Pre-ACA Market Practices Provide Lessons for ACA Replacement Approaches

Pre-ACA Market Practices Provide Lessons for ACA Replacement Approaches

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Significant changes to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) are being considered by lawmakers who have been critical of its general approach to providing coverage and to some of its key provisions. An important area where changes will be considered has to do with how people with health problems would be able to gain and keep access to coverage and how much they may have to pay for it.  People’s health is dynamic. At any given time, an estimated 27% of non-elderly adults have health conditions that would make them ineligible for coverage under traditional non-group underwriting standards that existed prior to the ACA. Over their lifetimes, everyone is at risk of having these periods, some short and some that last for the rest of their lives.

One of the biggest changes that the ACA made to the non-group insurance market was to eliminate consideration by insurers of a person’s health or health history in enrollment and rating decisions.  This assured that people who had or who developed health problems would have the same plan choices and pay the same premiums as others, essentially pooling their expected costs together to determine the premiums that all would pay.

Proposals for replacing the ACA such as Rep. Tom Price’s Empowering Patients First Act and Speaker Paul Ryan’s “A Better Way” policy paper would repeal these insurance market rules, moving back towards pre-ACA standards where insurers generally had more leeway to use individual health in enrollment and rating for non-group coverage.1  Under these proposals, people without pre-existing conditions would generally be able to purchase coverage anytime from private insurers.  For people with health problems, several approaches have been proposed: (1) requiring insurers to accept people transitioning from previous coverage without a gap (“continuously covered”); (2) allowing insurers to charge higher premiums (within limits) to people with pre-existing conditions who have had a gap in coverage; and (3) establishing high-risk pools, which are public programs that provide coverage to people declined by private insurers.

The idea of assuring access to coverage for people with health problems is a popular one, but doing so is a challenge within a market framework where insurers have considerable flexibility over enrollment, rating and benefits.  People with health conditions have much higher expected health costs than people without them (Table 1 illustrates average costs of individuals with and without “deniable” health conditions). Insurers naturally will decline applicants with health issues and will adjust rates for new and existing enrollees to reflect their health when they can.  Assuring access for people with pre-existing conditions with limits on their premiums means that someone has to pay the difference between their premiums and their costs.  For people enrolling in high-risk pools, some ACA replacement proposals provide for federal grants to states, though the amounts may not be sufficient.  For people gaining access through continuous coverage provisions, these costs would likely be paid by pooling their costs with (i.e., charging more to) other enrollees.  Maintaining this pooling is difficult, however, when insurers have significant flexibility over rates and benefits.  Experience from the pre-ACA market shows how insurers were able to use a variety of strategies to charge higher premiums to people with health problems, even when those problems began after the person enrolled in their plan.  These practices can make getting or keeping coverage unaffordable.

The discussion below focuses on some of the issues faced by people with health issues in the pre-ACA non-group insurance market.  These pre-ACA insurance practices highlight some of the challenges in providing access and stable coverage for people and some of the issues that any ACA replacement plan will need to address. Many ACA replacement proposals have not yet been developed in sufficient detail to fully deal with these questions, or in some cases may defer them to the states.

We start by briefly summarizing key differences between the ACA and pre-ACA insurance market rules for non-group coverage that affect access and continuity of coverage.  We then focus on pre-ACA access and continuity issues for three different groups: (1) people transitioning from employer coverage or Medicaid to the non-group market; (2) people with non-group coverage who develop a health problem; and (3) people who are uninsured (are not considered to have continuous coverage) who want to buy non-group coverage.  After that, we discuss how medical underwriting and rating practices can segment a risk pool, initially and over time, and challenges that this poses for assuring continuous coverage.  We end by reviewing some of the policy choices for addressing the challenges that have been raised.

Ten Ways That the House American Health Care Act Could Affect Women

Ten Ways That the House American Health Care Act Could Affect Women

Women have much at stake as the nation debates the future of coverage in the United States. Because the Affordable Care Act (ACA) made fundamental changes to women’s health coverage and benefits, changes to the law and the regulations that stem from it would have a direct impact on millions of women with private insurance and Medicaid. On May 4, 2017, the House of Representatives passed the American Health Care Act (AHCA), to repeal and replace elements of the ACA (Appendix Table 1). It would eliminate individual and employer insurance mandates, effectively end the ACA Medicaid expansion, cap federal funds for the Medicaid program, make major changes to the federal tax subsidies available to assist individuals who purchase private insurance, and ban federal Medicaid funds from going to Planned Parenthood. It would also allow states to waive the ACA’s Essential Health Benefits requirements and permit health status as a factor in insurance rating for individuals who do not maintain continuous coverage with the goal of reducing insurance costs.1 The Senate will now take up legislation to repeal and replace the ACA and may consider several elements that the House has approved in the AHCA. This brief reviews the implications of the AHCA for women’s access to care and coverage.

10 Things to Know about Medicaid: Setting the Facts Straight

http://kff.org/medicaid/issue-brief/10-things-to-know-about-medicaid-setting-the-facts-straight/?utm_campaign=KFF-2016-The-Latest&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=51786609&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-_oPtCIH4gD4_ZRyWy2daz24TEoKyI_CXQyh75K4bbtRgDPBGs30nDlGsRdOe65M92Zu9Dja6Bmtm3TTQoDua3ac_xORQ&_hsmi=51786609

Medicaid, the nation’s public health insurance program for low-income children, adults, seniors, and people with disabilities, covers 1 in 5 Americans, including many with complex and costly needs for medical care and long-term services. Most people covered by Medicaid would be uninsured or underinsured without it. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) expanded Medicaid to reach low-income adults previously excluded from the program and provided federal funding to states for the vast majority of the cost of newly eligible adults.

President Trump and other GOP leaders have called for far-reaching changes to Medicaid, including caps on federal funding for the program. In the debate about Medicaid’s future, some critics of the program have made statements that are at odds with data, research, and basic information about Medicaid. To inform policy decisions that may have significant implications for Medicaid, the low-income people it serves, and the states, this brief highlights 10 key Medicaid facts.

 

No, Medicaid isn’t broken

https://www.axios.com/no-medicaid-isnt-broken-2404950733.html

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One reason the architects of the American Health Care Act want to cut Medicaid spending and give more responsibility to the states is that they believe that the current program is “broken,” with inadequate access to physicians and out-of-control costs. This is one of those canards that is repeated so often that many people just accept it as true. Mostly, it is not true.

Like any big messy public program, Medicaid is very far from perfect, as I learned when I oversaw a Medicaid program for a Republican governor in New Jersey. But on basic measures of access and satisfaction with care, Medicaid beneficiaries look very much like people with private employer coverage despite the fact that they are sicker and poorer. And they’re doing better than the uninsured.

The bottom line: Medicaid isn’t broken — at least, not any more than private insurance is.

Finding doctors: The biggest problem that’s usually cited with Medicaid is that people have trouble finding doctors who will take them. And there are troubles with low Medicaid provider reimbursement rates and physician access, but they vary around the country. It’s not hard to find a state, or more typically a region within a state, where physician access is a real problem.

But overall:

  • 74% of Medicaid beneficiaries see a doctor each year
  • 69% for people with employer based private coverage see a doctor each year.
  • People on Medicaid are also nearly just as satisfied with their health care as people with employer coverage.

Costs aren’t out of control: Medicaid spending did jump to 10.5% in 2015 with the Affordable Care Act coverage expansion, but it dropped to 5.9% in 2016 and is projected to grow by 4.5% this year.

And per capita Medicaid costs are not rising faster than costs for private insurance. In fact, they’re projected to grow more slowly.

Some would say that’s because Medicaid underpays providers, and it does pay substantially less than Medicare in many states. Others would say, good for Medicaid; it drives a tougher bargain with providers while getting results comparable to other payers.

The AHCA would take more than 800 billion dollars out of Medicaid over the next decade by reducing funding for the Medicaid expansion and capping federal Medicaid spending. The architects of the AHCA may believe Medicaid dollars are better spent elsewhere or not spent at all, or that somehow states can make Medicaid work better with far less money.

There are many principled conservative arguments for smaller government. But the argument that Medicaid is “broken” is not one of them; it is more urban legend than fact.

California Employer Health Benefits: Prices Up, Coverage Down

http://www.chcf.org/publications/2017/03/employer-health-benefits

Employers Offering Coverage, by Firm Characteristics, California, 2016

The majority of Californians rely on their employers for health insurance, but these benefits continue to shrink as the cost to workers continues to rise.

Since 2000, the percentage of employers offering health benefits has declined in California and nationwide, although coverage rates among offering firms have remained stable. Only 55% of California firms reported providing health insurance to employees in 2016, down from 69% in 2000. Implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2014 does not appear to have impacted the overall trend in employer offer rates.

Nineteen percent of California firms reported that they increased cost sharing in the past year, and 27% of firms reported that they were very or somewhat likely to increase employees’ premium contribution in the next year. The prevalence of plans with large deductibles also continues to increase.

ACA Repeal Resource: California’s Individual Market Before Health Reform

http://www.chcf.org/publications/2017/02/ca-indiv-market-before-aca

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This overview describes California’s individual market before the Affordable Care Act and identifies potential concerns if the ACA is repealed.

The individual (nongroup) market is an important fallback option for those who are not offered health insurance coverage through their employers and do not qualify for public programs such as Medi-Cal or Medicare. Independent contractors, part-time employees, low-wage workers at businesses that do not offer coverage, people moving between jobs, and the unemployed all fall into this category of people who will need to turn to the individual market if they want health coverage.

Prior to the ACA, fewer than 10% of Californians obtained individual health insurance at any given time. The ACA established new health insurance marketplaces, provided new financial subsidies for low- and moderate-income people to purchase individual health insurance, imposed new regulations on health plans (like guaranteed issue, banning insurers from denying coverage based on pre-existing conditions), and required individuals to maintain coverage or face penalties. By 2015, two years into ACA implementation, almost 17% of Californians received coverage through the individual market.

This overview offers historical context about California’s individual market before the ACA and identifies potential concerns in the event that the ACA’s provisions reshaping the individual market are repealed.

States Seek to Join Appeal of House Obamacare Lawsuit

https://morningconsult.com/2017/05/18/states-seek-join-appeal-house-obamacare-lawsuit/

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More than a dozen states and the District of Columbia filed a motion on Thursday to intervene in the appeal of a lawsuit targeting the Affordable Care Act’s cost-sharing reduction payments, which have become a focal point for how President Donald Trump plans to treat the 2010 health care law.

The 15 states argue that the executive branch is not adequately defending its authority to make the CSR payments and does not represent their interests. They also said that if the appeals court agrees with the previous ruling that the Obama administration unconstitutionally paid the subsidies, states and their residents would be harmed and there would be significantly higher costs for health care.

The subsidies are at the center of a lawsuit brought by the U.S. House of Representatives against the Obama administration, which the Trump administration must now deal with.

“Because of an intervening presidential election, the current parties appear ready to agree to allow the injunction to stand, without giving this Court the opportunity to determine whether the district court had either jurisdiction to enter it or a legal basis to enjoin the permanent appropriation that Congress intended to provide,” the motion reads.

House Republicans argued the Obama administration paid the subsidies — which help lower-income people afford out-of-pocket costs under the ACA — without an appropriation from Congress. A district court judge ruled in favor of the House last year, and the Obama administration appealed the ruling.

The payments have been made while the lawsuit is pending, but the Trump administration has wavered on whether it will continue to make them in the future, worrying insurers as they prepare to set their premium rates for 2018. Insurers say they need to know the payments’ status before filing their requests by the June 21 deadline.

The states in the lawsuit say their “concerns are concrete and immediate,” due to the urgency insurers face. If the payments are not made, insurance premiums would likely rise and insurers could abandon the individual market, which could trigger a “death spiral” and cause people to lose health coverage, the states warned.

Trump is using the payments as “political bargaining chips,” meaning states and their residents can’t rely on the administration to represent their position, they said.

“The public record makes clear that the current Administration does not represent the States’ interests,” according to the motion jointly filed by California, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Mexico, New York, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington state and the District of Columbia.

The Kaiser Family Foundation has estimated that the average premiums for silver plans sold on the ACA exchanges would increase by about 19 percent to compensate for insurers’ lack of funding without the CSR payments.

The Trump administration and the House are set to update the court on Monday on how they plan to proceed with the case. In February, an appeals court agreed to keep the case on hold while both sides continued to work toward a resolution.