Hospital group comes out against new ObamaCare repeal effort

Hospital group comes out against new ObamaCare repeal effort

Hospital group comes out against new ObamaCare repeal effort

America’s Essential Hospitals announced its opposition to a new ObamaCare repeal and replace bill, warning of cuts and coverage losses.

The group, which represents hospitals that treat a high share of low-income people, said it is opposed to a last-ditch bill to repeal ObamaCare from Sens. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), Dean Heller (R-Nev.) and Ron Johnson (R-Wis.).

Dr. Bruce Siegel, the group’s president and CEO, said in a statement the bill “would shift costs to states, patients, providers, and taxpayers.”

“Further, by taking an approach so close to that of the earlier House and Senate plans, it’s reasonable to conclude it would have a similar result: millions of Americans losing coverage,” he added.

America’s Essential Hospitals is one of the first major health groups to come out in opposition to the bill. Most have not yet weighed in on the measure, which was only introduced on Wednesday.

Many are also skeptical of the bill’s chances, but it appears to be gaining at least some momentum.

Cassidy told reporters Friday that he thought the bill had the support of 48-49 senators, just shy of the needed 50. Still, the effort faces long odds and a fast-approaching procedural deadline of Sept. 30.

America’s Essential Hospitals was one of the most outspoken opponents of the earlier repeal bills, along with other hospital groups. Many doctors groups were also opposed and many insurers eventually weighed in against provisions to change ObamaCare pre-existing condition rules.

California Drug Price Bill Sweeping In Scope, Lacking In Muscle

California Drug Price Bill Sweeping In Scope, Lacking In Muscle

A California bill headed to the governor’s desk may be the most sweeping effort in the nation to shine a light on drug pricing, but it lacks the muscle being applied in other states to directly hold those prices down.

The idea behind the law is that if everyone knows when and why prices are rising, political leaders eventually will be more empowered to challenge those increases.

“Transparency is a longer-term play. It’s about building political will, getting more information and helping build the case for the changes that we need” in order to have more sustainable drug prices, said Ted Lee, a senior fellow at Yale University’s Global Health Justice Partnership, which recently released a report on steps states can take to reduce drug prices.

Some experts have said transparency alone is not enough to bring down drug prices, and more extensive changes are needed.

“We need really far-reaching reforms that say ‘sorry, pharma, we’ve had enough. We’re not going to do it your way. We’re going to do it our way,’” said Peter Maybarduk, director of the Global Access to Medicines Program at Public Citizen, a consumer watchdog group. The group wants sweeping changes at the federal level that would reduce spending on drugs, such as allowing Medicare to negotiate prices with drug companies and limiting market exclusivity on certain pharmaceuticals.

The California measure would put a spotlight on drug prices from different angles, imposing reporting obligations on both insurers and drug manufacturers.

The campaign for the bill brought together some unlikely political allies in the California State Capitol this year: Consumer advocates, insurers, employer groups, labor unions and even a prominent billionaire environmentalist shared the same platforms at press conferences, urging legislators to force drug manufacturers to disclose and justify their high prices.

Gov. Jerry Brown has about a month to decide whether to sign the bill. Brown rarely comments publicly about legislation before he takes action, but a spokesman, Brian Ferguson, said the governor’s office had worked closely with legislative staff on the bill.

The pharmaceutical industry remains fiercely opposed to the legislation and has vowed to lobby the governor against it.

The measure “will not improve the accessibility or affordability of medicines for patients,” Priscilla VanderVeer, deputy vice president of public affairs for the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), said in an email.

Under the proposed law, pharmaceutical companies would be required to give state agencies and insurers 60 days’ notice if they planned a price increase of more than 16 percent over two years on drugs with a wholesale cost of $40 or higher. And they would have to explain the reasons for the increase.

Manufacturers would also have to report the introduction of certain high-priced drugs to market, explain their marketing plans for the product and say if it is an improvement on drugs that are already available.

Health plans would be obliged to report to state regulators on the drugs with the highest annual cost increases and document how much drug spending factored into their premiums.

Yale’s Lee said both price control and transparency laws play important roles in regulating prescription drug costs. Ellen Albritton, a senior policy analyst at Families USA, said transparency measures such as California’s bill are a “key part” of what is needed for the U.S. to get drug prices under control. She said various actions by states, taken together, build the case for federal action.

This year, at least two states have passed laws that tackle high drug prices head-on and may have a more immediate effect on consumer costs than the California measure, Lee said.

Maryland and New York, for example, passed laws this year that use a variety of legal levers to impose financial penalties or require discounts if prices are too high.

Maryland’s law empowers the state’s attorney general to take legal action if it determines drugmakers are “price gouging” on generic drugs. A violation by the company could trigger refunds to consumers and a fine for the manufacturer.

The New York law introduces a drug price cap in the state’s Medicaid program and would require rebates on drugs that exceed their limits, according to a Yale University analysis.

The California bill’s author, Sen. Ed Hernandez (D-Covina), said he didn’t believe price controls were the right approach. “I still believe in the basic tenet of free enterprise,” he said. The market should play itself out.”

But California’s bill is more comprehensive in some ways than other states’ laws. It requires new reporting in the private and public insurance markets and encompasses generic, brand-name and specialty pharmaceuticals. Other state laws affect only one payer, as in New York, or one subset of drugs, as in Maryland.

Vermont has a transparency measure, passed last year, that mandates reporting on a narrower subset of drugs than California’s proposal. Nevada’s recently passed drug price law requires disclosures from insulin makers.

Hernandez, who chairs the state Senate’s health committee, said the California bill could be a national model for drug price policy because transparency works to bring costs down. Consumers across state lines will benefit from California’s law, he said.

“I encourage the federal government, especially California’s representatives in the U.S. House and Senate, to consider similar legislation as we continue this discussion at a national level,” Hernandez said.

He said industry opposition to his bill has been fierce, with “legions” of lobbyists clogging Capitol hallways and full-page ads in local newspapers during the final days of the legislative session, which ended Friday.

Despite the industry’s resistance, Hernandez said, the effort to address high drug costs had bipartisan support and rallied players who are usually at odds on other matters.

“It has become a huge coalition because it’s impacting everybody,” he said.

Maybe Don’t Count Out Obamacare Repeal Just Yet

By Yuval Rosenberg and Michael Rainey

Maybe Don’t Count Out Obamacare Repeal Just Yet

Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-LA) told reporters on Friday that he’s getting close to securing enough votes to pass the last-ditch ACA repeal and replacement bill he’s put forth with Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), Dean Heller (R-NV) and Ron Johnson (R-WI).

“I am pretty confident we’ll get there on the Republican side,” Cassidy said. “We’re probably at 48-49 [votes] and talking to two or three more.” And Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has asked the Congressional Budget Office to estimate the effects of the Cassidy-Graham bill, which would speed up the scoring process.

Of course, those last two or three votes have been the challenge for the GOP all along, and they may not be any easier to round up this time. Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), who voted for a prior repeal bill, said Friday that he won’t support this one. Plus, opponents are already stepping up their criticisms about the effects of the bill. And time is running out: Cassidy and his colleagues only have until September 30 to pass the bill this year under a process that would require only 50 supporters in the Senate. So while the Obamacare repeal may still have life, it remains a longshot.

Following the ACA Repeal-and-Replace Effort, Where Does the U.S. Stand on Insurance Coverage?

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2017/sep/post-aca-repeal-and-replace-health-insurance-coverage

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Conclusion and Policy Implications

The findings of this study could inform both short- and long-term actions for policymakers seeking to improve the affordability of marketplace plans and reduce the number of uninsured people in the United States.

Short-Term

The most immediate concern for policymakers is ensuring that the 17 million to 18 million people with marketplace and individual market coverage are able to enroll this fall.

Congress could take the following three steps:

  1. The Trump administration has not made a long-term commitment to paying insurers for the cost-sharing reductions for low-income enrollees in the marketplaces, which insurers are required to offer under the ACA. Congress could resolve this by making a permanent appropriation for the payments. Without this commitment, insurers have already announced that they are increasing premiums to hedge against the risk of not receiving payments from the federal government. Since most enrollees receive tax credits, higher premiums also will increase the federal government’s costs.9
  2. While it appears that most counties will have at least one insurer offering plans in the marketplaces this year, Congress could consider a fallback health plan option to protect consumers if they do not have a plan to choose from, with subsidies available to help qualifying enrollees pay premiums.
  3. Reinsurance to help carriers cover unexpectedly high claims costs.10 During the three years in which it was functioning, the ACA’s transitional reinsurance program lowered premiums by as much as 14 percent.

The executive branch can also play an important role in two ways:

  1. Signaling to insurers participating in the marketplaces that it will enforce the individual mandate. Uncertainty over the administration’s commitment to the mandate, like the cost-sharing reductions, is leading to higher-than-expected premiums for next year.
  2. Affirming the commitment to ensuring that all eligible Americans are aware of their options and have the tools they need to enroll in the coverage that is right for them during the 2018 open enrollment period, which begins November 1. The survey findings indicate that large shares of uninsured Americans are unaware of the marketplaces and that enrollment assistance makes a difference in whether people sign up for insurance.

Long-Term

The following longer-term policy changes will likely lead to affordability improvement and reductions in the number of uninsured people.

  1. The 19 states that have not expanded Medicaid could decide to do so.
  2. Alleviate affordability issues for people with incomes above 250 percent of poverty by:
    1. Allowing people earning more than 400 percent of poverty to be eligible for tax credits. This would cover an estimated 1.2 million people at an annual total federal cost of $6 billion, according to a RAND analysis.11
    2. Increasing tax credits for people with incomes above 250 percent of poverty.
    3. Allowing premium contributions to be fully tax deductible for people buying insurance on their own; self-employed people have long been able to do this.
    4. Extending cost-sharing reductions for individuals with incomes above 250 percent of poverty, thus making care more affordable for insured individuals with moderate incomes.
  3. Consider immigration reform and expanding insurance options for undocumented immigrants.

In 2002, the Institute of Medicine concluded that insurance coverage is the most important determinant of access to health care.12 In the ongoing public debate over how to provide insurance to people, the conversation often drifts from this fundamental why of health insurance. At this pivotal moment, more than 30 million people now rely on the ACA’s reforms and expansions. Nearly 30 million more are uninsured — because of the reasons identified in this survey. It is critical that the health of these 60 million people, along with their ability to lead long and productive lives, be the central focus in our debate over how to improve the U.S. health insurance system, regardless of the approach ultimately chosen.

How Would Coverage, Federal Spending, and Private Premiums Change if the Federal Government Stopped Reimbursing Insurers for the ACA’s Cost-Sharing Reductions?

http://www.rwjf.org/en/library/research/2017/09/how-would-coverage-federal-spending-and-private-premiums-change.html

http://www.rwjf.org/content/dam/farm/reports/issue_briefs/2017/rwjf440003

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Elimination of federal cost-sharing reductions could increase marketplace spending by 18 percent or increase the uninsured by 9.4 million, depending on insurer response.

The Issue

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) requires insurers to provide cost-sharing reductions (CSRs) that lower deductibles, co-payments, co-insurance, and out-of-pocket maximums for people eligible for tax credits and with incomes below 250 percent of the federal poverty level. With current policy uncertainty surrounding these CSRs, there are multiple future scenarios, but all involve increases in insurance premiums for consumers and there is a potential for large reductions in the insured population.

Key Findings

The report analyzes three potential scenarios and outcomes:

  • Insurers have enough time before the start of the plan year to incorporate their anticipated CSR costs into a surcharge placed on silver plan premiums.
  • Insurers exit the marketplaces in response to the loss of CSRs and other policy uncertainties and changes.
  • The federal government does not reimburse insurers for CSRs and lawmakers alter the ACA so that insurers are no longer required to pay CSRs to eligible enrollees.
Conclusion

In 2018, the number of uninsured Americans could increase by 9.4 million, and average premiums could increase by nearly 37 percent, if insurers abandon the marketplaces because of a decision to eliminate federal reimbursement of health insurance CSRs.

 

About the Urban Institute

The nonprofit Urban Institute is dedicated to elevating the debate on social and economic policy. For nearly five decades, Urban scholars have conducted research and offered evidence-based solutions that improve lives and strengthen communities across a rapidly urbanizing world. Their objective research helps expand opportunities for all, reduce hardship among the most vulnerable, and strengthen the effectiveness of the public sector. Visit the Urban Institute’s Health Policy Center for more information specific to its staff and its recent research.

ONC Pushes Public Health Agencies to Improve HIE Integration

https://ehrintelligence.com/news/onc-pushes-public-health-agencies-to-improve-hie-integration

HIE Integration

The few public health agencies with HIE integration have reported more complete, higher quality data than those without a connection.

An ONC resource on how public health agencies utilize health information exchange (HIE) integration contains best practices and insights using interviews from public health agencies in 16 jurisdictions.

The findings detailed in the report focus on strategies for public health and HIE integration across six categories: leadership, technical, financial, privacy and security, policy, and health IT developers.

ONC partnered with Clinovations Government + Health (CGH) to examine HIE use among public health agencies. These state and community agencies can assist in improving the health of populations through disease prevention activities using data from public health screening and treatment services, laboratories, pharmacies, environmental health monitors, emergency medical services, local public health agencies, and clinical care providers.

Public health agencies function within states and communities and collect data from providers to use for data registries and disease surveillance systems. With an HIE connection, public health agencies can benefit from improved interoperability and reduce redundant connections.

While public health information systems with HIE integration have increased in recent years according to ONC, the practice is not yet widespread. In 2012, a survey from the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials (ASTHO) found 13 state public health agencies received lab results and nine received reportable diseases through HIE organizations.

“This trend occurs as researchers discover instances of higher quality in public health data transmitted from HIE organizations, as compared to clinical information systems,” stated the report. “For example, a 2013 investigation of electronic lab report messages finds data enriched by an HIE organization is more complete, compared to data from clinical systems.”

Public health systems with integrated HIE organizations have also been shown to yield improvements in care coordination and clinical efficiency, according to qualitative research in upstate New York, central Texas, Indiana, and New Mexico.

Still, HIE integration within public health systems is a relatively recent undertaking.

ONC highlighted three factors as contributing to this lack of integration:

  • An existing reporting infrastructure already facilitates public health reporting for health care providers.
  • The HIE organization’s technical solution does not often supply public health agencies with the level of data required for public health functions
  • Limited resources are available to dedicate to HIE infrastructure.

In its report, ONC determined that a combination of flexible, standardized technical solutions, policy enabling standardized public health reporting through HIE organizations and secondary data use, and affordable connectivity solutions offered by health IT developers could address these issues.

Interviewees highlighted a number of objectives driving the need to encourage more HIE integration in this care setting.

Most stated HIE integration could streamline the number of connections and thereby reduce costs for healthcare providers, HIE organizations, and public health agencies sharing information. Additionally, integration could support providers in achieving public health requirements for the EHR incentive programs.

Other interviewees expressed interest in developing a sustainable platform for clinical and public health data exchange for improved analytics and quality measurement.

To achieve these aims, ONC outlined ways public health agencies can overcome barriers to HIE integration — specifically, lack of standardization, gaps in standard use and adoption, lack of aligned messaging standards, and inconsistent data quality pose issues in integration.

Improving standards for public health data exchange is especially necessary.

“EHRs that meet ONC’s Health IT Certification Program requirements support transport protocols such as Direct for transport of Continuity of Care Documents (CCDs),” wrote ONC. “Public health content is standardized at the provider (EHR) and public health level, but the method of transport is not. The HL7 implementation guides and certification standards for public health information exchange do not require any specific transport mechanism, which can vary by state or region.”

Using transport methods such as the Direct standard could assist in improving standardization in public health data exchange.

To help public health agencies more efficiently exchange health data, ONC provided a summary of best practices for HIE use.

“One jurisdiction’s HIE organization respondents describe an increasingly electronic environment as being overall good for the community with the ability to share information across trading partners,” stated ONC.

“However, public health agency respondents caution against the growing electronic gap between public health and health care providers, where health care providers increasingly use health IT with exchange capabilities, but public health agencies do not have comparable technology to participate in exchanges,” the agency advised.

Finally, ONC emphasized the need for collaboration between public health agencies, HIEs, healthcare providers, and health IT developers to work toward bidirectional, standards-based health data exchange.

“Standards alignment must integrate public health information systems and HIE organizations, with transport mechanisms and terminologies meeting all of the public health data requirements,” maintained ONC.

How to turn healthcare’s single-payer threat into a reality

http://www.modernhealthcare.com/article/20170913/NEWS/170919942

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What’s behind the renewed enthusiasm in the Democratic Party for Sen. Bernie Sanders’ single-payer healthcare bill? The GOP still controls both houses of Congress and the White House. The Affordable Care Act still faces an existential crisis.

Unless something is done in the next few weeks to shore up the exchanges for 2018 and reverse HHS’ mean-spirited efforts to undermine enrollment, the enormous progress made over the past four years—last week the Census Bureau announced the nation’s uninsured rate had dropped sharply over that period to 8.8%—will begin to reverse. For those desperately working to avert the immediate danger, single-payer advocacy is a distraction.

Unfortunately, the logic of contemporary politics made the current push for single-payer inevitable. President Donald Trump and the tea party set the table. They proved that in a populist moment, extreme positions that cater to a sliver of the electorate are a viable path to electoral success.

Expect left-wing challengers supporting single-payer to win numerous Democratic House and Senate primaries next spring. A wave election typical of first-term, off-year elections will lead to a single-payer caucus in the next Congress with as much power as the tea party caucus had after the wave of election of 2010.

Single-payer looms as their threat. If you destroy President Barack Obama’s grand compromise-his eponymous plan relied on private insurers and preserved the employer-based system- the fire next time will get rid of both.

Unlike the tea party, single-payer advocates have history on their side. The U.S. over the last half century has moved inexorably toward universal coverage: Medicare and Medicaid; the Children’s Health Insurance Program; the ACA. It will get there one way or another.

Sanders asked the right question in his op-ed last week in the New York Times. “Do we, as a nation, join the rest of the industrialized world and guarantee comprehensive health care to every person as a human right?”

Polls now report growing support for single-payer health insurance. When asked if the government has the responsibility to guarantee access to healthcare for all Americans, nearly 60% answer yes. In other words, a clear majority of Americans now say yes to Sanders’ question.

It’s not just a human-rights issue. Universal access through universal insurance coverage is a necessary if insufficient component of getting healthcare costs under control. It is also a building block for restoring the nation’s economic competitiveness, especially in areas of the country suffering from a prolonged decline. No region can thrive unless it has a well-educated, healthy workforce.

Industrialized countries diverged in how they achieved universal coverage. Some chose a government-funded, single-payer system. Others chose well-regulated private insurers. Still others chose a combination of the two.

The U.S., because its employers used health benefits to get around World War II’s wage-and-price controls, accidentally chose a mixed system. It was the erosion of the employer-based system that led to Obamacare.

Sanders and his 15 Senate co-sponsors propose to eliminate the employer-based system entirely. He would gradually expand Medicare to cover everyone over four years.

The legislation is silent on how to transfer the $1.1 trillion spent by employers on health insurance to government coffers, necessary to defray the cost of his plan. He doesn’t address how he would counter the tremendous opposition that disrupting the existing system would draw from employers and their workers, including those in many unions.

Sanders decries the lack of progressive think tanks to come up with answers to those and other transition questions. But the problem isn’t the absence of good ideas. It’s the absence of fertile soil in which those ideas can grow.

That will change rapidly if Republicans succeed in repealing Obamacare, or undermine it and send the uninsured rate soaring again. That, and only that, will turn the single-payer threat into the last viable path to universal coverage.

WHY RETURNING TO A PRE-ACA MARKET ISN’T AN OPTION

http://www.managedhealthcareconnect.com/article/why-returning-pre-aca-market-isn-t-option

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After the recent failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act (ACA), it is anyone’s guess as to what comes next. Tax reform and infrastructure now appear to have moved ahead of health care on the legislative agenda—leaving the ACA largely out of lawmakers’ hands, and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) at the helm.

The President has implied that the federal government might halt federal payments to insurance companies meant to provide financial assistance to consumers who qualify for subsidies if they purchase health insurance on the ACA exchange. So far that has not happened. In a recent appearance on ABC’s “This Week” Sunday newsmagazine, HHS Secretary Tom Price, MD, said that he and his team are combing through the specifics of the ACA law, “asking the question, ‘does this help patients or does it harm patients? Does it increase costs or does it decrease costs?’”

There are more than 1400 instances in the law where the HHS Secretary has discretion to make changes, making the HHS the most likely source for any forthcoming health reform.

Republicans generally favor pushing more decision-making down to the states, and offering more choice to consumers. Dr Price has talked up a provision drafted by Senator Ted Cruz (R-Texas) that was included in the Senate’s plan. It would have given consumers the choice to purchase insurance that does not meet the ACA’s standard of the essential health benefits, but instead meets a given State’s definition of which service it deems essential. Coupled with the ability to grant state waivers for changes to the current law, many have suggested this could lead to consumers purchasing plans that do not cover most services.

“Dusting Off” The Old Way

The so-called Consumer Freedom Option is strongly opposed by the nation’s largest health insurers, which seemed to bewilder Secretary Price.

“It’s really perplexing, especially from the insurance companies, because all they have to do is dust off how they did business before Obamacare,” he said during the This Week interview. It is “exactly the kind of process that has been utilized for decades.”

Even though the Cruz provision went down with the rest of the Senate bill in July, it is not unreasonable to wonder if Secretary Price might try to figure out how to offer low-cost “skinny plans.” Or if Congress might do that same if and when health care moves back into the limelight.

This begs two questions:

  1. Can the United States ever go back to the way health insurance worked before the ACA, dusting things off, as Secretary Price suggested?
  2. Can selling insurance inside and outside of the ACA—as the Cruz provision envisioned—work?

Most industry experts offer a resounding “no” to both questions. As we have reported previously, it is difficult to take benefits away once they are given. For that reason, there is consensus that the ACA in some form or fashion is here to stay. There is also near universal agreement that certain parts of the ACA—notably the exchanges—need work. But experts also point out that provisions like Sen Cruz’s, that propose parallel systems where different rules apply, will not improve the exchanges, and indeed will likely hasten the so-called death spiral.

AHIP Objects, Actuaries Agree

In a July letter to Senate leaders, America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP) pointed out that even though the Cruz provision calls for a single risk pool, such a pool would be established “in name only. In fact, it creates two systems of insurance for healthy and sick people.”

A paper published this year by the American Academy of Actuaries, reinforces this claim.

“If insurers were able to compete under different issue, rating, or benefit coverage requirements, it could be more difficult to spread risks in the single risk pool…. Changes to market rules, such as increasing flexibility in cost-sharing requirements, could require only adjustments to the risk adjustment program. Other changes, such as loosening or eliminating the essential health benefit requirements, could greatly complicate the design and effectiveness of a risk adjustment program, potentially weakening the ability of the single risk pool to provide protections for those with preexisting conditions.”

Such a system, according to the paper, would effectively create two risk pools, and premiums in the ACA plans would be much higher than in those not subject to ACA regulations, leading to a destabilized ACA market. Moreover, things would get worse if people were allowed to move between plans depending on their health status.

Making the Problems Worse

The experts we spoke with agreed, citing the potential for confusion and flawed benefit design. Additionally, it does not adequately address the ACA exchange problems, and indeed may exacerbate them.

“The Cruz amendment would not likely achieve anything other than allowing young/healthy individuals to purchase cheaper, inadequate coverage at a lower price,” David Marcus, director of employee benefits at the National Railway Labor Conference, explained. “It would generally do nothing to lower premiums for ACA-compliant coverage.”

Gary Owens, MD, president of Gary Owens Associates, a medical management and pharmaceutical consultancy firm, implied that Cruz’s plan is a half-baked solution that most would have a difficult time navigating.

“This seems to just one more attempt to cobble together a solution to address the issue of healthcare access and coverage,” he said. “It would probably create more confusion for consumers about which plan is appropriate for their needs.”

Norm Smith, president of Viewpoint Consulting, Inc, which surveys managed markets decision-makers for the pharmaceutical industry, concurred.

“Many of the people buying these plans would not be able to define what’s covered, and what’s not,” he said. “Plans would be difficult for state insurance commissions to control without standardized benefit design.” He added that ACA plans would be crippled as younger, healthier people leave in favor of non-ACA coverage.

F Randy Vogenberg, PhD, RPh, principal at the Institute for Integrated Healthcare, said that the Cruz approach is a tepid response to what he sees as failure on the ACA exchanges.

“It has no merit because it does not address the need to change from the current exchange products,” he explained.

More Choice or Inadequate Coverage?

Proponents cite the fact that skinny plans give more choice to consumers, and that free-market principles are needed, vs increased government intervention. Mr Smith reminded us that the ACA—which is based on the Romney plan that became law in Massachusetts—already contains free-market components. For that reason, he said that introducing more choice could work in theory. However, in practice, “with the level of medical insurance literacy being so low, I’m not sure most members will understand what they are buying.”

Mr Marcus added that “The marketplace is already designed to have market principals, though the insurance that is available through [it] is limited to certain types of coverage.  Offering more choice means certain people can get cheaper plans, but those cheaper plans are generally inadequate methods of protecting against health costs.”

Dr Owens explained that health reform will take much more than simply going back to the way insurance was sold in the 1990s, or tacking piecemeal amendments onto the ACA one after the other.

“Trying to glue on a piecemeal solution is not the answer,” he said. “Congress needs to drop the partisan approaches, put together a real working group that will take the needed time and use the available expertise to develop a comprehensive plan that takes the ACA to the next level.”

New Consumer Expectations

In the end, a big reason that insurers cannot simply dust off their plans from the past may be due to customer preference. Consumers often feel hamstrung when it comes to buying appropriate, affordable coverage. Yet they possess more power than many believe, as evidenced by the backlash Washington lawmakers have faced at local town hall meetings. This, in large part, led to the downfall of ACA repeal efforts.

The term “pre-existing conditions” is now a part of almost every health consumer’s lexicon, and people do not expect to be shut out of the market or forced to buy an exorbitantly expensive plan just because they have such a condition. The ACA appears to have cemented that mindset.

Dr Owens explained that insurers are more eager to work within the already established system of regulations, as opposed to wading into uncharted regulations.

“I don’t think the insurers want to increase the complexity of the marketplace,” he said.

Mr Smith agreed, adding that there would need to be “an awful lot of explaining before members knew what they were buying.”

“Going back just doesn’t make sense,” Mr Marcus noted. “Insurance carriers have spent huge sums of money developing systems to comply with the ACA. Profits at the largest carriers are the highest they have ever been. Insured individuals now have an expectation for ACA market reforms to be continued, but the concept behind the Cruz amendment would not change that.”

Additionally, the health insurance industry as a whole is probably concerned about payers who would choose to sell substandard plans outside of the ACA exchanges. Consumers would be left “in a bind when they need to access coverage,”  Dr Owens said, which would not reflect well on the industry. — Dean Celia

Why Bernie Sanders’s plan for universal health care is only half right

https://www.brookings.edu/blog/fixgov/2017/09/13/why-bernie-sanderss-plan-for-universal-health-care-is-only-half-right/?utm_campaign=Brookings%20Brief&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=56298642

Image result for brookings institute health

Sen. Bernie Sanders plans to introduce his universal health care bill Wednesday; it is likely to serve as a litmus test for Democrats with presidential aspirations. The legislation is bold and simple, which makes it very appealing. A recent survey by the Pew Research Center found that 60 percent of Americans believe the federal government should ensure health coverage for all Americans.

But Sanders’s bill only gets it half right.

The part that’s right is that every American would automatically get health insurance. If that came to pass, the door would be open to lowering costs while eliminating the highly complex regulations needed to police our current system and the inequitable tax treatment that sustains it.

The part that Sanders gets wrong is that he would turn Medicare into a single-payer system for all, supplanting private insurers.

That approach has lots of problems, not least of which is an enormous price tag. Consider what happened in California earlier this year when the state legislature briefly considered a single-payer bill. An appropriations committee estimated it would cost $400 billion, over twice the state’s annual budget. Such complications make the Sanders bill — and other Medicare for all proposals — virtually impossible to enact.

People also forget that Medicare is a hidebound system. It took Congress more than 40 years to offer a prescription drug benefit, for example. Physicians are paid using an arcane system developed decades ago and that has now ballooned to more than 140,000 procedure codes, all of which is supervised (and gamed) by physicians themselves. Standard private sector cost-saving measures, like competitive bidding for routine services, are rarely used.

There is a better way — called universal catastrophic coverage — which borrows from both progressive and conservative playbooks. It would combine the federal guarantee of insurance for all with the cost-controlling benefits of insurers competing for that business.

From the consumer viewpoint, universal catastrophic coverage would look like this: All Americans not covered by Medicaid and Medicare would be placed in a single, massive risk pool. The government would assume the risk of insuring everyone, using a high-deductible policy that would guarantee that no one would be without care in the event of a health care crisis.

To keep the plan progressive and affordable for all, deductibles would be tied to income. Services that are very effective would be exempt from the deductible and fully covered. This includes many prevention services — like flu shots — but also medications for chronic disease, certain vaccines, and the like.

This would eliminate a host of problems in the current system: no more worries about preexisting conditions, no more losing insurance when changing jobs, no more mandated buy-in, and no more upward spiraling of premiums for those buying policies because healthy people are staying uninsured and not paying their share.

From the point of view of insurers, the new system would look like Medicare’s prescription drug plan, in which they compete for market share by offering different networks, deductibles, premiums, and supplemental coverage.

version of universal catastrophic coverage that I devised with my colleague, Kip Hagopian, would cost the government about 15 percent less than the Affordable Care Act while insuring 115 million more people, according to a RAND study. Premiums would be about $3,000 annually, about 40 percent less than the ACA silver plans.

This approach borrows from liberal dreams for health care as a right, and from conservative conviction that market forces are the most efficient way to deliver health care and keep costs under control. That is why both sides can support it.

Being bold means asking for big changes. The current system of employer-based insurance would lose its tax-protected status, which currently costs the federal government $236 billion (about the same as the mortgage interest deduction, charitable deductions, and retirement benefit exclusions combined, according to the Tax Policy Center). Those savings would be used to underwrite the new system.

Vested interests will find many reasons to oppose change. But the bottom line is that we can cover everyone if we are smart about it.

The Single Payer Debate

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The seismic shift in support for Sen. Bernie Sanders’ plan to transform the U.S. health care system into a single-payer program indicates the reach the Vermont independent has within the Democratic Party.

At the same time that his onetime presidential foe Hillary Clinton is reminding people of the party’s devastating loss last fall, Sanders is trying to define its future. His bill to enroll every American in Medicare drew 16 co-sponsors, 16 more than when he first introduced similar legislation in 2013.

It has garnered support from possible 2020 Democratic presidential hopefuls — Sens. Cory Booker of New Jersey, Kamala Harris of California, Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Kirsten Gillibrand of New York — as well as Sen. Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin, an incumbent up for re-election next year in a state narrowly won by President Donald Trump.

It also provided a welcome talking point for Republicans who have long railed against government-run health care. Several GOP senators used Sanders’ legislation as a tool to warn voters of what could come if Republicans are unable to overhaul the health care system.

‘A political crisis’

During a bill introduction Wednesday that felt more like a campaign rally than the standard press conference, Sanders — flanked by co-sponsors — stuck to his standard script of bashing Republicans and special interest groups for doing nothing to address rising health care costs.

“The crisis we are discussing is not really about health care,” he told a crowded room of activists and supporters. “The crisis we are discussing today is a political crisis which speaks to the incredible power of the insurance companies, the drug companies and all those who make billions of dollars off of the current system.”

The politics of “Medicare for all” are divisive. And aside from a short comment about raising taxes across the board, Sanders has yet to outline a clear way to pay for such a system.

There is a divide within the Democratic Party on how to define such a system, and many Senate Democrats have yet to voice their support for Sanders’ plan, including vulnerable incumbents up for re-election such as Sen. Joe Manchin III of West Virginia.

Despite those differences, however, the expanding coalition of Democrats who now back such a proposal is a display of just how Sanders, who gave Clinton a serious challenge for the presidential nomination, continues to influence the national party.

“Sen. Sanders’ presidential campaign was a phenomenon that very few people saw coming. It uncovered a groundswell of progressive activation that the party now rightly wants to tap into as we head into 2018 and 2020,” Connecticut Democratic Sen. Christopher S. Murphy said. “I think that Democrats now feel a little freer to imagine some even bigger and bolder ideas.”

Asked whether the growing support for his legislation is indicative of his influence, Sanders hedged.

“Right now, we are focusing on what the bill is about,” he said. “We’ll talk about the politics of it later.”

A national message?

Several other Democratic senators supported the national party embracing more bold ideas — like Medicare for all — in the fallout from the 2016 election and tied that movement directly to the success of Sanders’ campaign.

“It’s an idea whose time has come. There’s a clear recognition that universal coverage has to be the goal,” Democratic Sen. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut said. “These principles are now in the public mind, front and center, and that is due, in part, to the prominence that Bernie Sanders gave to them during the campaign.”

A Democratic aide echoed those thoughts and said the shift is indicative of a recognition that the party needs to be bolder and sharper in its proposals.

“I think there will be a lot of support for this bill,” the aide said. “It’ll make the clear contrast between the two parties on health care even more clear.”

While the Sanders proposal has gained more support among members of the Democratic conference, skeptics remain.

“The Sanders bill requires people to give up their insurance. It’s not an option that you buy in. It requires people to give up the insurance,” Sen. Claire McCaskill of Missouri said. “I’ve been down the road of requiring people to do things the government says on insurance and it is a road paved with big rocky boulders.”

Asked whether she correlates the growing support for Medicare for all to Sanders’ popularity among liberals, McCaskill — who is up for re-election in 2018 in a state Trump won easily — said she had not analyzed it from that perspective.

“I just think we’ve got to think this through and not make this some kind of political litmus test,” she told Roll Call.

While other Democratic lawmakers also said they hoped support for the Sanders bill would not be a political benchmark for the party, several openly said endorsing the concept would be crucial for any successful candidate.

“I have trouble seeing how a viable Democratic candidate does not support the idea of single-payer,” Blumenthal said. “This bill is going to drive the national message.”

Bernie-Care barrier?

Some Senate Republicans, who this summer failed in their attempt to repeal and replace the 2010 health care law, are making a last-ditch attempt to overhaul it.

Sens. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Dean Heller of Nevada are pushing legislation that would transform the health care system to essentially a large federal block grant to the states based on the size of their individual insurance pool.

Their message to the Republican conference was clear: It’s either our plan or Sanders’ proposal.

“If you want a single-payer health care system, this is your worst nightmare,” Graham said. “Bernie, this ends your dream of a single-payer health care system for America.”

Republican leadership echoed that message.

“We see what the alternative is and hopefully that’ll focus the mind,” Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn said. “Their party is clearly lurched to the left even further, and it’s made it hard for otherwise pretty pragmatic people, like Chuck Schumer, to do deals which he ordinarily would do with Republicans.”

But for Sanders, the failed attempt by the GOP to overhaul the current health care law only bolsters his case.

“To my Republican colleagues, please don’t lecture us on health care,” he said. “You, the Republican Party, have no credibility on the issue of health care.”