
Cartoon – You got through the surgery fine



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Trump’s executive order will likely include a provision making it easier for employers to set aside some money, tax-free, to help their workers pay insurance premiums. This one hasn’t gotten as much attention yet as some of the other policies Trump is expected to pursue, but it’s a big deal — one insurers fear could push more people into a shaky market.
The details: Employers already can set aside some pre-tax dollars to help cover employees’ health care costs. Trump’s executive order will likely expand those programs so that they can be used to help employees cover the premiums for an individual insurance policy, an insurance industry official told me.
The reactions:
The unknowns: Dumping workers into the individual market, even with help paying their premiums, would likely trigger penalties under the Affordable Care Act’s employer mandate, the insurance official said. That might be a disincentive to use these new options — if the Trump administration were planning tough enforcement of the employer mandate.
The bottom line: Other sections of Trump’s executive order will likely pull healthy people out of the individual market; this one could push unhealthy people into it. Insurers are uneasy about both sides of that equation, and say they haven’t had a chance to offer the policy feedback previous administrations would have sought out.
Here’s a quick rundown of what else to expect from today’s executive order:
The policy:
http://www.healthcaredive.com/news/trump-healthcare-executive-order/507148/
Broadly, the executive order loosens the requirements health plans must meet and shifts regulation away from federal levels. This could lower out-of-pocket costs for people who don’t use much care, but would likely result in major cost increases for people with pre-existing conditions.
The biggest concern with offering these plans is that it would lead payers to cherry pick young, healthy people who are less expensive for payers. But separating them from people who will need services creates an unbalanced risk pool. That can quickly lead to prohibitive out-of-pocket costs for people who have a pre-existing condition or who unexpectedly need high-cost care.
There are still several steps to be taken before the order could have a real impact. HHS and the Department of Labor have been instructed to write new regulations which will go through the regular notice and comment process. The specifics of those regulations will be important to how the order ultimately plays out. Also, the order will almost certainly see a legal challenge. Still, it signals that Trump’s White House is ready to find ways of undercutting the ACA despite the high-profile legislative failures earlier this year.
It’s far from the first sign, though. HHS has drastically cut back efforts to promote this year’s open enrollment period, which begins Nov. 1. The ACA’s overall advertising budget was slashed by 90%, community groups that receive federal funding to help people enroll have been devastated by cuts and HHS recently barred regional directors from participating in enrollment events.
Short-term plans are inexpensive for people who are healthy, but they can exclude people with pre-existing conditions. They have previously been allowed for a limited stretch, such as three months, but extending that time and allowing these plans to count toward the individual mandate will mean an unstable risk pool.
Allowing plans to be sold across state lines is a staple of conservative health policy, but there is little reason to believe it would actually lower costs. There are also many unanswered questions about how these plans would be relegated.
President Trump is expected to sign an executive order on Obamacare this week that would allow people to buy cheaper health insurance with fewer regulations, targeting healthcare goals that eluded congressional Republicans all year.
The full details of the executive order have not been released, but enough information has been reported to reveal its overall framework. Trump would direct the Departments of Labor, Treasury and Health and Human Services to make changes to regulations so more people could band together to buy “association health plans” which would allow individuals or small businesses to band together, such as members of a Chamber of Commerce, to buy plans sold across state lines. The order also would allow people to buy short-term health insurance plans for longer than the Obama administration allowed and would encourage the use of health savings accounts.
Both association health plans and short-term plans are less expensive than Obamacare plans because they offer limited coverage. They don’t guarantee same-cost coverage, or any coverage, for people with pre-existing illnesses and they do not cover a broad range of medical care, from addiction treatment to maternity care.
Critics have referred to the plans as “junk insurance,” warning that expanding access to them would take customers back to the days before the passage of Obamacare, formally known as the Affordable Care Act. They also warn that providing such options would peel more people from Obamacare’s exchanges, leaving an even sicker — and costly — population with Obamacare plans.
But people who don’t receive federal help paying for their premiums, meaning people who make more than $48,240 for an individual or $98,400 for a family of four, and who do not have a pre-existing illness, may look to use one of the options. Many of those customers are facing double-digit premium increases in 2018. The number of people who have unsubsidized health insurance is pegged at anywhere from 6 to 9 million people. Some will face insurance that is so expensive that under Obamacare they will not be required to pay the law’s penalty if they decide not to get coverage.
The executive order could offer an alternative, but it’s not clear how quickly the plans will become available to customers. Open enrollment for Obamacare begins Nov. 1 and runs through Dec. 15, and officials at the different agencies may not be able to change regulations in time for the start of 2018. The White House declined to provide details about the timeline for implementing the executive order.
Kathy Bakich, national health compliance practice leader at Segal Consulting, said the association health plan regulations may take longer than the short-term plans because the administration may have to propose new rules and take public comments, which could take months. The original rules took more than a decade to create, she said.
“There is a legitimate need in the marketplace for new types of systems to allow small employers to band together,” she said. “Whether this is the right way to do it is a tough question.”
It’s not clear how far the changes to the regulations can go. Depending on how they are written, they raise potential openings for fraud or for insolvency if claims exceed an association’s ability to pay them out, because states won’t be able to regulate plans that are sold elsewhere to crack down on problems or revoke licensing. Bakich raised the possibility of another option, known as reinsurance, that would inject federal funding into the exchanges so that higher-cost claims were paid for while others who have coverage would not see premium increases, but there is little appetite among most Republicans for such a proposal.
Instead, association health plans have been pushed even among House members, who passed a bill to allow more of them earlier this year.
“Unlike larger organizations, America’s small businesses are limited in their ability to negotiate for lower healthcare costs for their millions of employees,” said Rep. Virginia Foxx, R-N.C., chairwoman of the House Education and the Workforce Committee. “It’s time to level the playing field. That’s why the committee advanced and the House passed common-sense legislation to allow small businesses to band together through association health plans.”
Trump had been discussing the idea of association health plans with Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., for months. On Tuesday he said on Twitter that he was moving to act because Congress “can’t get its act together on healthcare.” Paul chimed in as well, sharing Trump’s tweet and calling it a “great plan” and a “big deal for millions of Americans.”
“Sen. Paul brought this idea to President Trump as a way to fix many problems in the individual market without more regulations and spending,” Doug Stafford, chief strategist for Paul’s political action committee, said in an email. “They have worked on this for quite some time now and are pleased it will be enacted soon.”
The association health plans could allow members of different industries to band together or allow individuals to join in. The proposal has been billed as one that would allow people to buy insurance across state lines because health plans could be located in states with fewer regulations, which would make them less expensive.
The proposal on short-term plans may be easier to tackle. The Obama administration changed the rules for short-term plans in fall 2016, saying they could be offered for only 90 days at a time, meaning that a customer’s deductible would renew if he were to purchase a plan again at a later date. Prior to that, insurers stretched the definition of “short-term,” with some providing coverage for as long as 364 days. It’s not clear what the difference in pricing will be, but in 2016 the average price for an Obamacare premium was $393 a month and short-term plans averaged about $124 a month. By 2017 unsubsidized premiums for mid-level Obamacare plans had risen across the country by an average of 22 percent and are expected to rise in the double-digits again next year.
Insurers have said that the increases are a result of uncertainty over how the Trump administration or Congress would change Obamacare, but also from incurring losses from selling the plans, which younger, healthier and cheaper enrollees haven’t flocked to.
Obamacare, Bakich said, left a gap in terms of dealing with people who don’t think they can afford the robust coverage and also say they don’t want a wide range of services.
“They just want to be protected from bankruptcy and buy the catastrophic plan and be protected from losing everything in a medical crisis,” she said.
Kev Coleman, head of research and data for HealthPocket, a website that helps consumers compare and buy health plans, said he is a proponent of allowing short-term plans to be used for a longer period, saying that industry data show people use them for about six months and that they are meant to be transitional.
Short-term plans and Obamacare plans have locked in rates with states for 2018 and that will not change the individual market, he said.
He also disputed that the short-term plans would be destabilizing to the Obamacare exchange, noting that the Obama-era regulations went into effect in April and that the number of people who used them previously were small. Data from 2015 peg customers at 148,100.
“This market has been around for decades and it hasn’t been a destabilizing force,” Coleman said.
Larry Levitt, senior vice president for special initiatives at the Kaiser Family Foundation, said on Twitter that people who don’t receive subsidies but who have pre-existing illnesses such as cancer or diabetes would be particularly vulnerable because the short-term and association plans wouldn’t cover their medical needs.
“Short-term insurance plans can offer inexpensive coverage to currently healthy people, but they would exclude people with pre-existing conditions,” he wrote. “If healthy people can enroll in short-term plans and avoid the individual mandate penalty, the ACA marketplaces could collapse. Anything that creates a parallel insurance market for healthy people will lead to unaffordable coverage for sick people.”
But Coleman said working within the existing Obamacare system hasn’t worked.
“Politicians interested in optimizing the health of ACA risk pools would be well-advised to work backwards from consumers’ insurance priorities in order to arrive at a compelling market solution,” Coleman said. “You can’t achieve healthy risk pools without a product that has broad appeal.”
https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/10/8/16439492/trump-obamacare-association-health-plans

With a repeal bill off the table, the Trump administration has drafted an executive order that could blow a huge hole in the Affordable Care Act, according to a source with direct knowledge of the plan.
The order would, in effect, exempt many association health plans, groups of small businesses that pool together to buy health insurance, from core Obamacare requirements like the coverage of certain essential health benefits. It would potentially allow individuals to join these plans too, which would put individual insurance marketplaces in serious peril by drawing younger and healthier people away from them.
The draft order is also said to broaden the definition of short-term insurance, which is also exempt from the law’s regulations. Together, these changes represent a serious threat to Obamacare: President Trump seems ready to open more loopholes for more people to buy insurance outside the health care law’s markets, which experts anticipate would destabilize the market for customers who are left behind with higher premiums and fewer insurers.
“This appears to be a backdoor way of undermining the Affordable Care Act,” Kevin Lucia, who studies the markets at Georgetown University, said of the alleged changes.
It’s possible that the order could change before Trump signs it, or never be signed at all, as has happened with other executive orders in the past. The details of the order as described, though, generally match up with what had been expected after Trump said he would soon issue an executive order on health care. Association health plans have been a priority for Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), who has urged Trump to expand them.
The White House declined to comment when Vox inquired about the pending order. A senior administration official detailed the outline of the executive order to the Wall Street Journalon Saturday evening, which aligns with the description provided to Vox.
On Tuesday morning, Trump promised that his forthcoming actions would provide “great HealthCare to many people.”
But experts have warned they could significantly destabilize the Obamacare markets.
An association health plan, as Vox’s Sarah Kliff has previously explained, is a way for a group of small businesses pool together to buy insurance, giving them more purchasing power and access to cheaper premiums. A group of bakeries, for example, might form a bakers association and purchase health coverage together. The most famous examples have been farm bureaus, which allowed independent farming businesses to band together and get insurance.
Before Obamacare, national associations could pick and choose which states’ insurance rules they wanted to follow and use those rules to guide the plans they offered nationwide. The bakers association could choose to follow the rules for, say, the Alabama insurance market, which mandates coverage of relatively few benefits, for all its bakeries in New York, a state with many mandates.
The result was often health insurance that skirted state rules and was a better deal for businesses with young and healthy employees, who are likely to prefer skimpier health plans. The former insurance regulator described the situation prior to the ACA to Kliff as being “a race to the bottom, with some associations offering lower-cost plans that covered virtually nothing.”
Obamacare changed these rules. Association health plans were treated as small businesses and were therefore required to cover all of the law’s mandated benefits.
Essential health benefits, mandating that insurers cover everything from hospital care to prescription drugs to maternity care, are central to the ACA’s insurance protections: They prevent plans from crafting their coverage to attract mostly young and healthy customers at the expense of older and sicker people, which had been one of the primary problems with the association health plan model before the law.
Requiring association health plans to follow the same rules as small businesses was one of the many ways the Affordable Care Act cracked down on skimpy health plans. Trump is now looking to roll back those changes.
Under the draft executive order as described, new regulations would allow association health plans to be considered large employers when it comes to health insurance. Large employers are not subjected to the same rules as individual or small-group plans under Obamacare. Most notably, they do not have to cover all of the law’s essential health benefits or meet the requirement that insurance cover a minimal percentage of a person’s medical bills.
If that change were made, association health plans would be freed to craft skimpier (and cheaper) health plans that appeal only to businesses with younger and healthier employees. Small businesses left in Obamacare’s marketplace would likely face higher costs and fewer options as the market became less attractive to insurers.
“It will destroy the small-group market,” Tim Jost, a law professor at Washington and Lee University who generally supports Obamacare, told me. “We’ll be back to where we were before the Affordable Care Act.”
The draft order did not specify whether individuals would also be allowed to buy into these associations health plans, as some Republicans like Paul want. But, according to the source, the regulations resulting from the order could potentially be written to allow self-employed people to buy into the now-deregulated association market, which would be an even bigger blow to Obamacare.
The self-employed individuals likely to flee the law’s markets for association plans would probably be younger and healthier, leaving behind an older, sicker pool for the remaining Obamacare plans. That has the makings of a death spiral, with ever-increasing premiums and insurers deciding to leave the market altogether.
“The ability for individuals to purchase health insurance through an association really puts the individual market at risk and destabilizes it over the long term,” Lucia said. “When you have market segmentation, it over time leads to higher premiums and it becomes less attractive to carriers.”
Trump’s executive order would also expand what’s called short-term limited duration insurance. These short-term policies typically have higher out-of-pocket costs and cover fewer services than traditional insurance. They were designed for people who, for example, expect to be out of work and therefore without insurance for a limited period of time.
That kind of coverage is totally free from the health care law’s insurance regulations: the mandate to cover essential health benefits, the prohibition on charging sick people more than healthy people or denying people coverage based on their medical history, and so on.
Short-term insurance had previously been allowed to last as long as 364 days. The Obama administration, in an effort to curtail the use of such coverage to circumvent the health care law, shortened it to three months. Trump’s draft order would reverse that rule, once again allowing people to buy this non-Obamacare coverage for almost an entire year, my source said.
The effect would be much the same as the changes to association health plans: Healthier people would be the consumers most likely to use this escape hatch to find cheaper, if far less comprehensive, coverage outside of Obamacare — though they would still be subject to the law’s individual mandate, as short-term insurance is not considered sufficient.
“If you allow them to sell 364-day policies, or policies that are renewable, that’s just going to suck a lot of the healthy people out of the individual market,” Jost said.
And here, again, fewer healthy people in the Obamacare market means higher costs to insurers, which leads to higher premiums and possibly more insurers dropping out.
“Consumers are going to face a less stable, less competitive individual market,” Lucia said.
The ultimate impact on Obamacare will depend on the final language of the executive order Trump signs. But based on the draft described to me, Trump is readying the devastating blow to the health care law that congressional Republicans have so far failed to deliver.

The Senate left town on Thursday for more than a week without reaching a deal to stabilize Obamacare’s marketplaces.
Talks between Democrats and Republicans started up again in earnest late last month after the GOP’s latest attempt at Obamacare repeal collapsed. However, the Senate left town Thursday without finalizing any deal, although negotiators pledged to continue talks.
Meanwhile, the Senate is in recess all of next week and won’t return until Oct. 16, just a few weeks before 2018 open enrollment starts on Nov. 1. A Senate aide said there is “no question a sense of urgency if you want to have impact on 2018.”
Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., leading the Republican side of the talks, said Thursday that Democrats and Republicans remain in good faith negotiations.
When asked if it was too late to reach an agreement to affect the 2018 coverage year, Alexander quickly responded “no.”
Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., did not give a timeline for when to finish a deal.
“We are absolutely working on this. No one should think this is easy,” she said.
Some senators were perturbed they are leaving for a week without any bipartisan plan.
“I had hoped that we would pass before leaving town a bill that would help stabilize the insurance markets and lower premiums,” said Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, a major proponent of an agreement.
The basic framework of the agreement is funding insurer subsidies in exchange for giving more flexibility to states for waivers.
The subsidies reimburse insurers for lowering copays and deductibles for low-income Obamacare customers. The Trump administration has been making the payments month to month but has not made a commitment to the payments for 2018, which insurers have been pleading with them to do.
Republicans want in exchange for the subsidies greater flexibility and a quicker approval process for states to waive Obamacare regulations for insurers. States have complained the current process for approving waivers by the federal government is slow and burdensome and they want fewer constraints on what regulations they can waive.
Alexander said earlier this week the two sides have “differences in opinion on what amounts to giving states meaningful flexibility in exchange for two years of cost-reduction payments.”
Insurers are already finalizing rates for next year and some could charge higher rates without the subsidies.
For instance, Highmark Blue Cross Blue Shield in Delaware announced Thursday it will raise Obamacare rates by 25 percent next year, according to Delaware Online. The insurer said the rate request was based on the uncertainty surrounding the payments and questions around whether the federal government will enforce the individual mandate that forces people to have insurance.
The nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation has estimated that rates for silver plans, the most popular of Obamacare’s three metal tier plans, will go up 19 percent without the payments.

For months, officials in Republican-controlled Iowa had sought federal permission to revitalize their ailing health-insurance marketplace. Then President Trump read about the request in a newspaper story and called the federal director weighing the application.
Trump’s message in late August was clear, according to individuals who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations: Tell Iowa no.
Supporters of the Affordable Care Act see the president’s opposition even to changes sought by conservative states as part of a broader campaign by his administration to undermine the 2010 health-care law. In addition to trying to cut funding for the ACA, the Trump administration also is hampering state efforts to control premiums. In the case of Iowa, that involved a highly unusual intervention by the president himself.
And with the fifth enrollment season set to begin Nov. 1, advocates say the Health and Human Services Department has done more to suppress the number of people signing up than to boost it. HHS has slashed grants to groups that help consumers get insurance coverage, for example. It also has cut the enrollment period in half, reduced the advertising budget by 90 percent and announced an outage schedule that would make the HealthCare.gov website less available than last year.
The White House also has yet to commit to funding the cost-sharing reductions that help about 7 million lower-income Americans afford out-of-pocket expenses on their ACA health plans. Trump has regularly threatened to block them and, according to an administration official who was not authorized to speak publicly, officials are considering action to end the payments in November.
The uncertainty has driven premium prices much higher for 2018. A possible move by the Treasury Department to ease the requirement that most Americans obtain coverage could further erode a core element of the law.
On Friday, Sen. Margaret Wood Hassan (D-N.H.) called on the administration to abandon its “attempts to sabotage health care markets and raise health care costs for millions.” Such efforts, warn health advocates as well as state and local officials, will translate into more uninsured Americans.
“In Ohio, the Trump administration has already inflicted the damage,” said Lisa Hamler-Fugitt, executive director of the Ohio Association of Foodbanks. After its nearly $1.7 million enrollment-assistance grant was cut 72 percent last month, the group decided it no longer could effectively participate. “We are past the point of no return on this,” Hamler-Fugitt said.
HHS has told its regional administrators not to even meet with on-the-ground organizations about enrollment. The late decision, which department spokesman Matt Lloyd said was made because such groups organize and implement events “with their own agenda,” left leaders of grass-roots organizations feeling stranded.
“I don’t think it’s too much to ask the agency tasked with outreach and enrollment to be involved with that,” said Roy Mitchell, executive director for the Mississippi Health Advocacy Program, which receives no federal funding for its ACA efforts. “There’s money for HHS to fly around on private jets, but there’s not money and resources to do outreach in Mississippi.”
Administration officials make no apologies for actions scaling back federal support for the ACA, also known as Obamacare. Trump, Vice President Pence and those carrying out the law at different agencies take most every opportunity to claim that it is failing. HHS Secretary Tom Price’s abrupt resignation Friday, prompted by the furor over his use of expensive chartered planes for work trips, is not expected to shift this overall approach.
“Obamacare has never lived up to enrollment expectations despite the previous administration’s best efforts,” Lloyd said in an email last week. “The American people know a bad deal when they see one, and many won’t be convinced to sign up for ‘Washington-knows-best’ health coverage that they can’t afford.”
Trump and his aides also are looking for ways to loosen the existing law’s requirements, now that the latest congressional attempt to repeal it outright has failed. The Treasury Department may broaden the ACA’s “hardship exemption” so that taxpayers don’t face costly penalties for failing to obtain coverage, a Republican briefed on the plan said. That is sure to depress enrollment among the younger, healthier consumers whom insurers count on to help buffer the health-care costs of sicker customers.
“We should fully expect the Trump administration to take a more activist route to deal with Obamacare, given the inability of Congress to move through with a repeal-and-replace bill,” said Lanhee Chen, a research fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.
While the law’s open enrollment period has attracted the most public attention, a more obscure battle within the administration over several states’ proposed changes for their marketplaces speaks volumes about the president’s approach to the law.
It was a Wall Street Journal article about Iowa’s request that provoked Trump’s ire, according to an individual briefed on the exchange. The story detailed how officials had just submitted the application for a Section 1332 waiver — a provision that allows states to adjust how they are implementing the ACA as long as they can prove it would not translate into lost or less-affordable coverage.
Iowa’s aim was to foster more competition and better prices. The story said other states hoping to stabilize their situations were watching closely.
Trump first tried to reach Price, the individual recounted, but the secretary was traveling in Asia and unavailable. The president then called Seema Verma, administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, the agency charged with authorizing or rejecting Section 1332 applications. CMS had been working closely with Iowa as it fine-tuned its submission.
State Insurance Commissioner Doug Ommen has repeatedly described the “Iowa Stopgap Measure” as critical to expanding marketplace options there. The plan would abolish the ACA exchange there and convert consumer subsidies into a type of GOP-styled tax credit. New financial buffers would help insurers handle customers with particularly high medical expenses.
Without the measure, “over 20,000 middle class farmers, early retirees and self-employed Iowans will likely either go uninsured or leave Iowa,” Ommen warned in a Sept. 19 statement. Those who sign up for 2018 exchange coverage face premium rate increases of 57 percent on average from the single insurer participating.
Some administration officials are still pressing for the waiver to be granted, according to interviews with several Republicans. The HHS spokesman confirmed last week that Iowa’s application “has been deemed complete and is currently under review” but did not address the president’s directive on the matter.
Eliot Fishman oversaw such waivers at CMS during the previous administration and said in an interview that President Barack Obama weighed in on those decisions only in “unusual” cases” toward the end of the process.
“Things that are tough calls typically go to the president, but they go with a [staff] recommendation that often carries a great deal of weight,” said Fishman, now senior director of health policy for the liberal health-care advocacy group Families USA.
Iowa is not the only red state to chafe at the administration’s unwillingness to allow more flexibility.
On Friday, Oklahoma sent a letter to Price and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin saying it was withdrawing its federal waiver request because administration officials had not provided an answer “after months of development, negotiation, and near daily communication over the past six weeks.”
“While we appreciate the work of your staff, the lack of timely waiver approval will prevent thousands of Oklahomans from realizing the benefits of significantly lower insurance premiums in 2018,” wrote Terry Cline, the state’s health secretary.
In at least one case, CMS has approved a waiver in a way that upended a state’s plan to maximize health coverage for its residents. Minnesota applied to CMS for permission to establish a reinsurance program, which can lower premiums by giving insurers a guarantee that they will have limited financial exposure for customers with particularly high medical expenses. The agency informed Gov. Mark Dayton (D) on Sept. 22 that it would provide $323 million for the program since the lower premiums would mean savings to the federal government on subsidies to Minnesotans with ACA health plans.
But, Verma added, the federal government also would cut $369 million in funding for a separate program aimed at residents who earn between 138 percent and 200 percent of the federal poverty level and don’t qualify for the same subsidies.
Minnesota’s entire congressional delegation, Democrats and Republicans alike, issued a joint statement saying they were “disappointed that our state is facing a last-minute penalty” and “exploring possible paths forward.”
Sen. Patty Murray (Wash.), the top Democrat on the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, said Trump should devote time to forging a bipartisan agreement to stabilize the ACA marketplaces.
“If he is only interested in sabotaging the market, that is a dangerous road for him to ride, because he will own it,” she said.
The bottom line: The “medical bills score” is the single most important measure of how we are doing in health care from the public’s perspective. And ultimately, if Congress ever passes a new health care bill, it is how the public will evaluate that plan — from Graham-Cassidy to Medicare for All and everything in between.
The numbers that matter: As we found in a Kaiser Family Foundation poll in February:
It makes sense that people who use more care have more health care bills, but it also reveals how poorly our system performs from a consumer perspective when people who need care the most are protected the least by insurance coverage.
The impact: People are not just whining about necessary cost sharing. In a survey we did with the New York Times, we found that:
Not surprisingly, the uninsured (41%) are more likely to have problems paying medical bills. But this is not a problem limited to the uninsured: 30% of the insured – think voters — have problems with medical bills.
The back story: The share of the public reporting problems paying their medical bills has not moved much in recent years. The Affordable Care Act has extended coverage and better financial protection to tens of millions, but it doesn’t have much of an impact on affordability beyond people covered by the Medicaid expansion and the marketplaces.
In the far larger employer-based health insurance sector, deductibles and other forms of cost sharing have been growing about five times faster than wages, and deductibles have been growing especially sharply for people who work for smaller employers. .
What to watch: Health care is a pocketbook issue for most of the public and the American people have their own scoring system. They may give this or that mostly partisan response about a health reform idea on a poll, but until they see how they’ll get help paying their health care bills, they will ultimately be disappointed by every health reform plan.