Battle heats up between Stanford Health Care, union over hospital charge initiative

https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/human-capital-and-risk/battle-heats-up-between-stanford-health-care-union-over-care-cost-initiative.html?origin=bhre&utm_source=bhre

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Stanford (Calif.) Health Care and an employees union are disputing over a November ballot initiative to place a 15 percent cap on hospital charges in Palo Alto, Calif., The Stanford Daily reported.

Seven things to know:

1. The ballot initiative, initially filed in May, would place a 15 percent cap on the amount Palo Alto-based hospitals can charge in excess of direct patient care costs. Hospitals, medical clinics and other providers in Palo Alto would have to refund payers for charges exceeding the 15 percent cap within 180 days of each fiscal year.

2. The Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West sponsored the measure. It represents healthcare workers at Stanford Health Care — which has a main campus in Palo Alto.

3. Stanford University announced its opposition to the measure in a Sept. 28 statement.

The measure “would threaten Stanford Health Care’s ability to provide top-quality healthcare to patients from Palo Alto and across the region,” officials said.

“Such a policy is estimated to reduce Stanford Health Care’s budget by 25 percent, requiring significant cutbacks and the possible closure of many services and programs that are essential to high-quality healthcare in the local area.”

4. Union spokesperson Sean Wherley argued the measure will provide accountability for local healthcare providers and the city, according to the report.

“This is about transparency [and] letting people understand how much [they] are being charged, and why [they] are being charged so much more than the clinic down the street or in the neighboring community,” he told The Stanford Daily. “This is our chance as an organization to get healthcare costs under control.”

5. The union has also taken issue with Stanford Health Care’s profits, but the system said these are necessary resources to maintain its specialists, facilities and community benefit program, and that the system invests all its profit margin.

6. Palo Alto City Council members voted this summer to oppose the measure. According to the report, they attributed the decision to not having adequate bureaucratic infrastructure to regulate healthcare charges from local providers.

7. As of Oct. 3, the political action committee of the union and the opposition committee — Protect Our Local Hospitals and Health Care — had spent a combined $1.8 million on the measure.

 

GOP defeats bid to cancel expansion of Obamacare-evading plans

https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2018/oct/10/gop-defeats-bid-cancel-expansion-obamacare-evading/

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Senate Republicans turned back a Democratic bid Wednesday to kill President Trump’s plan to expand the sale of health plans that fall short of Obamacare’s rules, saying Americans who buy insurance on their own need more options, not fewer.

Sen. Susan Collins, Maine Republican, sided with Democrats in the 50-50 vote, though the resolution needed a majority to advance.

Its defeat was never in doubt, really, though the vote allowed Democrats to paint Republicans as “junk plan” peddlers who don’t care about people with preexisting conditions who might pay more for robust coverage, as healthier people who cross-subsidize their costs ditch Obamacare for skimpier options.

This administration wants to let these junk insurance plans run rampant and let people be duped into thinking they’re having insurance when it covers almost nothing,” Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer said. “They are a massive risk to any family who purchases them, and worse, they cause rates to go up for everyone else.”

Democrats are elevating their defense of health coverage for sicker Americans this mid-term season, citing polling that shows GOP threats to undo Obamacare’s protections for preexisting conditions are unpopular.

Sen. Tammy Baldwin, Wisconsin Democrat facing re-election, pushed Wednesday’s resolution under the Congressional Review Act, which gives Capitol Hill a chance to veto new rules and regulations.

She targeted a Trump rule, finalized in August, that would allow companies to sell “short-term” health plans that fall short of Obamacare’s full coverage menu, and to allow Americans to hold the plans for up to a year.

President Barack Obama himself allowed consumers to hold short-term insurance for a full year until 2016, when he capped short-term plans at three months.

Republicans were quick to point that out, although Mr. Trump’s regulation would let consumers renew for an additional two years.

The administration and its GOP allies say Americans have been priced out of Obamacare’s market, so invalidating Mr. Trump’s attempt to extend a lifeline would be cruel.

“Surely, they must have a better answer than snatching away one of the remaining options that some Americans still prefer,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said.

“Our constituents deserve more options, not fewer,” he said. “The last thing we should do is destroy one of the options that still is actually working for American families.”

 

VERMA TOUTS 1.5% DROP IN BENCHMARK PREMIUMS FOR 2019

https://www.healthleadersmedia.com/finance/verma-touts-15-drop-benchmark-premiums-2019?utm_source=silverpop&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=ENL_181011_LDR_BRIEFING%20%281%29&spMailingID=14415399&spUserID=MTY3ODg4NTg1MzQ4S0&spJobID=1500882623&spReportId=MTUwMDg4MjYyMwS2

The data on second-lowest-cost silver plans for next year come two weeks after HHS Secretary Alex Azar praised President Trump for halting premium hikes, despite critics’ contentions to the contrary.

Celebrating the news as “especially gratifying,” Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services Administrator Seema Verma released data Thursday morning showing that premiums for health plans on the federally facilitated exchange will drop next year for the first time since the Affordable Care Act took effect.

After years of double-digit increases, the average premium for second-lowest-cost silver plans will drop 1.5%, from $412 in 2018 to $406 in 2019, according to preliminary CMS data on the 39 states that use the federal ACA exchange. The final data are slated for release next month.

During a call with reporters, Verma said the ACA is still a broken piece of legislation that Congress should replace. Even so, President Donald Trump and his administration deserve credit for bringing these premiums down despite the less-than-ideal circumstances, she said, rejecting claims from critics who have argued Trump’s team has been sabotaging the ACA since Inauguration Day.

“Despite predictions that our actions would increase rates and destabilize the markets, the opposite has happened,” Verma said in a statement. “The drop in benchmark plan premiums for plan year 2019 and the increased choices for Americans seeking insurance on the exchanges is proof positive that our actions are working.”

“While we are encouraged by this progress, we aren’t satisfied,” she added. “Even with this reduction, average rates are still too high. If we are going to truly offer affordable, high quality healthcare, ultimately the law needs to change.”

The release of 2019 premium data comes two weeks after Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar said benchmark ACA premiums would drop 2% next year. Azar heaped praise on Trump for the good news, but critics noted that rates are flattening out for 2019 after a significant jump for 2018 in response to the Trump administration’s healthcare policymaking.

The 1.5% decrease follows last year’s 36.9% increase, which was significantly higher than the 25.4% increase heading into 2017, according to the CMS data released Thursday.

Larry Levitt, senior vice president for health reform at the Kaiser Family Foundation, said last month that insurers on the exchange “overshot” their premium increases last year, which explains both their high profit margins at present and the average decrease for next year. That being said, although the Trump administration has taken steps to undermine the ACA, some of the administration’s actions have promoted stability, Levitt added Thursday.

Beyond premiums, though, Verma noted also that fewer insurers are dropping out of the exchanges, and some are returning. Most counties on the federal exchange, 56%, had only one issuer this year, but that figure will drop to 39% next year. There were 10 states with only one insurer this year, but that number will drop to four in 2019.

 

 

The Health 202: Preexisting Conditions

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/paloma/the-health-202/2018/10/12/the-health-202-republicans-play-defense-on-preexisting-conditions/5bbf91061b326b7c8a8d194b/?utm_term=.1a2bca86b60d

THE PROGNOSIS

With less than a month before the midterm elections, endangered Republican lawmakers are mounting a defense against attacks they’re trying to dismantle a core element of the health-care law they fought to eliminate.

Democratic candidates on the campaign trail now regularly accuse Republicans of wanting to take away health-care protections for people with preexisting conditions. They’ve pointed to a lawsuit brought by 20 attorneys general in Republican-led states aiming to overturn the Affordable Care Act as proof the GOP wants to let such protections go down with the health-care law. That’s after Republicans whiffed in their effort to repeal and replace the ACA  last summer.

Vulnerable Republican contenders are responding to the slams by airing campaign ads saying they embrace this portion of the ACA. They’re also introducing a wave of bills in Congress they say would protect those with prior illnesses from losing access to affordable health care. But experts question the efficacy of those measures, saying they seem more designed as protection against Democratic attacks than significant policy solutions, as I helped report in a story with Colby Itkowitz this week.

In August, 10 Senate Republicans, including Sen. Dean Heller of Nevada, one of the most vulnerable GOP senators facing reelection in November, sponsored a bill to guarantee protections for patients with preexisting conditions regardless of whether the ACA is struck down in court.

The bill, spearheaded by Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), would guarantee that insurers sold plans to individuals regardless of whether they have preexisting conditions. But critics and health-policy experts contend the bill leaves a loophole that would exclude coverage for certain services associated with those conditions. For example, a person with cancer wouldn’t be denied coverage, but the insurer wouldn’t be required to cover that patient’s cancer treatments.

Larry Levitt, senior vice president for health reform at the Kaiser Family Foundation, explained the Justice Department’s argument in the Texas lawsuit that certain provisions of the ACA should be thrown out, including a “preexisting condition exclusion prohibition.”

Levitt said that such exclusions were common before Obamacare. While Tillis’s bill would restore some parts of the ACA if the Texas lawsuit is successful, it wouldn’t change rules that prohibit insurers from excluding coverage for those with prior illnesses.

“The thing about insurance regulation is it’s kind of like plumbing: A small leak becomes a big leak,” Levitt said. “Insurers would take advantage of that loophole.”

Tillis spokesman Daniel Keylin pushed back on those criticisms and said they are based on an assumed outcome of the Texas lawsuit.

Keylin said there have been “misleading and inaccurate claims made about this bill, claims that assume the courts will strike down the entirety of the Affordable Care Act in Texas versus United States.”

Keylin said the Tillis bill wasn’t meant to be “comprehensive health-care legislation,” or the “totality of Congress’s answer to the Affordable Care Act falling.”

“There is obviously no ironclad way to precisely predict how the court will rule. However, this legislation is an important preemptive step toward getting feedback, hashing out ideas, and underscoring the importance of protecting Americans with preexisting conditions,” Keylin said

He said Tillis would consider “modifications or amendments” to the measure if the court ruling goes beyond what the bill addresses.

On the House side, Rep. Steve Knight (R-Calif.), locked in a tight race in California’s 25th district, introduced a bill last month similar to Tillis’s proposal. Two other vulnerable Republican congressmen also introduced nonbinding resolutions affirming their support for protecting those with preexisting conditions, though neither contains substantive policy solutions.

Iowa Republican Rep. David Young’s resolution says regardless of what happens to the ACA, Congress should retain protections for preexisting condition. Texas Republican Rep. Pete Sessions’s resolution says states should be allowed the authority to restructure their individual health-care marketplaces, but should ensure people with preexisting conditions can access affordable coverage.

“It seems not to be politically acceptable anymore to be against protecting people with preexisting conditions,” Levitt said, pointing to all the Republican proposals. “If you look at an example, like Sen. Tillis’s bill, it shows how wide a gap there can be between a state of desire to protect people and the reality of what an actual piece of legislation does.”

For their parts, spokespeople for Young and Sessions said the congressmen’s views on protecting patients with certain conditions are not new. In a statement, Knight said he has “always advocated” for such coverage.

“He’s always been supportive of protecting preexisting conditions going back to the [American Health Care Act]. This is just another step,” Young spokesman Cole Staudt said.  “This is not a new position for him.”

Sessions, Young and Knight voted to repeal the ACA, though Young co-sponsored an amendment to the Republican bill that would have buffered the impact of the repeal on people with preexisting conditions. Staudt added  that Young would consider introducing  legislation in the future depending on the outcome of the Texas lawsuit.

Yet Joel Ario, managing director of Manatt Health and former director of the Health and Human Service’s Office of Health Insurance Exchanges, said any proposal that “deviates from what was originally in the ACA as a single risk pool concept is going to disadvantage people with preexisting conditions.”

He pointed to Republicans’ record opposing individual pieces of Obamacare, pointing to the elimination of the individual mandate in the GOP tax overhaul:  “Anybody who voted for the mandate repeal voted against people with preexisting conditions,” he said.

Ario called GOP messaging ahead of the midterms a response to public polling that shows how important preexisting condition coverage is to voters.

“Republicans are trying to play into public support for protecting preexisting conditions,” he said, adding they’re “ignoring the fact that their previous action disadvantaged people with preexisting conditions.”

 

Percentage of young U.S. children who don’t receive any vaccines has quadrupled since 2001

https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/percentage-of-young-us-children-who-dont-receive-any-vaccines-has-quadrupled-since-2001/2018/10/11/4a9cca98-cd0d-11e8-920f-dd52e1ae4570_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.bff48313afaa&wpisrc=al_health__alert-hse&wpmk=1

A small but increasing number of children in the United States are not getting some or all of their recommended vaccinations. The percentage of children under 2 years old who haven’t received any vaccinations has quadrupled in the last 17 years, according to federal health data released Thursday.

Overall, immunization rates remain high and haven’t changed much at the national level. But a pair of reports from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention about immunizations for preschoolers and kindergartners highlights a growing concern among health officials and clinicians about children who aren’t getting the necessary protection against vaccine-preventable diseases, such as measles, whooping cough and other pediatric infectious diseases.

The vast majority of parents across the country vaccinate their children and follow recommended schedules for this basic preventive practice. But the recent upswing in vaccine skepticism and outright refusal to vaccinate has spawned communities of undervaccinated children who are more susceptible to disease and pose health risks to the broader public.

Of children born in 2015, 1.3 percent had not received any of the recommended vaccinations, according to a CDC analysis of a national 2017 immunization survey. That compared with 0.9 percent in 2011 and with 0.3 percent of 19- to 35-month-olds who had not received any immunizations when surveyed in 2001. Assuming the same proportion of children born in 2016 didn’t get any vaccinations, about 100,000 children who are now younger than 2 aren’t vaccinated against 14 potentially serious illnesses, said Amanda Cohn, a pediatrician and CDC’s senior adviser for vaccines. Even though that figure is a tiny fraction of the estimated 8 million children born in the last two years who are getting vaccinated, the trend has officials worried.

“This is something we’re definitely concerned about,” Cohn said. “We know there are parents who choose not to vaccinate their kids . . . there may be parents who want to and aren’t able to” get their children immunized.

Some diseases, like measles, have made a return in the United States because parents in some areas have failed or chosen not to vaccinate their children. Last year, Minnesota suffered a measles outbreak, the state’s worst in decades. It was sparked by anti-vaccine activists who targeted an immigrant community, spreading misinformation about the measles vaccine. Most of the 75 confirmed cases were young, unvaccinated Somali American children.

The data underlying the latest reports do not explain the reason for the increase in unvaccinated children. In some cases, parents hesitate or refuse to immunize, officials and experts said. Insurance coverage and an urban-rural disparity are likely other reasons for the troubling rise.

Among children aged 19 months to 35 months in rural areas, about 2 percent received no vaccinations in 2017. That is double the number of unvaccinated children living in urban areas.

The new data shows health insurance plays a significant role, as well. About 7 percent of uninsured children in this age group were not vaccinated in 2017, compared with 0.8 percent of privately insured children and 1 percent of those covered by Medicaid.

Those differences are concerning because uninsured and Medicaid-insured children are eligible for free immunizations under the federally funded Vaccines for Children program.

“Parents may not be aware of this, so this may be an education issue,” Cohn said.

Other issues, such as child care, transportation and a shortage of pediatricians in rural areas, are also likely to affect vaccination coverage.

A second report on vaccination coverage for children entering kindergarten in 2017 also showed a gradual increase in the percentage who were exempted from immunization requirements. (The exemptions do not distinguish between one vaccine versus all vaccines.)

Eighteen states allow parents to opt their children out of school immunization requirements for nonmedical reasons, with exemptions for religious or philosophical beliefs.

The overall percentage of children with an exemption was low, 2.2 percent. But the report noted “this was the third consecutive school year that a slight increase was observed.” The report does not provide a breakdown, but the majority of exemptions are nonmedical, according to data reported by the states.

Saad Omer, a professor of global health, epidemiology and pediatrics at Emory University, said that an analysis he and colleagues conducted a few years ago found the rate of increase in nonmedical exemptions had appeared to stabilize by the 2015-2016 school year after many years of increase.

But the latest CDC data appears to reflect a change, he said. “It seems that in recent years, exemptions are going up, and the trend is likely due to parents refusing to vaccinate,” he said.

In the 2017-2018 school year, 2.2 percent of U.S. kindergartners were exempted from one or more vaccines, up from 2 percent in the 2016-2017 school year, and from 1.9 percent in the 2015-2016 school year, according to the CDC report.

Reasons for the increase couldn’t be determined from the data reported to CDC, the agency said. But researchers said factors could include the ease of obtaining exemptions or parents’ hesitancy or refusal to vaccinate.

States such as West Virginia and Mississippi, which do not allow nonmedical vaccine exemptions, have higher percentages of children getting vaccinated, said Mobeen Rathore, a pediatric infectious disease physician in Jacksonville, Fla., and a spokesman for the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP).

Earlier this year, researchers from several Texas academic centers identified “hotspots” where outbreak risk is rising in 12 of the 18 states that allow nonmedical exemptions because a growing number of kindergartners have not been vaccinated.

 

Welcome to “The Dose,” a New Health Policy Podcast

https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/podcast/2018/oct/doctor-who-prescribed-cooking-classes

 

Today we launch the Commonwealth Fund’s brand-new health policy podcast, The Dose.Every other Friday, host Shanoor Seervai will sit down with a leading expert to break down the latest research, hear personal stories about interactions with health care and the health system, and learn about innovations that could make life easier for patients, families, and caregivers.

In episode 1 of The Dose, Seervai talks to Martin Marshall, a primary care physician in East London. Through the stories of his patients and his own experience, Marshall explores what’s different about delivering primary care in the U.K. versus the United States. You’ll hear how Marshall helps one of his patients manage his diabetes with cooking classes, and how he leans on his intimate knowledge of a client’s family history to arrive at a diagnosis.

Click here to listen, and then subscribe wherever you get your favorite podcasts.

High-Deductible Health Plans Fall From Grace In Employer-Based Coverage

https://www.thefiscaltimes.com/2018/10/03/High-Deductible-Health-Plans-Fall-Grace-Employer-Based-Coverage

With workers harder to find and Obamacare’s tax on generous coverage postponed, employers are hitting pause on a feature of job-based medical insurance much hated by employees: the high-deductible health plan.

Companies have slowed enrollment in such coverage and, in some cases, reinstated more traditional plans as a strong job market gives workers bargaining power over pay and benefits, according to research from three organizations.

This year, 39 percent of large, corporate employers surveyed by the National Business Group on Health (NBGH) offer high-deductible plans, also called “consumer-directed” coverage, as workers’ only choice. For next year, that figure is set to drop to 30 percent.

“That was a surprise, that we saw that big of a retraction,” said Brian Marcotte, the group’s CEO. “We had a lot of companies add choice back in.”

Few if any employers will return to the much more generous coverage of a decade or more ago, benefits experts said. But they’re reassessing how much pain workers can take and whether high-deductible plans control costs as advertised.

“It got to the point where employers were worried about the affordability of health care for their employees, especially their lower-paid people,” said Beth Umland, director of research for health and benefits at Mercer, a benefits consultancy that also conducted a survey.

The portion of workers in high-deductible, job-based plans peaked at 29 percent two years ago and was unchanged this year, according to new data from the Kaiser Family Foundation. (Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)

Deductibleswhat consumers pay for health care before insurance kicks in — have increased far faster than wages, even as paycheck deductions for premiums have also soared.

One in 4 covered employees now have a single-person deductible of $2,000 or more, KFF found.

Employers and consultants once claimed patients would become smarter medical consumers if they bore greater expense at the point of care. Those arguments aren’t heard much anymore.

Because lots of medical treatment is unplanned, hospitals and doctors proved to be much less “shoppable” than experts predicted. Workers found price-comparison tools hard to use.

High-deductible plans “didn’t really do what employers hoped they would do, which is create more sophisticated consumers of health care,” Marcotte said. “The health care system is just way too complex.”

At the same time, companies have less incentive to pare coverage as Congress has repeatedly postponed the Affordable Care Act’s “Cadillac tax” on higher-value plans.

Although deductibles are treading water, total spending on job-based health plans continues to rise much faster than the overall cost of living. That eats into workers’ pay in other ways by boosting what they contribute in premiums.

Employer-sponsored group health plans, which insure 150 million Americans — nearly half the country — tend to get less attention than politically charged coverage created by the ACA.

For these employer plans, the cost of family coverage went up 5 percent this year and is expected to rise by a similar amount next year, the research shows.

Insuring one family in a job-based plan now costs on average $19,616 in total premiums, the KFF data show. The American worker pays $5,547 of that in a country where the median household income is more than $61,000.

The KFF survey was published Tuesday; the NBGH data, in August. Mercer has released preliminary results showing similar trends.

The recent cost upticks, driven by specialty drug costs and expensive treatment for diseases such as cancer and kidney failure, are an improvement over the early 2000s, when family-coverage costs were rising by an average 7 percent a year. But they’re still nearly double recent rates of inflation and increases in worker pay.

Such growth “is unsustainable for the companies I have been working with,” said Brian Ford, a benefits consultant with Lockton Companies, echoing comments made over the decades by experts as health spending has vacuumed up more and more economic resources.

For now at least, many large employers can well afford rising health costs. Earnings for corporations in the S&P 500 have increased by double-digit percentages, driven by federal tax cuts and economic growth. Profit margins are near all-time highs.

But for workers and many smaller businesses, health costs are a heavier burden.

Premiums for family plans have gone up 55 percent in the past decade, twice as fast as worker pay, according to KFF.

Employers’ latest cost-control efforts include managing expenses for the most expensive diseases; getting workers to use nurse video-chat services and other types of “telemedicine”; and paying for primary care clinics at work or nearby.

At the “top of the list” for many companies are attempts to manage the most expensive medical claims — cases of hemophilia, terrible accidents, prematurely born infants and other diseases — that increasingly cost as much as $1 million each, Umland said.

Employers point such patients to the highest-quality doctors and hospitals and furnish guides to steer them through the system. Such steps promise to improve results, reduce complications and save money, she said.

On-site clinics cut absenteeism by eliminating the need for employees to drive across town and sit in a waiting room for two hours to get a rash or a sniffle checked or get a vaccine, consultants say.

Almost all large employers offer telemedicine, but hardly any workers use it. Thirty-nine percent of the larger companies covering telemedicine now make it comparatively less expensive for workers to consult doctors and nurses virtually, the KFF survey shows.

 

 

 

Cost of Family Health Insurance Now Nearly $20,000 a Year

https://www.thefiscaltimes.com/2018/10/03/Cost-Family-Health-Insurance-Now-Nearly-20000-Year

 

Annual premiums for employer-provided health insurance hit an average of $19,616 for a family this year, a rise of 5 percent over 2017, according to a new survey by the Kaiser Family Foundation. Employees paid an average of $5,547 for their coverage, with employers covering the rest.

The average premium for family coverage has risen 55 percent since 2008 — about twice as fast as wages, which are up 26 percent, and three times as fast as inflation, up 17 percent over a decade.

Faced with relentlessly rising health care costs, many companies have required employees to pay for more of their care before insurance kicks in, and the Kaiser survey found that deductibles are rising even faster than premiums. Among workers who have a deductible — about 85 percent of insured workers — the average deductible amount has risen to $1,573, a 212 percent increase since 2008. Deductibles have risen eight times faster than wages over the last 10 years, the survey said (see the chart below).

Kaiser President and CEO Drew Altman said that he expects health care costs to be an important political issue for the foreseeable future. “As long as out-of-pocket costs for deductibles, drugs, surprise bills and more continue to outpace wage growth, people will be frustrated by their medical bills and see health costs as huge pocketbook and political issues,” Altman said.

Read a summary of the Kaiser Family Foundation’s 2018 Employer Health Benefits Survey here, and the .

 

4 Key Fact Checks on Trump and Medicare for All

https://www.thefiscaltimes.com/2018/10/10/4-Key-Fact-Checks-Trump-and-Medicare-All

President Trump published an op-ed in Wednesday’s USA Today, warning in dire language of the consequences of Democrats’ Medicare-for-all proposals. “Democrats would gut Medicare with their planned government takeover of American health care,” Trump says.

The problem: Nearly every line of Trump’s piece “contained a misleading statement or a falsehood,” writes Washington Post fact-checker Glenn Kessler.

We’ll provide a few examples below, but for a more complete analysis of Trump’s problematic, misleading or outright false claims, read Kessler’s piece or this Associated Press fact-check of claims the president has made in recent speeches at campaign rallies.

Why it matters: Trump’s op-ed and other recent criticisms of Democratic health-care proposals echo other GOP attacks claiming that Medicare for all would destroy traditional Medicare. Combined, they read less like a serious policy critique and more like cynical scare tactics — a ploy to muddy the waters around an idea that’s growing in popularity but still poorly defined in voters’ minds.

“There definitely are serious questions about ‘Medicare for All,’ including the massive tax increases that would be needed to pay for it and longstanding differences in society about the proper function of government,” the AP piece notes. Trump’s attacks skirt those serious questions, and differences of opinions among Democrats on Medicare for all, in favor of false or misleading campaign-style attacks.

Will it work? It very well might, at least in the short run. But at the Washington Examiner, Philip Klein critiques Trump’s line of attack from the right, arguing that it will backfire on conservatives in the long run and actually make socialized healthcare more likely. … By perpetuating the idea that Medicare is a great program that needs to be protected at all costs (rather than an unsustainable entitlement) it only makes it easier for liberals to make the case for socialized medicine. It also makes it harder to make the case for overhauling entitlement programs to avert the looming debt crisis.”

The four key fact checks:

* “Dishonestly called ‘Medicare for All,’ the Democratic proposal would establish a government-run, single-payer health care system that eliminates all private and employer-based health care plans and would cost an astonishing $32.6 trillion during its first 10 years.”

The facts: There are numerous “Medicare for all” proposals. Some would eliminate private and employer-based plans in favor of a single federally run health insurance program, but others would introduce a public plan option alongside existing private coverage choices. A new Kaiser Family Foundation report provides a useful overview of eight different legislative proposals introduced in the current session of Congress.

Trump is right that studies, like the one he links to by the libertarian Mercatus Center, have estimated that Bernie Sanders’ plan would add more than $30 trillion to federal health care costs. Proponents of a single-payer system argue that those price tags simply represent a shift in spending from the private to the public sector — a change, they say, that will wring costs out of the system overall while also providing for universal coverage.

* “As a candidate, I promised that we would protect coverage for patients with pre-existing conditions and create new health care insurance options that would lower premiums. I have kept that promise, and we are now seeing health insurance premiums coming down.”

The facts: Trump’s Justice Department argued in an ongoing Texas court case that Obamacare’s protections for patients with pre-existing conditions should be invalidated, and his administration has pushed insurance options that could weaken such protections. Trump’s claim about premiums coming down applies only to benchmark Obamacare plans, and is based on recent comments by HHS Secretary Alex Azar. Experts say that Obamacare premiums are stabilizing in 2019, but would have fallen if not for Trump administration policies. Meanwhile, premiums for employer-provided insurance, by far the most common type in the U.S., are still rising.

* “I also made a solemn promise to our great seniors to protect Medicare. That is why I am fighting so hard against the Democrats’ plan that would eviscerate Medicare.”

The facts: “Under Trump, the date for when the Medicare Hospital Insurance (Part A) Trust fund will be depleted keeps advancing,” Kessler notes. “If the trust fund is depleted, that means the government would not be able to cover 100 percent of estimated expenses. Yet because of Trump’s tax cut, the budget deficit is soaring even as the economy is booming, in contrast to previous periods of under-4-percent unemployment. That leaves the government less prepared to deal with the consequences of baby-boom retirements.”

* “The Democrats’ plan means that after a life of hard work and sacrifice, seniors would no longer be able to depend on the benefits they were promised.”

The facts: Not true. None of the plans would cut benefits for seniors, and the most frequently cited promises to be more generous. “The Sanders plan would be a fundamental change, expanding Medicare to cover almost everyone in the country,” the Associated Press notes. “But current Medicare recipients would get improved benefits. Sanders would eliminate Medicare deductibles, limit copays, and provide coverage for dental and vision care, as well as hearing aids. A House single-payer bill calls for covering long-term care.”

 

 

 

Coverage for pre-existing conditions lives on, even though the Affordable Care Act seemed doomed

Coverage for pre-existing conditions lives on, even though the Affordable Care Act seemed doomed

The most enduring legacy of the Affordable Care Act may be emerging now in midterm races across the country, and our health care system may never be the same.

For the first time in our history, Americans are agreeing that even if you are sick you should be able to find private health insurance coverage you can afford. Not only do 81 percent of voters now think it should be illegal for insurance companies to deny coverage to people with pre-existing conditions, but both political parties have embraced this central tenet of Obamacare.

Responding to Democratic attacks and polling data, Republicans are backpedaling from opposition to the Affordable Care Act’s guarantees that the more than 50 million Americans with pre-existing conditions should be able to find coverageWriting last month in the Wall Street Journal, Republican strategist Karl Rove urged candidates to embrace the pre-existing condition guarantee, but to find new conservative strategies for securing it.

This development is historic. Before the passage of the Affordable Care Act, Americans broadly embraced a national obligation to insure the elderly, the poor, and the disabled. We’ve now added the sick to this list. If the past is prelude, there will be no retreating from this commitment. Once acknowledged, commitments like Medicare and Medicaid are virtually impossible to claw back.

As policymakers look to respond to this newfound promise to the sick, they will be confronted with the harsh reality of private health insurance markets: The only way insurers can offer affordable coverage to the sick is if they have a substantial number of healthy enrollees.

Many of the ACA’s most controversial provisions are aimed at providing private insurers a steady supply of good risks. This includes the much-vilified individual mandate, as well as restrictions on the sale of skimpier, cheaper policies, such as short-term health plans, that appeal to healthy purchasers and siphon them away from the risk pools that cover less-healthy consumers. The ACA also provided temporary reinsurance that protected private plans against unpredictable, catastrophic losses likely to occur when they cover very sick clients. That provision, however, has expired.

The challenge facing policymakers going forward will be how to execute this new guarantee that the sick have access to private insurance. A wide variety of options spanning the political spectrum exist, but virtually all require some form of government involvement.

The left proposes that, if private companies don’t step up, the federal government should fill in by allowing consumers with pre-existing conditions (or even those without them) to buy into Medicare or Medicaid. As Medicare and Medicaid are among our nation’s most cost-effective insurers, this could be a way of expanding coverage while keeping costs in check.

Another alternative would be to build on the Affordable Care Act’s current provisions that require insurers to cover pre-existing conditions, prevent insurers from charging more for those conditions, and provide strong financial incentives for healthy individuals to purchase private marketplace plans. Despite the repeal of the individual mandate and other attempts to undermine the ACA, private insurance markets created by the ACA have shown considerable resilience, with premiums actually declining this year for the first time since the ACA was enacted.

Republicans have released legislation that would amend the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act to require insurance companies to sell plans to people with pre-existing conditions and not charge them more because they have been, or are, sick. Insurers, however, would be able to deny coverage for specific illnesses. In other words, insurers would have to sell coverage plans to people with pre-existing conditions, say diabetes, but would not have to cover their diabetes. Insurance companies could also increase premiums based on age, gender, or occupation.

Another Republican approach, discussed during the “repeal and replace” debate, would make available subsidized plans, such as the ACA, but increase premiums over time if individuals failed to purchase them at the outset. In theory, healthy individuals would jump into the pool to avoid paying a penalty at a later date. This is an approach used under Medicare Part B, a voluntary program that covers outpatient services, that has been fairly effective and politically acceptable.

Whether it would work outside of Medicare and avoid the need for more intrusive government intervention remains to be seen. The elderly are much more likely to feel that they need insurance and to respond to incentives to get it earlier rather than later, while younger, healthier people may be more reluctant to buy and then end up priced out of the insurance market.

These and other routes toward coverage for sick Americans will be fiercely debated in the coming years. As we do so, we shouldn’t lose track of the profound change in attitude and expectations around health insurance for the sick that will animate this debate.

Elected officials should expect to be held accountable this November, and for many Novembers to come.