PD Editorial: 20 million reasons to retain and repair Obamacare

http://www.pressdemocrat.com/opinion/6701027-181/pd-editorial-20-million-reasons

For six years, and over the course of five dozen high-profile, low-probability votes, Republicans in Congress vowed to do away with Obamacare.

Republicans denounced the Affordable Care Act as “a crime against democracy” and labeled it “the most dangerous piece of legislation ever passed.” Oklahoma Sen. Tom Coburn went so far as to warn seniors, “You’re gonna die sooner.”

The election of Donald Trump removed the specter of a presidential veto, yet the Affordable Care Act hasn’t been repealed.

Large and boisterous crowds supporting Obamacare at town hall meetings probably are making some lawmakers nervous about the fallout from killing a program that provides insurance for 20 million Americans. Here’s another possible explanation: Despite its shortcomings, Obamacare has delivered on its basic promise — expanding access to health care by reducing the cost of insurance, especially in states such as California that fully embraced the program.

California has reduced its uninsured rate to a record low of 7.1 percent, according to a report issued this month by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

That’s a decline of 9.9 percentage points since the Affordable Care Act took full effect in 2013.

The CDC figures, based on data for the first three quarters of 2016, also showed a marked improvement on a national scale, with 8.8 percent of Americans lacking health insurance. In 2013, the uninsured rate was 14.4 percent.

Let those be benchmarks.

Trump and congressional Republicans still say they’re going to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act. But any plan that results in fewer people having coverage isn’t a replacement. It’s retrenchment. And that isn’t acceptable.

Despite their harsh criticism of Obamacare, Republicans are far from agreeing on any replacement. They have promised to keep the most popular provisions of Obamacare, including protection for people with pre-existing conditions and coverage of dependents up to age 26. There also is GOP support for retaining requirements that insurers cover treatment of mental illness and substance abuse. Targeted for elimination are the financing mechanisms needed for the program to remain viable — individual and employer mandates and subsidies to help low- and middle-income families pay insurance premiums. A proposal to convert Medicaid to a block grant program almost certainly will result in some states raising the threshold for eligibility.

The numbers simply don’t add up.

Hospitals justifiably fear a return to the days of writing off millions of dollars from providing emergency care to uninsured patients, and insurers will have little choice but to drop out of the exchanges — 11 participate in California — if people can wait until they’re sick before buying coverage.

That’s the death spiral Republicans have been predicting since the Affordable Care Act passed in 2010. It could become a self-fulfilling prophesy if insurers conclude that the risk pool that undergirds the insurance market has been, or will soon be, undermined.

No big program is perfect. Republicans have pointed out Obamacare’s shortcomings for years while refusing to work with Democrats on improvements. If it collapses now, some Republicans will point fingers at Obama and claim the program was fatally flawed. But if millions of people who gained access to health insurance suddenly find themselves without coverage once again, many of them are going to blame the people who wrote the cancellation notice.

 

Data Note: Variation in Per Enrollee Medicaid Spending Across States

Data Note: Variation in Per Enrollee Medicaid Spending Across States

Image result for Medicaid Spending

President Trump and other GOP leaders have called for fundamental changes in the structure and financing of Medicaid along with repeal of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The GOP has proposed transitioning Medicaid from its current structure that provides an entitlement to coverage and provides states guaranteed federal matching dollars with no pre-set limit to a block grant or per capita cap. A block grant would limit all federal Medicaid spending and per capita cap could limit federal funding per enrollee. To understand per capita cap proposals, it is helpful to understand variation in per enrollee spending and per enrollee spending growth across states and enrollment groups.  A per capita cap policy could lock in historic variation.  A more detailed analysis of per enrollee spending can be found in this brief. This data note uses interactive maps and tables to show variation in per enrollee spending and spending growth by state and eligibility group.

How Medicaid Helps Your State

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/interactives-and-data/infographics/2017/feb/how-medicaid-helps-your-state

Image result for How Medicaid Helps Your State

As of the November 2016 open enrollment period, Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program have added a total of 16.4 million beneficiaries nationally since the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) coverage expansions went into effect. Moreover, billions of dollars in federal funding for health care have flowed into states.

Both a repeal of the ACA’s Medicaid expansion and alternative approaches to funding, such as block grants, are now under discussion. These changes may result in less federal funds for states to spend on Medicaid, and lead to reduced access to care, reduced payments to health care providers, and job losses.

Click on a state in the map below to view a state Medicaid fact sheet, or browse by state alphabetically below the map.

Repeal & Replace: Missing the Medicare Forest for the Obamacare Trees

http://www.realclearhealth.com/articles/2017/02/24/repeal__replace_missing_the_medicare_forest_for_the_obamacare_trees_110464.html?utm_source=RealClearHealth+Morning+Scan&utm_campaign=bf5d282de4-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2017_02_24&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_b4baf6b587-bf5d282de4-84752421

Image result for Repeal & Replace: Missing the Medicare Forest for the Obamacare Trees

The Trump Administration has promised to deliver to the American people a healthcare plan that is, in President Trump’s own words, “much less expensive and far better” than Obamacare. But While Obamacare is expected to spend over $900 billion from 2018 to 2027, focusing solely on the Obama administration’s signature achievement ignores bigger fiscal challenges; Namely, the Medicare program.

Our insurance program for the elderly and disabled – Medicare – is expected to cost $900 billion in 2024 alone. From 2018 to 2027, this comes to a whopping $8.5 trillion—an order of magnitude larger than the cost of the ACA. Beyond the topline price tag are a number of endangered programs.

Medicare’s hospital insurance trust fund, commonly known as Part A, is expected to run out of money in the next 10 years. This would mean an immediate reduction in benefits when the money runs out—2028, according to the program’s actuaries. Meanwhile, the funds that Medicare uses to pay for physician services (Part B) and prescription drug benefits (Part D) are consistently growing as a share of revenue.

 

GOP governors confront Medicaid divide

GOP governors confront Medicaid divide

GOP governors confront Medicaid divide

Governors are descending on Washington this weekend as Republicans wrestle with the future of ObamaCare’s expansion of Medicaid.

GOP lawmakers say they are looking to governors for advice on what to do about the program, which is one of the toughest issues Republicans face as they look to repeal and replace the healthcare law.

Many of the lawmakers representing states that accepted the Medicaid expansion are looking to keep it. But they are at odds with conservatives and Republicans from states that rejected the expansion; they are pushing full repeal.

It will be hard for any repeal and replace bill to pass Congress unless Republicans can bridge that divide, and they are looking to the governors, who help run Medicaid as a joint federal-state program, for help.

“We’re in extensive discussions with them and we’ll talk with them more when they get here and then move ahead on both Medicaid and the individual market,” Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) told reporters earlier this month, speaking of the governors meeting.

Republican governors are almost evenly divided on the Medicaid issue, with 17 hailing from states that rejected the expansion, and 16 hailing from states that accepted it.

States that took the expansion broadened eligibility for Medicaid — the government healthcare program for the poor and disabled — up to 138 percent of the federal poverty line. About 11 million people have gained coverage because of the Medicaid expansion.

The healthcare plan that House Republicans outlined last week calls for eventually eliminating the extra federal funding for the Medicaid expansion. If states wanted to continue covering the additional people, they would have to spend more of their own money.

Some Republican governors from states that accepted the expansion have been vocal about wanting to protect it — and none more so than Ohio Gov. John Kasich.

Over the weekend Kasich called the House GOP plan “a very, very bad idea, because we cannot turn our back on the most vulnerable.”

Hospitals target nutrition, other social needs to boost health

http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2017/02/17/hospitals-target-nutrition-other-social-needs-boost-health/98042112/

Physician Joshua Sharfstein, former Maryland Secretary

Tom Shicowich “really, really, really liked Coca-Cola” before he began a new nutrition program targeting his Type 2 diabetes and weight. Being on a “very tight budget,” he couldn’t afford the fruit and vegetables he cut up for a living at his part-time grocery store job. Dinner was often a pizza or fast food meal he picked up on the way home.

Six months after getting free healthy groceries every week through the Geisinger hospital near his rural Pennsylvania home, Shicowich has cut his blood sugar level from nearly 11 to close to a normal level of 7. The 6′ 5″ former high school track team competitor has lost 35 pounds but is still nearly 200 pounds from his target weight of 250 pounds.

The Geisinger Health System is on its way to making its own numbers. On March 1, Geisinger plans to expand its five-patient pilot project to 50 more of its sickest and highest-cost diabetes patients. So far, all of those participating in Geisinger’s Fresh Food Pharmacy have lost weight, lowered their body mass indices, decreased their use of medication, lowered their cholesterol and improved their hemoglobin A1C levels, says Andrea Feinberg, an internal medicine doctor who is “clinical program champion.”

Geisinger is what’s known as an accountable care organization, which makes it fully responsible for the insurance and all health costs for their patients. They employ the doctors and own the hospitals and insurance company. The better-known Kaiser Permanente is another example. That means unlike other hospitals, their profits aren’t based upon patients’ visits and treatments.

“It is no coincidence that the health systems and hospitals that are doing it the best have aligned their incentives more closely to the health of their patients,” says Joshua Sharfstein, a pediatrician who is a former secretary of health for Maryland and top Food and Drug Administration official. “It’s very hard to ask a hospital that’s getting paid for every preventable admission to invest in ways that would eliminate those admissions.”

Read more:

The confused future of health care

The confused future of health care

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With a new administration in Washington, it’s widely accepted that the Affordable Care Act (ACA), otherwise known as Obamacare, isn’t likely to survive in its current form. But nobody seems to know whether it will be replaced or repealed, or what shape health care coverage will take in the future. The experts who met for a Kennedy Schoolpanel on the subject Monday evening didn’t presume to answer those questions, but they did pinpoint the crucial issues for the transition.

While they disagreed on possible replacements, they agreed that any solution will take time to create, agree upon, and roll out.

The panel on “Alternatives to the Affordable Care Act” began with a look at the benefits and drawbacks of Medicaid. According to Katherine Baicker, the C. Boyden Gray Professor of Health Economics at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, expansion of Medicaid under Obamacare led to a decline in certain chronic diseases — but that also cost money, because the newly insured used more care. “This forced policymakers to think about how much they cared about the benefits to the insured, versus the costs of that care. That brought politics into it, and economists aren’t so good at politics.”

Two panelists represented opposite philosophies. Jonathan Gruber, the Ford Professor of Economics at Massachusetts Institute of Technology and a former Obama administration consultant on the health act, and Avik Roy, co-founder and president of the Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity, argued respectively that government oversight of health care is the only sure way to leave fewer citizens behind, and that the free market, aided by block grants and tax credits, could do a better job.

Roy, speaking via Skype, said that Medicaid has failed the poor by directing too much funding to higher-income groups that don’t need it. Further, Roy said, doctors in many states avoid treating Medicaid patients because they can make more money on wealthier private patients. “Our argument is to say let’s take the money that we are sending to the Medicaid program and send it directly to the patients, so they can choose the program that serves their needs.” Tax credits and health savings accounts, he said, would give the poor more choices than Medicaid does.

“Poor people can’t do anything with health savings accounts,” Gruber replied. “If you have a $10,000 income, you can’t put $3,000 into a savings account.” He said that if you take away the individual mandate, one of the cornerstones of Obamacare, you lose the funding to insure the poor unless another mechanism is put in place. “We can’t escape the mathematics of insurance: 80 percent of the pool is paid by 20 percent of the people. Any alternative to Medicaid has to address affordability, it has to address adverse selection (i.e., people who opt out), and it has to address the architecture of the plan. But there is no alternative to the right of the ACA that does not increase un-insurance. It cannot be done.”

Gail R. Wilensky, senior fellow at Project HOPE and former director of Medicare and Medicaid, added that other countries have adopted strategies that probably would not be accepted here. Also speaking via Skype, she said, “There are alternative strategies to delivering health care, such as putting tight limits on technology. The light tech centers and digital imaging could be put under government control. You could theoretically lower costs that way. But if people were uncomfortable with the mandate, with government telling them what to buy, imagine what the reaction would be to that.”

Another question is whether patients would make the smartest decisions in an open health care market. Gruber said that under President George W. Bush, many elders simply chose the cheapest available plan, often with unfortunate results. Roy countered that low-income patients are often the shrewdest health care shoppers. “It is unreasonable to expect patients to be doctors,” Baicker said. Wilensky concurred, saying “I’ve talked to many patients with health savings accounts, and they found it incredibly difficult to know what they were buying.”

Everyone agreed, however, that the ACA is not near being definitively repealed or replaced. Chandra asked all four panelists when they expected a new plan to be in place. Estimates ranged from next winter to 2019. “One big difference is that Democrats were all united behind Obamacare, but there is no Republican consensus,” Roy said. “They’re against Obamacare, but they’re not sure what they’re for. There is literally nobody in Washington who knows what the new plans will look like, and I give it a 50-50 chance that they even come to agreement.”

One possible solution, Wilensky said, is to bring together all the affected parties — policymakers, physicians, and at-risk patients — in town-hall-type meetings that look into new solutions. “There are a lot of things that don’t make sense,” she said, “and in this country we’ve tried most of them.”

http://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/320286-kasich-house-gop-medicaid-plan-very-bad-idea

Kasich: House GOP Medicaid plan ‘very bad idea’

Kasich: House GOP Medicaid plan 'very bad idea'

Republican Ohio Gov. John Kasich on Sunday criticized the House Republicans’ plan to phase out ObamaCare’s expansion of Medicaid.

“I’m in Munich, but I understand that there was an initial effort by House Republicans to, for example, phase out Medicaid expansion, which means phasing out coverage,” Kasich said on CNN’s “State of the Union.” “That is a very, very bad idea, because we cannot turn our back on the most vulnerable. We can give them the coverage, reform the program, save some money and make sure that we live in a country where people are going to say, ‘At least somebody is looking out for me.’”

An outline of an ObamaCare replacement plan put forward by House Republicans on Thursday called for phasing out the Medicaid expansion by lowering the federal share of the cost back down to its traditional level, meaning that states would have to pour more of their own money into the program if they wanted to keep the expansion, a tall order.

 

Medicaid’s Role for Medicare Beneficiaries

Medicaid’s Role for Medicare Beneficiaries

Figure 2: Health and functioning of Medicare beneficiaries who receive Medicaid compared to other Medicare beneficiaries

Key Takeaways
 This brief describes the role that Medicaid plays for 10 million Medicare beneficiaries to help inform upcoming debates about proposals to restructure Medicaid financing in ways that could reduce federal funding.What is Medicaid’s Role for Medicare Beneficiaries?

  • Medicaid covers needed services that Medicare does not, such as long-term care in nursing homes and the community.  Medicaid also helps make Medicare affordable by covering Medicare premiums and/or cost-sharing, which can be high for people with low incomes.

Who are the Medicare Beneficiaries Who Receive Medicaid?

  • Nearly three in four Medicare beneficiaries who receive Medicaid have three or more chronic conditions, such as diabetes or heart disease, which can require regular doctor appointments, medication, and/or medical tests.
  • Over 60% of Medicare beneficiaries who receive Medicaid need help with daily self-care activities, such as eating, bathing, or dressing, which are important for independent living.
  • Nearly six in 10 Medicare beneficiaries who receive Medicaid have a cognitive or mental impairment, such as dementia, which can create the need for supports to live safely at home.

How Much Does Medicaid Spend on Medicare Beneficiaries? 

  • Medicare beneficiaries account for 14% of Medicaid enrollment but 36% of Medicaid spending, as a result of their more intensive health needs and service use compared to other Medicaid beneficiaries.
  • Nearly three-quarters of states devote more than 30% of their total Medicaid spending to Medicare beneficiaries, and spending for Medicare beneficiaries comprises more than 45% of Medicaid budgets in six states.

Looking Ahead

Because Medicaid spending for Medicare beneficiaries is disproportionate to their enrollment, policy changes that lead states to limit per enrollee Medicaid spending or cut costly services could especially affect these beneficiaries.  Medicare beneficiaries who receive Medicaid are poorer than other Medicare beneficiaries, and many have intensive medical and long-term care needs as a result of old age, disability, and chronic illness.  Medicare beneficiaries rely on Medicaid to cover expensive but necessary services, especially long-term care in the community and nursing homes, that are generally not available through Medicare or private insurance.  They also depend on Medicaid to make Medicare affordable because Medicare’s out-of-pocket costs can be high for those with low incomes.  In addition, because the share of state Medicaid budgets devoted to Medicare beneficiaries varies by state, any changes that limit federal Medicaid financing will impact individual states differently. Because changes to Medicaid’s financing structure could have significant consequences for enrollees and states, the potential implications warrant careful consideration for their impact on Medicare beneficiaries.

Understanding the Intersection of Medicaid and Work

http://kff.org/medicaid/issue-brief/understanding-the-intersection-of-medicaid-and-work/

Figure 3: Industries with largest number of workers covered by Medicaid, 2015

Issue Brief

Medicaid is the nation’s public health insurance program for people with low incomes. Overall, the Medicaid program covers more than 70 million Americans, or 1 in 5, including many with complex and costly needs for care. Historically, nonelderly, non-disabled adults accounted for a small share (27%) of Medicaid enrollees; however, the enactment and implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has expanded coverage to nonelderly adults with income up to 138% FPL, or $16,394 for an individual in 2016. As of January 2017, 32 states have implemented the ACA Medicaid expansion. By design, the expansion extended coverage to the working poor (both parents and childless adults), most of whom do not otherwise have access to affordable coverage. With the expansion to more “able-bodied” adults, questions have arisen about tying work to eligibility.

President Trump may consider waiver proposals with a work requirement, and the Administration and leaders in Congress are considering proposals to repeal the ACA and to transform Medicaid from an entitlement program with guaranteed federal matching dollars for states to a block grant with no entitlement and capped funding. Such proposals would grant states additional flexibility to design and administer their programs and potentially include an option to allow states to impose a work requirement for Medicaid beneficiaries, which is not allowed under current law.  This issue brief examines the work status of non-elderly, non-disabled adults with Medicaid coverage to understand the potential implications of work requirement proposals in Medicaid.

Key Takeaways
This brief provides an overview of work status of non-disabled, adult Medicaid enrollees and examines some of the policy proposals around tying Medicaid coverage to work.

  • Among non-disabled, non-elderly Medicaid adults (including parents and childless adults — the group targeted by the Medicaid expansion) nearly 8 in 10 live in working families, and a majority are working themselves. However, nearly half of working Medicaid enrollees are employed by small firms, and many work in industries with low ESI offer rates.
  • Among the non-disabled, non-elderly adult Medicaid enrollees who were not working, most report major impediments to their ability to work.
  • Under current law, states cannot impose a work requirement as a condition of Medicaid eligibility, but some states have sought to impose a work requirement for the Medicaid expansion population through waivers; the prior administration did not approve these requests.  The issue of work requirements may be re-examined by the new administration and may be debated in Congress as part of broader efforts to restructure Medicaid financing and core federal requirements.