The Future Of Delivery System Reform

http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2017/04/20/the-future-of-delivery-system-reform/

Over the past several years, the federal government has put billions of dollars into a variety of programs aimed at improving the way health care is delivered. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) authorized a broad agenda of reform projects, including accountable care organizations (ACOs), bundled payments, value-based purchasing, primary care initiatives, and other payment and service delivery models. The Medicare Access and CHIP Reauthorization Act (MACRA) of 2015 established new ways of paying physicians intended to promote high-quality patient care.

What will happen to these initiatives under a Congress where Republicans are still seeking to enact major new health reforms and a president who could aggressively use authority granted by the ACA to make sweeping changes in Medicare and other health programs? Does this spell the end of delivery system reform, or could this be a new start with a greater potential to promote efficient and effective health care?

The prospect of ACA repeal has raised concerns among advocates, who argue that the enactment of Medicare-led efforts to promote higher-value care represents a real turning point in the battle to reduce waste and inefficiency. They fear that any reversal of the ACA framework would be a setback to the cause of lower costs and higher quality.

Those fears are overblown. There is bipartisan agreement on the goal of promoting more efficient and effective health care. MACRA, which is aimed at improving the value of physician services through payment changes, was enacted on a bipartisan basis. The debate is over the best way to accomplish the goal, not the goal itself.

We agree that it would be unwise to jettison entirely the delivery system reform provisions of the ACA, but their demise would not be the end of efforts to improve US health care. Rather, we see those provisions as far less consequential than their advocates claim, yet they can serve as departure points for putting in place more effective changes that provide room for private initiative and consumer preferences alongside changes in Medicare’s payment systems.

Summing Up

The cost of health care in the United States has grown rapidly for many years, typically well above growth in the overall economy. Those high costs have not guaranteed high-quality care or good patient outcomes, and our delivery system remains inefficient. What is needed is a process of continuous improvement in the efficiency and quality of the care delivered to patients. That is the core belief motivating the delivery system reform effort, which should be continued even as important features of the ACA come under review.

The key question is how best to pursue more cost-effective care delivery in the United States. At the moment, the federal government is trying to use its leverage to bring about greater efficiency, employing its regulatory powers under the Medicare program. That approach, while understandable, should be amended to make room for more private initiative and consumer incentives. Those are the driving forces for productivity improvement in other sectors of the national economy, and they should be harnessed to produce better outcomes in health care as well.

 

For Malpractice Reform, Focus on Medicine First (Not Law)

For Malpractice Reform, Focus on Medicine First (Not Law)

Image result for medical malpractice law

Congressional Republicans have recently revived efforts to overhaul malpractice laws, including capping certain kinds of suits at $250,000. A perennial argument of supporters of such measures is that many claims are frivolous, clogging the court system and driving up health care costs for everyone. But does the evidence support this?

You don’t have to look too hard to find backing for the notion that some malpractice claims lack merit. A 2006 New England Journal of Medicine study reviewed a random sample of 1,452 claims from five malpractice insurers. Its authors found that 37 percent of these cases involved no errors, and 3 percent involved no verifiable injuries.

It’s also undeniable that defending against malpractice suits gets costly. Other research shows that providers and hospitals spent $81,000 to $107,000 (in 2008 dollars) to defend cases that went to verdict, on average. Even defending claims that were dropped, withdrawn or dismissed cost $15,000 per claim.

But it is not so clear that the best way to solve malpractice lawsuits is through changes focused on the legal system rather than the medical one.

The same 2006 N.E.J.M. study also found that, in many ways, the malpractice system works reasonably well. Most claims without errors or injuries didn’t result in payments, and most claims with errors did.

A study published last month in the American Journal of Health Economics explored the link between malpractice suits and metrics known as Patient Safety Indicators (P.S.I.). These indicators, developed and released by the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality in 2003, are intended to quantify harmful events in the health care system. These events are thought to be preventable by changes at the level of the physician, the hospital or the system itself.

The study’s researchers combined a number of data sets from Florida and Texas to see how the rates of 17 indicators were related to malpractice claims for hospitals. Their hypothesis was straightforward: Patient Safety Indicators are a reasonable measure of safety; poor safety makes medical errors more likely; and medical errors lead to malpractice claims.

It turns out that hospitals differed quite broadly in P.S.I. rates. In Florida, among the larger hospitals, adverse events ranged from 55 to 390 per 10,000 discharges. The researchers also found a strong correlation between P.S.I. rates and the rates of malpractice claims.

Bernard Black, one of the authors of the study and a professor at Northwestern’s school of law, said that even small changes in patient safety helped a lot: “Moving a hospital from roughly the 33rd percentile (worse than two-thirds of other hospitals) to the 67th percentile (better than two-thirds of other hospitals) reduces the rate of lawsuits by 16 percent. This level of improvement should be achievable.”

This research is not the last word on this subject, of course. Patient Safety Indicators, while widely accepted as measures of safety and quality, are imperfect. This study includes only two states, with hospital-level data available only in Florida. The study wasn’t a randomized controlled trial, and causality isn’t assured.

Causation is likely, though, because reverse causality doesn’t make much sense — it’s hard to see how higher malpractice rates would lead hospitals to pay less attention to safety.

The study points to a significant link between measures of quality and safety and malpractice claims, suggesting that taking steps to improve patient safety should reduce the risk of lawsuits. Such measures would also probably improve outcomes for patients — a good in itself.

Too often, efforts to fight undeniable problems in the malpractice system start from the assumption that there are too many cases, that they’re not “real,” and that we need to come up with solutions to limit them. But what the data suggest is that improving medical practices may be a more effective approach than passing new laws.

The CHCF Blog Californians in Individual Market Spent $2,500 Less on Care in 2015 Than Before the ACA

http://www.chcf.org/articles/2017/04/californians-individual-market-spent-less

Average Annual Spending on Health Care by Consumers in Individual Market

Two years into the Affordable Care Act (ACA), Californians who bought health insurance on the individual market spent $2,500 less on health care compared to 2013, the year before the ACA was fully implemented, according to data from the US Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey (CPS) available on ACA 411. This decline was likely driven primarily by the premium tax credits and cost-sharing reductions provided through the ACA’s health insurance marketplaces. This progress toward making health care more affordable is at risk as federal lawmakers debate repealing or radically changing the ACA.

Californians’ Spending Decline Beats National Trends

In 2013, Californians with individual coverage spent, on average, $7,300 out of pocket on health care (defined as spending on health insurance premiums, copays, deductibles, coinsurance for services and prescription drugs). That amount fell to $4,900 in 2014, the first year the ACA health insurance marketplaces (called Covered California in California) were open for business. In 2015 average spending for those covered through the individual market continued declining to $4,800 for a total drop of $2,500 over the two-year period.

Nationally, the amount spent on health care by consumers with individual coverage dropped from $6,800 in 2013 to $5,500 in 2015, a $1,300 decline.

Average Annual Spending on Health Care by Consumers in Individual Market

Similarly, the percentage of consumers with individual coverage reporting “high-burden spending” (defined as spending more than 10% of total income on health care) fell nationally, with California seeing a steeper decline, from 42.9% in 2013 to 33.8% in 2015. Nationally, it dropped from 44.7% to 38.8% during the same period.

Percentage of Consumers in Individual Market Spending More Than 10% of Income on Health Care

For more information on national trends in high-burden spending, read this new analysis of the CPS data by the State Health Access Data Assistance Center (SHADAC). There was a small but statistically significant decline in the overall US rate of high-burden spending, with improvements also among those on Medicare and those earning less than 400% of the federal poverty level (about $47,000 a year for a single person). The brief also highlights which states saw statistically significant changes in high-burden spending among various coverage types and income levels.

 

Medical Loss Ratio: Updates and Impact

http://bhmpc.com/2017/04/medical-loss-ratio-updates-impact/

Medical Loss RatioMedical Loss Ratio

Healthcare spending is on the rise. The federal government has begun several initiatives to control costs, increase efficiency, and increase quality. Revisiting one of the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) metrics, Medical Loss Ratio.

As we all know, healthcare costs are skyrocketing. The US government is trying to look at healthcare spending from all angles in an effort to control costs while increasing quality. It has become a balancing act. The evolution of the American Health Care Act (AHCA) leaves open the possibilities of re-imagining a number of provisions of the ACA increasing the effectiveness of reducing costs and increasing quality. One provisios of particular interest is the Medical Loss Ratio which was supposedly designed to add efficiency, reduce waste, and control administrative costs for a currently broken healthcare system.

Medical Loss Ratio  (MLR) Rule

MLR existed long before ACA; was used to evaluate performance of managed care companies. ACA created a federal standard and modified the calculation.

The Affordable Care Act requires health insurance companies to disclose how much they spend on health care and how much they spend on administrative costs, such as salaries and marketing. If an insurance company spends less than 80% (85% in the large group market) of premium on medical care and efforts to improve the quality of care, they must refund the portion of premium that exceeded this limit. This rule is commonly known as the 80/20 rule or the Medical Loss Ratio (MLR) rule.

Modern Healthcare reports, House conservatives and outside experts doubt HHS Secretary Tom Price has legal authority to substantially revise the Affordable Care Act’s key insurance market regulations and other provisions by issuing new rules and guidance. Price could also withdraw the rule released last year that overhauled regulation of Medicaid managed care programs. If Price tries to rescind that rule, network adequacy provisions, a medical loss ratio mandate for managed care plans, and managed long-term services and supports policies would all be eliminated.

Forbes reports this week, “The Trump administration can start by modifying Obamacare’s “medical loss ratio” rules, which dictate how insurers must spend the money they collect in premiums. If or when the MLR requirement ends, maybe the MLR’s impact and importance remains a visible measuring stick of performance.

CNBC used MLR in this story, yesterday. “UnitedHealthcare reported medical care ratio, or the amount it spends on medical claims compared with the insurance premiums that it brings in, of 82.4 percent, an increase of 70 basis point. “We see a positive set up for peers based on a read through of the company’s better-than-expected medical loss ratio and strong Medicaid performance,” Piper Jaffray analyst Sarah James said.”

Five Key Standard Terms And Conditions Of The Washington 1115 Medicaid Waiver

Five Key Standard Terms and Conditions of the Washington 1115 Medicaid Waiver

On January 9, 2017 the Washington Healthcare Authority (HCA) reached a pivotal milestone in their partnership with the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid (CMS) to transform the delivery and quality of care served to their Medicaid population. The two parties finalized the Standard Terms and Conditions (STCs) of the 1115 Medicaid waiver, making the waiver officially approved, which up until that point had only been agreed-in-principle at the federal level. The STCs are an essential document as they outline the fundamental rules and regulations that HCA, the regional Accountable Communities of Health (ACHs) and providers throughout the state will have to follow as they begin to implement the transformation elements outlined in the waiver.

Over the coming months, HCA will develop the remaining governing documents of the waiver known as the protocols (or attachments to the STCs) and work to gain approval of these from CMS. These documents are critical as they will further define items such as:

  • Project valuation and the funds flow formula that will allocate the maximum dollars each ACH can earn through demonstrated performance
  • The semi-annual reporting requirements needed to demonstrate performance
  • Expectations around the collection and reporting of clinical quality outcomes
  • A number of other key governing regulations.

While the STCs are not complete until all of the protocols are developed and approved, this Health Insights piece will focus on five key terms outlined in the STCs related to the DSRIP program and offer suggestions as to things ACHs and community providers should begin to consider as they prepare for the implementation requirements of waiver participation. This piece is not intended to prescribe waiver next steps or compare other waiver programs; COPE Health Solutions has developed other thought leadership pieces that explain these elements of the Washington waiver and those articles are linked at the bottom of this piece.

 

Trump Group’s Ads Bolstering GOP Obamacare Repeal Drive

https://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2017/04/17/us/politics/ap-us-health-overhaul-ads.html?_r=0

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A pro-Trump group is airing ads in a dozen Republican-held House districts aimed at drumming up support for the White House’s wounded drive to repeal President Barack Obama’s health care law.

The $3 million campaign comes during a two-week congressional recess in which GOP lawmakers’ town hall meetings have been rocked by liberal supporters of Obama’s 2010 statute. Underscoring the challenges Republicans face, one poll showed Monday that the public trusts Democrats over the GOP on health care by their biggest margin in nearly a decade.

Leaders averted a planned House vote last month on a bill replacing much of Obama’s law with a GOP alternative because Republican divisions would have ensured its defeat. White House officials complained at the time that while conservative outside groups opposing the bill had pressured lawmakers, there was insufficient lobbying and advertising by supportive organizations.

Talks among White House officials and GOP lawmakers have continued during the break, but there have been no tangible signs that they’ve found a way to reverse what has been a damaging defeat for President Donald Trump and congressional leaders.

The TV and internet ads by America First Policies are running in districts from Arizona to Pennsylvania, the group said Monday. Some are represented by lawmakers who backed the GOP legislation, others opposed it and others hadn’t taken clear public positions.

One ad aimed at Rep. Gary Palmer, R-Ala., urges people to thank him “for standing with President Trump to repeal Obamacare now.” Palmer said after the House vote was canceled that he backed the decision to pull the bill so work on the legislation could continue.

America First Policies is run by former Trump White House and campaign staffers including Katie Walsh, who left her job as White House deputy chief of staff shortly after the leaders’ retreat from the House vote.

A poll by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center showed that by 54 percent to 35 percent, more people think Democrats do a better job than Republicans handling health care. Though the public has usually given Democrats an advantage on the issue in Pew polls, the two parties were ranked about evenly as recently as 2013.

Obamacare’s Insurers Struggle for Stability Amid Trump Threats

https://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2017-04-17/obamacare-s-insurers-struggle-for-stability-amid-trump-threats

Image result for Obamacare's Insurers Struggle for Stability Amid Trump Threats

Obamacare is stuck in limbo, and insurers and state regulators are struggling to set their plans for what’s increasingly shaping up as a chaotic year for the health-care program.

After the failure of Republicans’ first attempt to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act and President Donald Trump’s subsequent threats to let the program “explode,” more health insurers are threatening to pull out next year, while others may sharply raise the premiums they charge. They’ll start to declare in the next few weeks whether they’re in or out.

Marguerite Salazar, Colorado’s insurance regulator, said that her state’s carriers, which include Anthem Inc. and Cigna Corp., haven’t said they’re leaving, though they don’t want to commit either.

“That’s my biggest fear, is that we would lose carriers in the individual market,” Salazar said. “We don’t want to set up an environment that would tell them, well, maybe we don’t need to be here.”

In Washington, Insurance Commissioner Mike Kreidler pushed back by a month the date when insurers have to say what they’ll offer. He’s urging them to stay and thinks most will, but “they’re not making commitments right now.”

“They’ve got those cards and they’re holding them close,” said Kreidler, a Democrat. “Right now, there’s so much uncertainty.” The fear is that they’ll follow the lead of Aetna Inc. and Wellmark Inc., which pulled out of Iowa’s Obamacare markets this month.

Trump’s Uncertainty

Much of the uncertainty is thanks to the Trump administration, which will play a key role in deciding whether the health law’s markets collapse or survive. Industry representatives — including company executives and insurance lobby CEO Marilyn Tavenner — are scheduled to meet Tuesday with Seema Verma, the head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, the U.S. agency that oversees the law.

Trump’s latest threat has been to stop payments that subsidize co-pays and other upfront costs for lower-income people. Without them, insurers would likely boost their premiums or drop out entirely. The administration has refused to commit to keeping the payments going.

Health insurers see April 30 as a key deadline for a decision on the cost-sharing payments. They’ll start filing with some state regulators in May to say whether or not they’ll stay in the markets.

“Everybody is still in a wait-and-see mode,” said Kristine Grow, a spokeswoman for the industry group America’s Health Insurance Plans. AHIP and other industry groups are pushing the administration to commit to making the cost-sharing payments that Trump has threatened to halt. “Plans really need certainty,” she said.

 

Medicare-for-All is the next step to improving health care

http://www.cincinnati.com/story/opinion/contributors/2017/04/17/medicare–all-next-step-improving-health-care/100482226/

Image result for medicare for all sign

It’s time to educate ourselves about Medicare-for-All, which has passionate and growing support in our country. Most Americans, 64 percent in a recent Kaiser poll,  like the general idea. Energetic and caring citizen groups promote it, such as SPAN Ohio (Single Payer Action Network). In the middle of our health care debates, we should pause to look closely at Medicare-for-All. We need more clarity for smart decisions.

I’ve been reading Medicare-for-All explanations by legislators, doctors, public interest groups and journalists. I’m no expert, but the fundamental concepts are coming clear to me. Here is some central information for those who wonder how Medicare-for-All would work in America.

Who would be covered? For what kinds of health care?

Everyone would be covered. The current Senate proposal, “The American Health Security Act” (S. 1782, soon to be updated), promotes “universal entitlement” and outlines plans to register everyone in this country, starting at birth.

Both House and Senate full-text proposals specify complete coverage for all health-care categories (except cosmetic procedures). They include care typically left out of general health insurance. Dental, vision and prescription coverage are named early in the House proposal, “Expanded and Improved Medicare for All Act” (H. R. 676). Both proposals offer complete maternity and child care, which could remedy Ohio’s “near the bottom” rates of infant mortality.

Vital screenings for cancer and STD/HIV belong with the promised diagnostic tests in these proposals. There is pressing need. In Ohio, 80,000 men and women are tested yearly by Planned Parenthood. Addiction and substance abuse treatment, mental health care, home and hospice care, and prosthetics are among an abundance of named services.

People would choose their own providers. Doctors and hospitals would remain independent. There would be no premiums, deductibles, or co-pays.

Who would pay for all this coverage?

The Senate and House proposals, state government bills, and Physicians for a National Health Program – all envision a Medicare-for-All that is affordable.

To reach real affordability, we need to exclude profit-making health insurance companies. Cut the cord of their power over costs. In ACA exchanges now, health insurers increase costs.  Even with this handicap, the ACA has taught us for years what affordability feels like. That’s why so many cling to the ACA. One in four Ohio hospitals believes that without the ACA, they would close.

Medicare-for-All, the next step from the ACA, offers complete affordability. It would appropriate funds from Medicare, Medicaid, CHIP, ACA, and other federal health programs. It would leave health insurance giants behind, saving another $350 billion to $500 billion yearly. Medicare-for-All would have negotiating clout with Big Pharma.

Without premiums and deductibles and co-pays, people could afford a few modest taxes to help with funding. Maybe a health income tax, small for most, larger for the top 5 percent of incomes. A limited, progressive excise payroll tax would help, as well as a tax on securities transactions – a few hundredths of a percent of fair market value.

If we adopt Medicare-for-All, what risks are we taking? Might health care be rationed? Would we have long waits? Ballooning costs?

The GOP’s problem on health reform is they’ve spent years hiding their real position

http://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/4/17/15325366/gop-problem-on-health-reform

The most interesting policy argument in America right now is the debate between conservatives’ real position on health care and their fake position.

The fake, but popular, position goes something like this: Conservatives think everyone deserves affordable health insurance, but they disagree with Democrats about how to get everyone covered at the best price. This was the language that surrounded Paul Ryan and Donald Trump’s Obamacare alternative — an alternative that crashed and burned when it came clear that it would lead to more people with worse (or no) health insurance and higher medical bills.

Conservatives’ real, but unpopular, position on health care is quite different, and it explains their behavior much better. Their real position is that universal coverage is a philosophically unsound goal, and that blocking Democrats from creating a universal health care system is of overriding importance. To many conservatives, it is not the government’s role to make sure everyone who wants health insurance can get it, and it would be a massive step toward socialism if that changed.

This view provided the actual justification for Ryan and Trump’s Obamacare alternative — it’s why they designed a bill that led to more people with worse (or no) health insurance and higher medical bills, but that cut taxes for the rich and shrank the government’s role in providing health care.

There was, for decades, a logic to the GOP’s dual positions: the fake but popular position was used to pursue the ends of the real but unpopular position. But in the post-Obamacare world, the chasm that has opened between conservatives’ fake and real positions has become unmanageable, and how — or whether — conservatives resolve it has become perhaps the most interesting public policy question going today.

A real conservative health care debate worth hearing

On the latest episode of Peter Robinson’s Uncommon Knowledge, Avik Roy and John Podhoretz have perhaps the most honest and bracing discussion of this I’ve heard. Podhoretz, a columnist and editor with a deep pedigree in conservative politics, begins by arguing that the passage of Obamacare, and the debate over the American Health Care Act, shows a “Rubicon” has been crossed in American politics — there is now an “almost unspoken acceptance of the idea that there should be universal coverage for health care in the United States.”

 

Long-term care insurance facing major pricing shift

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/get-there/wp/2017/04/17/long-term-care-insurance-facing-major-pricing-shift/?utm_term=.44bd32bcb04a

One of the biggest fears people have about retirement is getting sick and running out of money to cover their health issues.

So in comes long-term care insurance, which can cover the cost of nursing homes, assisted-living facilities and in-home care. Medicare — except in very limited situations — does not cover long-term care. Medicaid covers long-term care, but to qualify for the benefit, you have to be pretty poor.

If you need help with life’s basic activities — eating, dressing and bathing — it can be expensive and the cost of that care can decimate your savings.

The problem is that there have been some steep premium increases for long-term care insurance, and it has many people wondering if the insurance is worth it. Insurance companies have had trouble pricing the insurance. Initial premiums charged haven’t been enough to cover claims.

But how the insurance is priced may be changing significantly. Rather than keeping premiums steady for several years and then having to impose huge double-digit rate hikes, Genworth, one of the largest providers of long-term care insurance, wants to be have the ability to change premiums annually, reports Forbes contributor Howard Gleckman.

“In this design, unfortunately called the Annual Rate Sufficiency Model, buyers of new policies would likely see modest, single-digit rate hikes each year or two,” Gleckman writes. “If Genworth thinks it is likely to pay fewer claims than expected or if investment income is higher than projected, consumers might even see small rate reductions in some years.”

He goes on: “For years, some brokers told buyers that their premiums would never increase. But in reality, while carriers could not raise rates on individual policies, they could boost prices for an entire class of buyers. They often delayed those rate hikes — or were blocked by state insurance commissioners — for five years or more, until policyholders got hammered with increases of 40 percent and up.”