO, it’s time to be rethinking our capital commitments, interest rates are going to go up, the cost of borrowing is going up, margins are going down,” he said. “This is not a forward view where the knowns are clear. The only thing they can count on right now is, margins are going to shrink, cost of capital is going to go up.”

When Having Insurance Still Leaves You Dangerously Uncovered

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One of the few things that Donald J. Trump and Hillary Clinton seemed to agree on was that high out-of-pocket spending on health care was a problem. One of Mrs. Clinton’s most popular health care proposals during her campaign was to reduce out-of-pocket spending to more “manageable” levels for many Americans. President-elect Trump said he could fix this problem by repealing Obamacare and replacing it with something better.

As I’ve written before, while more Americans are insured, many are still underinsured — meaning that they are exposed to significant financial risk from out-of-pocket payments. Reducing out-of-pocket spending, however, will require some trade-offs. No easy solution exists, but there are examples out there worthy of consideration.

Before we can discuss any plan’s specifics, let’s look at exactly how the health care system extracts money from you. Plans differ in the amount of actuarial value they have. That’s the percentage of the cost of care that insurance will cover. If a plan has 60 percent actuarial value, then it covers 60 percent of your potential health care spending, and you cover 40 percent. Plans with higher actuarial value cost more. In the Affordable Care Act insurance exchanges, bronze plans have a 60 percent actuarial value. Silver plans have 70 percent, and gold plans 80 percent.

You pay up front for health insurance with a premium that is often charged monthly. But that’s not all the spending you’ll do. Almost all plans come with deductibles. This is an amount of money that you are responsible for paying for health care before insurance coverage kicks in. The reason plans have deductibles is that research shows you’re less likely to spend your money than the insurance company’s money. Plans with lower deductibles usually have higher premiums.

Even after you spend the deductible, you’re not done, though. Most plans come with co-pays. These are set fees that you have to pay each time you use the health care system. They may be $20 for a doctor’s visit, or $100 for an emergency room visit. Some plans use co-insurance instead. That’s when you pay for a percentage of your care instead of a set fee for each service.

The lower the actuarial value, the more you’re going to pay out of pocket in deductibles, co-pays or co-insurance. But plans on the Obamacare exchanges are all subject to an out-of-pocket maximum. In 2016, for a family, it was $13,700, and for an individual it was $6,850. Even the bronzest of bronze plans can’t ask you to pay any more, but they are more likely to let you hit the maximum.

That’s a lot of money. This is true even in the employer-based insurance market. In 2016, almost 30 percent of workers were enrolled in a high-deductible health care plan. More than half of employees with individual plans had deductibles of at least $1,000. Two-thirds of covered workers had co-pays, and 25 percent had co-insurance for primary care. Almost 20 percent of workers were in plans with an out-of-pocket maximum of $6,000 or more.

Mr. Trump offered no specific plans for reducing out-of-pocket spending. But that’s not surprising. It wasn’t that long ago that one of the most favored means by which conservatives proposed to bring down health care spending was to have consumers put more “skin in the game.” Many of them believed that if consumers were more exposed to health care spending, if they had to pay more out of pocket for care, then they would be more responsible consumers because of it.

In fact, calls have already begun for Mr. Trump to expose people to even more out-of-pocket spending. Right now, the Affordable Care Act has provisions that help reduce cost-sharing below the out-of-pocket maximum for those making less than 250 percent of the poverty line who purchase a silver-level plan. Those payments are made directly to health plans that cover those people.

It may be possible for the president to cut off those payments immediately, without any congressional involvement. If he were to do that, and it’s unlikely, it would either cripple those insurance companies, or they’d withdraw immediately from the exchanges, terminating coverage and leaving millions without health insurance overnight.

It’s also unlikely that the Trump administration would cover more people’s out-of-pocket payments with federal money. To argue suddenly that people should be shielded from the expense of health care would be a sea change for conservative health insurance design.

Beyond Birth Control, Women Could Pay More For Insurance Again Under TrumpCare

http://khn.org/news/beyond-birth-control-women-could-pay-more-for-insurance-again-under-trumpcare/?utm_campaign=KHN%3A+Daily+Health+Policy+Report&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=38366523&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-_897SZznnGceZv4MmabxjLxrPyW4hbPxfmVCyzeOzoHDwhcLrJcgATPTlOK7a4G_p1jmSl9KDniqJoxePq0lCchIEPkg&_hsmi=38366523

Mayra Del Real, 28, holds her newborn baby. (Heidi de Marco/KHN)

As the prospect began to sink in of losing access to free contraceptives if the health law is repealed or replaced, women have reportedly been racing to get IUDs or stockpile birth control  pills before President Barack Obama leaves office. But birth control is just the tip of the iceberg, advocates say. There are a number of other women’s health benefits that are also at risk.

At or near the top of the list is guaranteed coverage of maternity services on the individual insurance market. Before the health law, it was unusual for plans in the individual market to pay for maternity services. But the Affordable Care Act required that care be included as one of the 10 essential health benefits that all individual plans must cover. In 2009, the year before the health law passed, just 13 percent of individual plans that were available to a 30-year-old woman in all the state capitals offered maternity benefits, according to an analysis by the National Women’s Law Center.

Some plans offered maternity services as an add-on through a special rider that paid a fixed dollar amount, sometimes just a few thousand dollars, the study found. But even with a rider, a woman’s financial exposure could be significant: The average total payment for a vaginal birth was $18,329 in 2010, according to a study by Truven Health Analytics.

Women were also generally charged higher rates for health insurance on the individual market before the law. According to the National Women’s Law Center’s analysis, 60 percent of best-selling individual plans in 2009 charged a 40-year-old non-smoking woman more than a 40-year-old man who smoked, even in plans that didn’t include any type of maternity coverage. That inequity disappeared under the health law, which prohibited insurers from charging women higher rates than men for the same services.

“Our concern is going back to a world where insurance companies are writing their own rules again, and returning women to those bad old days in health care and losing all the progress we’ve made,” said Gretchen Borchelt, vice president for reproductive rights and health at the law center.

Several other women’s preventive health services could be on the line if the health law is repealed or changed. Some may be easier to get rid of than others, say women’s health policy experts.

Tom Price, Obamacare Critic, Is Trump’s Choice for Health Secretary

f President-elect Donald J. Trump wanted a cabinet secretary who could help him dismantle and replace President Obama’s health care law, he could not have found anyone more prepared than Representative Tom Price, who has been studying how to accomplish that goal for more than six years.

Mr. Price, an orthopedic surgeon who represents many of the northern suburbs of Atlanta, speaks with the self-assurance of a doctor about to perform another joint-replacement procedure. He knows the task and will proceed with brisk efficiency.

Mr. Trump has picked Mr. Price, a six-term Republican congressman, to be secretary of health and human services, Mr. Trump’s transition team announced Tuesday morning.

 

 

A Battle to Change Medicare Is Brewing, Whether Trump Wants It or Not

Donald J. Trump once declared that campaigning for “substantial” changes to Medicare would be a political death wish.

But with Election Day behind them, emboldened House Republicans say they will move forward on a years-old effort to shift Medicare away from its open-ended commitment to pay for medical services and toward a fixed government contribution for each beneficiary.

The idea rarely came up during Mr. Trump’s march toward the White House, but a battle over the future of Medicare could roil Washington during his first year in office, whether he wants it or not.

“Let me say unequivocally to you now: I have fought to protect Medicare for this generation and for future generations,” Senator Joe Donnelly of Indiana, a Democrat running for re-election in 2018, said this week in a video message to constituents. “I have opposed efforts to privatize Medicare in the past, and I will oppose any effort to privatize Medicare or turn it into a voucher program in the future.”

For nearly six years, Speaker Paul D. Ryan has championed the new approach, denounced by Democrats as “voucherizing” Medicare. Representative Tom Price of Georgia, the House Budget Committee chairman and a leading candidate to be Mr. Trump’s secretary of health and human services, has also embraced the idea, known as premium support.

And Democrats are relishing the fight and preparing to defend the program, which was created in 1965 as part of Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society. They believe that if Mr. Trump chooses to do battle over Medicare, he would squander political capital, as President George W. Bush did with an effort to add private investment accounts to Social Security after his re-election in 2004.

Democrats will “stand firmly and unified” against Mr. Ryan if he tries to “shatter the sacred guarantee that has protected generations of seniors,” said Representative Nancy Pelosi of California, the Democratic leader.

Republicans have pressed for premium support since Mr. Ryan first included it in a budget blueprint in 2011. As he envisions it, Medicare beneficiaries would buy health insurance from one of a number of competing plans. The traditional fee-for-service Medicare program would compete directly with plans offered by private insurers like Humana, UnitedHealth Group and Blue Cross Blue Shield.

 

 

Major changes for Medicaid coming under Trump and the GOP

http://money.cnn.com/2016/11/21/news/economy/medicaid-trump/index.html

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Donald Trump likely won’t let Medicaid collapse, but he will vastly change the health insurance program for low-income Americans.

Think less federal funding, more state control, fewer participants and higher costs for those in the program.

Here’s how Medicaid works now:

Nearly 73 million Americans are on Medicaid or the related Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP). The programs cost $509 billion in fiscal 2015, with the federal government shouldering 62% of the bill and states paying 38%.

Most enrollees are low-income children, pregnant women, parents, the disabled and the elderly. Under Obamacare, low-income adults with incomes of up to 138% of the poverty line — $16,400 for a single person — were allowed to sign up in states that opted to expand their Medicaid programs. So far, 31 states, plus the District of Columbia, have done so, adding about 15.7 million more people to the rolls since late 2013, just before the provision took effect. (This figure includes both those newly eligible under expansion and those who always met the criteria.)

While Democrats say the program is a vital part of the safety net, Republicans have long criticized it as being bloated, inefficient and rife with fraud. They want to limit the federal government’s financial responsibility, while giving states more direct control over whom to enroll and what kind of coverage participants receive.

On the campaign trail, Trump was emphatic about having the government provide coverage to the poor, even as he vowed to dismantle Obamacare.

“You cannot let people die on the street, ok?,” he said at a CNN town hall in February. “The problem is that everybody thinks that you people, as Republicans, hate the concept of taking care of people that are really, really sick and are gonna die. We gotta take care of people that can’t take care of themselves.”

If Republicans Repeal Obamacare, Ryan Has Replacement Blueprint

http://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2016/11/21/502612264/if-republicans-repeal-obamacare-ryan-has-replacement-blueprint

Donald Trump and Republicans in Congress are vowing to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, the signature health care overhaul of President Obama.

Trump has offered a few ideas of where he’d like to see a health care overhaul go, such as a greater reliance on health savings accounts, but he hasn’t provided a detailed proposal.

The absence of specifics on health care from the president-elect makes the 37-page plan that Speaker of the House Paul Ryan has released the fullest outline of what Republicans would like to replace Obamacare. Some health policy analysts say it looks a bit like Obamacare light.

“Republicans through this plan have embraced, I think rightfully so, the basic idea that everybody in the U.S. should have health insurance,” says Jim Capretta, a health policy fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. “And people who are outside the employer system should get some level of financial help through a tax credit, because, frankly, that’s similar to the tax break that is available through employer coverage.”

Republicans had been criticized for years for promising to repeal the ACA and offering nothing as a replacement. Ryan unveiled the proposal at AEI in June.