Trump suggests repealing ObamaCare mandate in tax bill

Trump suggests repealing ObamaCare mandate in tax bill

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President Trump on Wednesday suggested using the GOP tax bill to repeal ObamaCare’s individual mandate.

“Wouldn’t it be great to Repeal the very unfair and unpopular Individual Mandate in ObamaCare and use those savings for further Tax Cuts,” Trump tweeted.

The idea is being pushed by Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) and also has the backing of House Freedom Caucus Chairman Mark Meadows (R-N.C.).

Meadows said Wednesday he supports repealing the mandate in tax reform and thinks “ultimately” it will be included because he is going to push for it. He said he has been talking to Cotton about it.

A Cotton spokeswoman told The Hill that Cotton and Trump spoke by phone about the idea over the weekend and “the President indicated his strong support.”

Senate Finance Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) this week said that he wouldn’t rule out including repeal of the mandate in the tax legislation.

But other top Republicans have rejected the idea, including House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Kevin Brady (R-Texas), Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.). They fear adding the ObamaCare change would jeopardize tax reform.

“Look, I want to see that individual mandate repealed,” Brady said during an interview with radio host Hugh Hewitt on Tuesday. “I just haven’t seen, no one has seen, 50 votes in the Senate to do it.”

Brady added that he would be open to adding a repeal of the mandate to the House bill if the Senate passed it first.

Asked Wednesday about the president’s tweet, Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas) threw cold water on the idea.

“I think tax reform is complicated enough without adding another layer of complexity,” Cornyn told The Hill.

Thune, meanwhile, said mandate repeal is “not currently a part of our deliberations.”

But Thune added that some members have expressed interest in the idea and said he was “somewhat” interested in it because of the revenue implications.

Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) on Tuesday also dismissed adding a repeal of the mandate to tax reform.

“If there was a way to do it, I’d be open to it, but I’m not going to pitch it because I want to focus on taxes in the tax reduction plan,” Rounds told reporters.

The Congressional Budget Office has estimated that repealing the mandate would save the government $416 billion over a decade.

The mandate requires people, with some exceptions, to pay a fine to the IRS if they do not have health insurance.

Experts have said repealing the mandate would result in massive premium spikes and a major increase in the number of uninsured people.

It could also send ObamaCare exchanges into a “death spiral” because it would discourage healthy younger individuals to sign up for insurance.

Asked about it on Wednesday after Trump’s tweet, Hatch again did not rule out the move, but cautioned that he wants to keep health care separate from tax reform, a point echoed by GOP aides.
“I think we ought to do tax reform. If they want to do something on health care they can do that separate,” Hatch said. It was not clear who “they” referred to.
“I’d have to really look at all sides of that. I’ve never been very excited about the individual mandate,” Hatch said.

CMS to allow states to define essential health benefits

http://www.modernhealthcare.com/article/20171027/NEWS/171029872/cms-to-allow-states-to-define-essential-health-benefits

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The CMS proposed a rule late Friday aimed at giving states more flexibility in stabilizing the Affordable Care Act exchanges and in interpreting the law’s essential health benefits as a way to lower the cost of individual and small group health plans.

In the 365-page proposed rule issued late Friday, the agency said the purpose is to give states more flexibility and reduce burdens on stakeholders in order to stabilize the individual and small-group insurance markets and improve healthcare affordability.

The CMS said the rule would give states greater flexibility in defining the ACA’s minimum essential benefits to increase affordability of coverage. States would play a larger role in the certification of qualified health plans offered on the federal insurance exchange. And they would have more leeway in setting medical loss ratios for individual-market plans.

“Consumers who have specific health needs may be impacted by the proposed policy,” the agency said. “In the individual and small group markets, depending on the selection made by the state in which the consumer lives, consumers with less comprehensive plans may no longer have coverage for certain services. In other states, again depending on state choices, consumers may gain coverage for some services.”

However, the CMS acknowledged it’s unclear how much money the new state flexibility will save. States are not required to make any changes under the policy.

The CMS urged states to consider the so-called spillover effects if they choose to pick their own benefits. These include increased use of other services, such as increased used of emergency services or increased use of public services provided by the state or other government entities.

The agency in 2017 proposed standardized health plan options as a way to simplify shopping for consumers on the federally run marketplaces. The CMS said it would eliminate standardized options for 2019 to maximize innovation. “We believe that encouraging innovation is especially important now, given the stresses faced by the individual market,” the proposed rule states.

The CMS proposes to let states relax the ACA requirement that at least 80% of premium revenue received by individual-market plans be spent on members’ medical care. It said states would be allowed to lower the 80% medical loss ratio standard if they demonstrate that a lower MLR could help stabilize their individual insurance market.

The CMS also said it intended to consider proposals in future rulemaking that would help cut prescription drug costs and promote drug price transparency.

The Trump administration hopes to relax the ACA’s requirements and provide as much state flexibility as possible through administrative action, following the collapse of congressional Republican efforts this year to make those changes legislatively.

The proposed rule comes after months of calls from health insurers and provider groups for the federal administration to help stabilize the struggling individual insurance market. The fifth ACA open enrollment is slated to begin Nov. 1, and experts have predicted fewer sign-ups in the wake of a series of actions by the Trump administration to undercut the exchanges.

In the proposed rule, the CMS also proposes to exempt student health insurance from rate reviews for policies beginning on or after Jan. 1, 2019. The CMS said student health insurance coverage is written and sold more like group coverage, which is already exempt from rate review, and said the change would reduce regulatory burden on states and insurance companies.

The ACA requires that insurers planning to increase premiums by 10% or more submit their rates to regulators for review. The CMS proposed to increase the rate review threshold to 15% “in recognition of significant rate increases in the past number of years.”

The rule also tweaks a requirement that enrollees need to have prior coverage before attempting to get coverage via special enrollment after moving to a new area. Under the proposal, a person who lived in an area with no exchange qualified health plans will be able to obtain coverage.

Trump tells Senate to fix taxes — not Obamacare

https://www.politico.com/story/2017/10/24/trump-obamacare-taxes-senate-republicans-244124

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The bipartisan effort to stabilize insurance markets gets pushed to the end of the year.

President Donald Trump on Tuesday steered Senate Republicans toward tax reform and away from health care, pushing off any deal to fund controversial Obamacare subsidies to the end of the year at best.

Trump joined Senate Republicans at their weekly policy lunch but gave no direction on what he wants to see in a health care bill. He praised Sen. Lamar Alexander’s (R-Tenn.) work on a bipartisan deal meant to stabilize the Obamacare markets, but his emphasis on taxes led senators in the room to believe Trump doesn’t want a stand-alone Obamacare vote anytime soon.

“There isn’t anything else other than taxes,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas).

A filibuster-proof majority backs the bipartisan deal Alexander brokered with Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), but conservatives and the White House oppose it, meaning it won’t even come up for a vote in the Senate.

Without a clear directive from the president, Republicans are still debating whether to work with Democrats to fund Obamacare’s “cost-sharing” program, which helps low-income people pay their out-of-pocket medical bills. Trump abruptly cut off the subsidies — the subject of a court battle — earlier this month. Insurers still have to make the payments, and many boosted their premiums for 2018 to take those costs into account.

Alexander’s stabilization bid got even more muddled when a pair of top Republicans said they would release a different bill — rivaling the bipartisan proposal — to fund the subsidies. But their version would neuter the individual mandate for five years, a nonstarter for Democrats who would be needed to get a bill through the Senate.

The new version “proves that we should be focused on tax reform right now, because obviously we haven’t gotten our act together on health care,” said Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.).

Republicans are increasingly confident that the subsidies will get rolled into a large, year-end bill to fund the government and raise the nation’s debt limit. But there is no agreement on what exactly that will look like, and leadership-level negotiations on the year-end bill are weeks away.

The lack of clarity left Senate Republicans with enough wiggle room to interpret Trump’s Obamacare comments as they see politically fit.

Cornyn saw a “shoutout” by Trump to Alexander as encouragement for his bill. “He wasn’t specific, but that’s the way I interpreted it,” he said.

But Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) — an Alexander-Murray skeptic — said Trump didn’t offer any clear support for the proposal over the GOP’s competing ideas.

“There was not significant discussion on Alexander-Murray,” Cruz said.

Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), another foe of Alexander-Murray, walked away with the same conclusion.

“He didn’t get into that in great depth — put it that way,” Hatch said. “All I can say is that he wasn’t too definitive.”

During the lunch meeting, Trump focused more on getting tax reform done so that the GOP can take another shot at repealing Obamacare in the future, instead of what should be done to stabilize the health care law in the interim.

“If we get taxes done, we’ll have momentum for health care,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), summing up Trump’s position. “He talked a lot about doing health care again.” Trump has repeatedly stated recently that the GOP now has the votes for repeal in the Senate — but senators say that’s not the case, that no one has flipped.

The meeting marked Trump’s first visit to the Senate GOP’s weekly policy lunch as president, and it came amid a rift with Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) and growing concern within the GOP that lawmakers will go into the 2018 midterm election without a legislative accomplishment. That’s amped up the pressure in the GOP to do tax reform.

But many Republican senators said after the lunch meeting that there was no discussion of petty politics and that Trump was focused on notching some GOP wins.

“It was the complete opposite of what I thought it would be — the atmosphere in the room and his complete focus,” said one senator.

The conservative Obamacare bill introduced Tuesday came from Hatch, the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, and House Ways and Means Chairman Kevin Brady.

That bill, which would fund the cost-sharing program for two years, is designed to appeal to Republicans who want to fund the Obamacare program but feel that Alexander didn’t get enough conservative concessions in his negotiations with Murray.

It would eliminate Obamacare’s individual mandate penalties through 2021 and expand the use of health savings accounts. The Hatch-Brady bill would also exempt businesses from the employer mandate for 2015 through 2017 and apply certain “pro-life protections” to the cost-sharing funding.

“We must include meaningful structural reforms that provide Americans relief,” Hatch said. “This agreement addresses some of the most egregious aspects of Obamacare.”

Some of the provisions in the proposal — like the expansion of HSAs and employer mandate exemption — mirror the changes that the White House requested be made to the Alexander-Murray bill.

Alexander said he was encouraged by a growing consensus Congress should fund the payments to insurers for two more years.

“We’ve gone from a position where everybody was saying we can’t do cost sharing to responsible voices like Sen. Hatch and Chairman Brady saying we should,” he said.

But any cost-sharing bill will need 60 votes to get through the Senate, meaning Republicans will have to get at least eight Democrats to sign on. Undoing the mandates in the future would be a nonstarter for many Democrats.

“If it were just a matter of getting Republicans to agree with each other, we would have repealed and replaced Obamacare by now,” said a Senate GOP aide.

How Premiums Are Changing In 2018

How Premiums Are Changing In 2018

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The premiums for 2018 Marketplace plans were recently released to give consumers a chance to look at their plan options before open enrollment begins on November 1. Premiums are rising significantly in many counties across the country, in part due to the decision of the Trump Administration to cease payments to insurers for cost-sharing reductions. Insurer participation also declined in many areas, leaving more counties with only one insurer, which likely contributed to the high rate of premium growth.

The map below illustrates how premiums changed for 2018 by looking at the change in the lowest-cost bronze, silver and gold plans by county in states participating in the federal Marketplace. Results are shown for a 40-year-old paying the full premium and for a 40-year old with an income of $25,000 (207% of poverty), $30,000 (249% of poverty), $35,000 (290% of poverty), and $40,000 (332% of poverty), who would be eligible for a premium tax credit.

Percent Change in Lowest-Cost Metal Plan Before and After Tax Credit, 2017-2018

Nationally, the unsubsidized premium for the lowest-cost bronze plan in the federal Marketplace is increasing an average of 17% between 2017 and 2018, the lowest-cost silver plan is increasing an average of 35%, and the lowest-cost gold plan is increasing an average of 19% (Table 1). These average increases are weighted by the number of plan selections by county in 2017 (see Methods). Premiums for silver plans are rising much more than those for bronze or gold plans because in many states insurers loaded the cost from the termination of the cost-sharing reduction payments entirely on the silver tier.

For consumers who receive premium tax credits, the amounts that they will have to pay will often be lower in 2018 (Table 2). The particularly large increase in premiums for silver plans means that tax-credit-eligible Marketplace enrollees will see much higher premium tax credits (which are calculated based on the second-lowest-cost silver plan in each area). These large credits make gold plans more easily attainable and make bronze plans much cheaper (or even available at no additional premium). In fact, after these increases, the lowest-cost gold premium is lower than the lowest-cost silver premium in 459 counties.

For example, a 40-year-old individual making $35,000 (249% of poverty) and eligible for a tax credit will on average pay 39% less in 2018 for their share of the premium for the lowest-cost bronze plan, 7% less for the lowest-cost silver plan, and 13% less for the lowest-cost gold plan. The savings are greater for subsidized enrollees with lower incomes and less for those with higher incomes (Table 2). The premiums for bronze plans may be particularly attractive to many people eligible for premium tax credits. For example, the tax credit for a 40-year-old individual making $25,000 covers the full cost of the premium for the lowest-cost bronze plan in 1,540 counties.

Counties Where the Lowest-Cost Bronze Plan Premium Costs Zero Dollars After the Tax Credit in 2018

The map below shows counties where the unsubsidized premium for the lowest-cost gold plan has a lower or comparable premium to the lowest-cost silver plan in 2018.

Counties Where the Lowest-Cost Gold Plan Costs Less than the Lowest-Cost Silver Plan

Discussion

The differences in premium changes across plan types and the peculiar effect these differences have on plan costs for both unsubsidized and subsidized enrollees makes it important that consumers shop around and carefully consider their options. Although CMS will no longer be paying insurers for reducing the cost sharing for lower-income enrollees, insurers remain obliged to provide the reduced cost sharing policies to eligible Marketplace enrollees. These policies generally have higher actuarial values than gold plans for enrollees with incomes below 200% of poverty so consumers will need to carefully consider whether it makes sense to switch even though gold-plan premiums may be comparable or less than silver plans. Consumers eligible for cost sharing reductions also will need to weigh the much lower premiums they would pay for a bronze plan with the much higher cost sharing they could encounter if they need care.

What’s next for the ACA after Trump’s executive order

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President Trump couldn’t get Congress to repeal the Affordable Care Act, so he signed an executive order to encourage cheaper, less regulated insurance options — a change that critics fear will remove patient protections and undermine insurance markets. In response, Senators Lamar Alexander and Patty Murray have put forward a bipartisan bill designed to stabilize the ACA markets.

With the future of the ACA so fiercely contested, what impact will Trump’s executive order have on health insurance, and what action should Congress now take?

We asked five experts:

Republicans go toe-to-toe, again, with competing ACA bills

https://www.axios.com/vitals-2501052572.html?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=newsletter_axiosvitals&stream=health-care

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Now the Senate has two competing plans to fund the ACA’s cost-sharing subsidies — which could mean it won’t be able to pass either one. Senate Finance chair Orrin Hatch and House Ways and Means chair Kevin Brady outlined a new proposal yesterday as an alternative to the bipartisan ACA bill led by Sens. Lamar Alexander and Patty Murray.

The details: It’s hard to call these competing ACA stabilization bills. Although they’d both fund cost-sharing reduction (CSR) subsidies for two years, Hatch-Brady would also waive the law’s individual mandate for five years — effectively replacing one source of rising premiums with another.

  • Conservatives are not happy with Alexander-Murray. They’ve argued that if they’re going to keep the law’s cost-sharing payments flowing, they should be able to extract severe regulatory reforms in exchange.
  • Hatch-Brady is definitely more conservative than Alexander-Murray. The big unknown is whether its presence will stop more Republicans from accepting Alexander-Murray as “The Bill” — especially in the House, where its standing is weaker than in the Senate.
  • What they’re saying: “Sad attempt at relevancy by health care staff on Finance who are upset that their boss is entirely focused on tax reform, as he should be,” a senior GOP aide told my colleague Caitlin Owens.

The odds: 100% of the available evidence, from the entire Trump administration to date, suggests very strongly that Republicans are not capable of passing a health care bill on their own. They couldn’t do it with 50 votes in the Senate, and either one of these bills would need 60.

  • Alexander-Murray has 60 votes in the Senate.
  • Hatch-Brady would have an extremely hard time getting there. Waiving the individual mandate will be too much to ask from most, if not all, Democrats.
  • Leadership will likely face a choice between passing Alexander-Murray, with only minor modifications; or not passing anything at all.
  • All of this still probably comes down to December, when lawmakers have to deal with a host of thorny must-pass bills.

Bipartisan ACA bill gets a challenge from the right

https://www.axios.com/bipartisan-aca-bill-gets-a-challenge-from-the-right-2500833570.html?stream=health-care&utm_source=alert&utm_medium=email&utm_term=alerts_healthcare

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Two prominent Republicans have come up with a more conservative alternative to the Senate’s bipartisan Affordable Care Act bill. The new proposal, from Sen. Orrin Hatch and Rep. Kevin Brady, would waive the ACA’s individual and employer mandates in exchange for temporarily funding its cost-sharing subsidies.

Why it matters: This proposal would be harder to pass than the one that’s already on the table. But it’s a sign that conservatives aren’t willing to sit on the sidelines on a process that, so far, has not given them much of what they want.

The details: Hatch and Brady’s proposal, which hasn’t yet been translated into legislative text, is largely in line with what the White House has said it wants. Their proposal would:

  • Fund the ACA’s cost-sharing subsidies for two years
  • Attach new abortion-related conditions on those funds
  • Waive the individual mandate for five years
  • Retroactively waive the employer mandate for two years
  • Expand health savings accounts

The alternative: The bill sponsored by Sens. Lamar Alexander and Patty Murray, by contrast, would fund the cost-sharing subsidies for two years; allow more people to buy cheaper, less comprehensive coverage; and make it easier for states to seek waivers from some of the ACA’s regulatory requirements.

The bottom line: Few, if any, Democrats could support Hatch-Brady — and that gives it much longer odds than Alexander-Murray, which already has the 60 votes it would need to pass the Senate. The question is whether GOP leaders will try to find a middle ground — and whether the presence of an alternative will stop Alexander-Murray from gaining more GOP support, especially in the House.

Trump’s (overlooked) plans for employer coverage

https://www.axios.com/vitals-2495705081.html

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Trump’s executive order will likely include a provision making it easier for employers to set aside some money, tax-free, to help their workers pay insurance premiums. This one hasn’t gotten as much attention yet as some of the other policies Trump is expected to pursue, but it’s a big deal — one insurers fear could push more people into a shaky market.

The details: Employers already can set aside some pre-tax dollars to help cover employees’ health care costs. Trump’s executive order will likely expand those programs so that they can be used to help employees cover the premiums for an individual insurance policy, an insurance industry official told me.

The reactions:

  • Insurers are afraid this will give employers an incentive to stop offering traditional health benefits: Why go to all the trouble of finding and offering a health care plan if you can just offer your workers some money to go buy their own?
  • “That would be survivable, I think,” if the individual market were more stable, the official said. But because that market is shaky, insurers are nervous.
  • Another fear: Employers might be able to offer coverage to their younger employees, while using these new funds to shift older workers, who tend to have higher health care costs, into the individual market.

The unknowns: Dumping workers into the individual market, even with help paying their premiums, would likely trigger penalties under the Affordable Care Act’s employer mandate, the insurance official said. That might be a disincentive to use these new options — if the Trump administration were planning tough enforcement of the employer mandate.

The bottom line: Other sections of Trump’s executive order will likely pull healthy people out of the individual market; this one could push unhealthy people into it. Insurers are uneasy about both sides of that equation, and say they haven’t had a chance to offer the policy feedback previous administrations would have sought out.

What else to expect from Trump’s executive order

Here’s a quick rundown of what else to expect from today’s executive order:

  • The order itself probably won’t fill in the details of how its policy changes would work. Look for broad outlines, with the nitty-gritty coming separately — probably in the form of a proposed rule from the Labor Department.
  • Although the public will technically have an opportunity to comment on that proposed rule, the insurance industry official told me the final version is largely already written.

The policy:

  • Association health plans: Trump will likely make it easier for individuals (for example, a group of freelancers) to band together and buy insurance like a large employer would.
  • New associations will likely need some form of approval before they can start buying insurance, but insurers don’t expect that process to be much more than a rubber stamp.
  • Short-term plans: Trump is expected to let people hang onto short-term, stopgap policies for a full year; they’re currently limited to three months. Those plans don’t cover much and don’t have to comply with many of the ACA’s consumer protections.
  • Total impact: Insurers and independent policy experts fear that both of those measures would weaken the individual market by pulling healthy people out of it and into skimpier, cheaper coverage.

How Trump is planning to gut Obamacare by executive order

https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/10/8/16439492/trump-obamacare-association-health-plans

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With a repeal bill off the table, the Trump administration has drafted an executive order that could blow a huge hole in the Affordable Care Act, according to a source with direct knowledge of the plan.

The order would, in effect, exempt many association health plans, groups of small businesses that pool together to buy health insurance, from core Obamacare requirements like the coverage of certain essential health benefits. It would potentially allow individuals to join these plans too, which would put individual insurance marketplaces in serious peril by drawing younger and healthier people away from them.

The draft order is also said to broaden the definition of short-term insurance, which is also exempt from the law’s regulations. Together, these changes represent a serious threat to Obamacare: President Trump seems ready to open more loopholes for more people to buy insurance outside the health care law’s markets, which experts anticipate would destabilize the market for customers who are left behind with higher premiums and fewer insurers.

“This appears to be a backdoor way of undermining the Affordable Care Act,” Kevin Lucia, who studies the markets at Georgetown University, said of the alleged changes.

It’s possible that the order could change before Trump signs it, or never be signed at all, as has happened with other executive orders in the past. The details of the order as described, though, generally match up with what had been expected after Trump said he would soon issue an executive order on health care. Association health plans have been a priority for Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), who has urged Trump to expand them.

The White House declined to comment when Vox inquired about the pending order. A senior administration official detailed the outline of the executive order to the Wall Street Journalon Saturday evening, which aligns with the description provided to Vox.

On Tuesday morning, Trump promised that his forthcoming actions would provide “great HealthCare to many people.”

But experts have warned they could significantly destabilize the Obamacare markets.

Association health plans, explained

An association health plan, as Vox’s Sarah Kliff has previously explained, is a way for a group of small businesses pool together to buy insurance, giving them more purchasing power and access to cheaper premiums. A group of bakeries, for example, might form a bakers association and purchase health coverage together. The most famous examples have been farm bureaus, which allowed independent farming businesses to band together and get insurance.

Before Obamacare, national associations could pick and choose which states’ insurance rules they wanted to follow and use those rules to guide the plans they offered nationwide. The bakers association could choose to follow the rules for, say, the Alabama insurance market, which mandates coverage of relatively few benefits, for all its bakeries in New York, a state with many mandates.

The result was often health insurance that skirted state rules and was a better deal for businesses with young and healthy employees, who are likely to prefer skimpier health plans. The former insurance regulator described the situation prior to the ACA to Kliff as being “a race to the bottom, with some associations offering lower-cost plans that covered virtually nothing.”

Obamacare changed these rules. Association health plans were treated as small businesses and were therefore required to cover all of the law’s mandated benefits.

Essential health benefits, mandating that insurers cover everything from hospital care to prescription drugs to maternity care, are central to the ACA’s insurance protections: They prevent plans from crafting their coverage to attract mostly young and healthy customers at the expense of older and sicker people, which had been one of the primary problems with the association health plan model before the law.

How Trump’s executive order could damage Obamacare

Requiring association health plans to follow the same rules as small businesses was one of the many ways the Affordable Care Act cracked down on skimpy health plans. Trump is now looking to roll back those changes.

Under the draft executive order as described, new regulations would allow association health plans to be considered large employers when it comes to health insurance. Large employers are not subjected to the same rules as individual or small-group plans under Obamacare. Most notably, they do not have to cover all of the law’s essential health benefits or meet the requirement that insurance cover a minimal percentage of a person’s medical bills.

If that change were made, association health plans would be freed to craft skimpier (and cheaper) health plans that appeal only to businesses with younger and healthier employees. Small businesses left in Obamacare’s marketplace would likely face higher costs and fewer options as the market became less attractive to insurers.

“It will destroy the small-group market,” Tim Jost, a law professor at Washington and Lee University who generally supports Obamacare, told me. “We’ll be back to where we were before the Affordable Care Act.”

The draft order did not specify whether individuals would also be allowed to buy into these associations health plans, as some Republicans like Paul want. But, according to the source, the regulations resulting from the order could potentially be written to allow self-employed people to buy into the now-deregulated association market, which would be an even bigger blow to Obamacare.

The self-employed individuals likely to flee the law’s markets for association plans would probably be younger and healthier, leaving behind an older, sicker pool for the remaining Obamacare plans. That has the makings of a death spiral, with ever-increasing premiums and insurers deciding to leave the market altogether.

“The ability for individuals to purchase health insurance through an association really puts the individual market at risk and destabilizes it over the long term,” Lucia said. “When you have market segmentation, it over time leads to higher premiums and it becomes less attractive to carriers.”

Trump is also eyeing short-term coverage to undercut the health law

Trump’s executive order would also expand what’s called short-term limited duration insurance. These short-term policies typically have higher out-of-pocket costs and cover fewer services than traditional insurance. They were designed for people who, for example, expect to be out of work and therefore without insurance for a limited period of time.

That kind of coverage is totally free from the health care law’s insurance regulations: the mandate to cover essential health benefits, the prohibition on charging sick people more than healthy people or denying people coverage based on their medical history, and so on.

Short-term insurance had previously been allowed to last as long as 364 days. The Obama administration, in an effort to curtail the use of such coverage to circumvent the health care law, shortened it to three months. Trump’s draft order would reverse that rule, once again allowing people to buy this non-Obamacare coverage for almost an entire year, my source said.

The effect would be much the same as the changes to association health plans: Healthier people would be the consumers most likely to use this escape hatch to find cheaper, if far less comprehensive, coverage outside of Obamacare — though they would still be subject to the law’s individual mandate, as short-term insurance is not considered sufficient.

“If you allow them to sell 364-day policies, or policies that are renewable, that’s just going to suck a lot of the healthy people out of the individual market,” Jost said.

And here, again, fewer healthy people in the Obamacare market means higher costs to insurers, which leads to higher premiums and possibly more insurers dropping out.

“Consumers are going to face a less stable, less competitive individual market,” Lucia said.

The ultimate impact on Obamacare will depend on the final language of the executive order Trump signs. But based on the draft described to me, Trump is readying the devastating blow to the health care law that congressional Republicans have so far failed to deliver.

Steep Premiums Challenge People Who Buy Health Insurance Without Subsidies

http://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2017/10/07/555957419/steep-premiums-challenge-people-who-buy-health-insurance-without-subsidies

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Paul Melquist of St. Paul, Minn., has a message for the people who wrote the Affordable Care Act: “Quit wrecking my health care.”

Teri Goodrich of Raleigh, N.C., agrees. “We’re getting slammed. We didn’t budget for this,” she says.

Millions of people have gained health insurance because of the federal health law. Millions more have seen their existing coverage improved.

But one slice of the population, which includes Melquist and Goodrich, is unquestionably worse off. They are healthy people who buy their own coverage but earn too much to qualify for help paying their premiums. And the premium hikes that are being announced as enrollment looms for next year — in some states, increases topping 50 percent — will make their situations more miserable.

Exactly how big is this group? According to Mark Farrah Associates, a health care analysis firm, as of 2017, there were 17.6 million people in the individual market, 5.4 million of whom bought policies outside the health exchanges, where premium help is not available. Combine that with the percentage of people who bought insurance on the exchanges but earned too much (more than four times the federal poverty level, or about $48,000 for an individual) to get premium subsidies, and the estimate is 7.5 million, or 43 percent of the total individual market purchasers, according to insurance industry consultant Robert Laszewski.

Who are these people?

“They’re early retirees,” says Laszewski. “They’re people working part time who have substantial outside income. They’re people who are self-employed of any age, people who are small employers.”

Melquist is one of those early retirees. He and his wife are both 59. He worked in the defense industry and retired at the end of 2016.

He always planned to retire at age 55 but ended up working longer, in part because he knew health insurance costs were rising. When he did retire and sought to purchase coverage for himself and his wife, he says, “I was shocked to find out how bad it actually was.”

For a bronze-level plan with a health savings account, Melquist says, “we pay $15,000 a year [in premiums] and the first $6,550 [for health care expenses] for each of us comes out of our pocket. So basically you could be looking at $30,000 out of pocket before anything gets covered.”

Insurance is important, Melquist says, particularly if a catastrophic health issue were to hit either of him or his wife. In the meantime, he can still pay the bills. But he’s frustrated. “I’m not eating dog food, but I’m also not able to do stuff for my grandchildren,” he says, like help with college costs. “It’s not that my life is falling apart, but the [Affordable Care Act] has ruined a lot of things I’d like to have done.”

The good news, if there is any, for Melquist is that premiums in Minnesota are going up by only small amounts for 2018, and in some cases going down, because of a reinsurance program passed by the state legislature that will help cover the costs for some of the state’s sickest patients in the individual market. That move will help keep premiums from spiking even more.

But that won’t be the case in Raleigh, where Goodrich and her husband, John Kistle, work as private consultants in the energy industry.

Goodrich, 59, and Kistle, 57, bought insurance through the ACA exchange in their state for three years. When premiums reached $1,600 per month with deductibles of $7,500 each, however, “it was just unbelievable. We decided just not to get insurance,” Goodrich says.

Eventually, they bought short-term plans that cover only catastrophic illness or injury. That insurance is not considered adequate under the ACA, so the couple could be liable for a tax penalty as well.

Goodrich, who volunteers to help people with their taxes in her spare time, says she has run the numbers and thinks that insurance is so expensive where she lives that the couple will be exempt from the penalty. That is because the cheapest insurance would cost the couple more than 8.16 percent of their income. Under the health law’s provisions, the penalty doesn’t apply above that level because insurance is considered unaffordable.

“We try to be good citizens and do the right thing,” she says. “Next year, we’re trying to figure out how to make less than $64,000 so we can get subsidies.” That amount is equal to 400 percent of the federal poverty line for two people, the cutoff for premium assistance because Congress assumed those who earned more could afford to buy affordable coverage.

Sabrina Corlette, a research professor at Georgetown University who specializes in health insurance, agreed that this is a population “that faced big hikes” in premiums when the health law took effect.

But, she says, in many cases, people in the individual market were previously paying artificially low premiums. Some of those old policies had substandard coverage. For others, however, the higher prices are the result of one of the fundamental changes enacted by the health law. “These are folks who were benefiting from a system that was affordable solely because insurers were able to keep sick people out,” Corlette says, adding that they are now being asked “to pay more of the true cost of health care.”

This is a population that is also more likely to vote Republican, says Laszewski, “which is one of the grand ironies now.”

Republicans in Congress and President Trump haven’t been able to “repeal and replace” the health law. But some of their efforts are undermining it — primarily the administration’s threat to stop paying billions of dollars to insurers in subsidies to help some lower-income people pay their out-of-pocket costs. The uncertainty surrounding those subsidies has led insurers to boost premiums next year by an estimated 20 percent. Those who get premium help from the government won’t have to pay more. But those who are paying the full freight will.

Also driving up premiums for next year, says Corlette, are the administration’s threats not to enforce the individual requirement for insurance and its decision to cancel most advertising and outreach for the year’s open-enrollment period that begins Nov. 1. Both of those provisions bring more healthy people into the insurance pool to help spread costs.

“One could argue that the 2014 premium increases were painful, but it was about getting us to a system that was more fundamentally fair and just,” Corlette says. “Now, it’s completely unnecessary price increases for unsubsidized folks that could so easily be avoided by a rational political system.”