Sutter Antitrust Class Action Could Upend Industry Consolidation

https://news.bloomberglaw.com/health-law-and-business/sutter-antitrust-class-action-could-upend-industry-consolidation

Health-care consolidation and antitrust allegations are the focus of litigation that alleges Sutter Health Systems uses its Northern California dominance to force higher fees out of employer-funded health plans and consumers.

Jury selection begins Sept. 23 in San Francisco in a case that could translate into more than a billion-dollar liability for California’s third-largest hospital system. Sutter denies the allegations.

Employers, payors, and the health-care industry are closely watching the case. Success in California could spill into other states and undermine consolidation efforts by other health-care providers, observers said.

“If I’m a system somewhere else and these guys lose, these class-action lawyers I assume are going to start putting pins in the map around the country and say, ‘OK let’s go look at Utah, Florida, other parts of California’” that have dominant players, said Glenn Melnick, a health-care economist at the University of Southern California. “They have a template now.”

Total Revenue Hit $13 Billion in 2018

Sutter Health is a California behemoth, consisting of 24 acute care hospital facilities, 36 ambulatory surgery centers, nine cancer centers, six specialty care centers, nine major physician organizations, with 12,000 physicians and 53,000 employees located in 19 counties in Northern California. The system reported $13 billion in revenue in 2018.

“There is no evidence that Sutter has hurt competition, as demonstrated by the fact that new hospitals continue to open and existing facilities continue to expand in markets that Sutter Health serves, including in the San Francisco Bay Area and the greater Sacramento region,” Sutter said in a statement.

Northern California has experienced more rapid consolidation of hospital, physician, and insurance markets from 2010 to 2016 than Southern California, University of California Berkeley researchers found. And inpatient prices were 70% higher, outpatient prices 17%-55% higher depending on physician specialty, and Affordable Care Act premiums 35% higher in the northern part of the state.

Sutter inflated prices by an average 15.5% between 2003 and 2016, a United Food & Commercial Workers & Employers Benefit Trust expert analysis said. The UFCW trust sued Sutter first, followed by the state. For trial purposes, the court joined California’s lawsuit with the UFCW class action.

The inflated prices translated into $756 million in overcharges, the state and class members allege. More than 90% of class members for which measurements were available paid higher average prices at Sutter than class members paid for services at other California hospitals, they said.

Patients Protected, Sutter Says

The hospital system says its offerings shield patients from unforeseen expenses.

“Our broad provider network gives patients greater choice and predictability and protects patients from surprise billing. It also prevents patients from paying more in co-pays and deductibles for out-of-network doctor and hospital visits,” Sutter’s statement said.

Treble damages and attorneys’ fees are available if the UFCW and state win under the Cartwright Act, California’s antitrust law. The union trust fund, representing a class of large California employers who self insure their health-care costs, seeks damages from the jury while the California Attorney General wants to stop the practices alleged.

Jury selection is set for Sept. 23-24 with a two-week break while the parties argue over issues including sealing contracts negotiated with third parties including Anthem Inc., Blue Shield of California Inc., United Healthcare Services Inc., Teamsters Benefit Trust, Apple Inc., and HealthNet of California Inc. The trial is expected to last 60-90 days.

Consolidation Concerns

Health-care costs are one of the most important concerns in the U.S., said Jaime King, associate dean of the University of California Hastings School of Law and director of the Concentration on Law and Health Sciences.

“I know that attorneys general in other states are paying very close attention to what’s happening because concentration is not something that is just happening in California—it’s happening all over the country. If successful we will start to see a rollout of lots of similar cases across country,” King said.

“I think we will see ripple effects that go well into the future,” she said.

The case has implications especially in Northern California and could have legs elsewhere, Attorney General Xavier Becerra (D) said.

“Does this have an impact outside California? I would say that most everything that California does has an impact on this country and dare say the world. We hope that in our effort to pursue lower costs and higher quality of care in health care that the beneficiaries are not just Californians but people throughout the country,” Becerra said.

 

 

 

Hospital Giant Sutter Health Faces Legal Reckoning Over Medical Pricing

https://khn.org/news/sutter-health-antitrust-lawsuit-hospital-consolidation-medical-pricing/?fbclid=IwAR25Fe5xyq6Ne2lq_tuTo-r5ft4mUaLBLN7TLaMIo_cl5gJ59lMBNXwB33A

Economists and researchers long have blamed the high cost of health care in Northern California on the giant medical systems that have gobbled up hospitals and physician practices — most notably Sutter Health, a nonprofit chain with 24 hospitals, 34 surgery centers and 5,000 physicians across the region.

Now, those arguments will have their day in court: A long-awaited class-action lawsuit against Sutter is set to open Sept. 23 in San Francisco Superior Court.

The hospital giant, with $13 billion in operating revenue in 2018, stands accused of violating California’s antitrust laws by leveraging its market power to drive out competition and overcharge patients. Health care costs in Northern California, where Sutter is dominant, are 20% to 30% higher than in Southern California, even after adjusting for cost of living, according to a 2018 study from the Nicholas C. Petris Center at the University of California-Berkeley cited in the complaint.

The case was initiated in 2014 by self-funded employers and union trusts that pay for worker health care. It since has been joined with a similar case brought last year by California Attorney General Xavier Becerra. The plaintiffs seek up to $900 million in damages for overpayments that they attribute to Sutter; under California’s antitrust law, the award can be tripled, leaving Sutter liable for up to $2.7 billion.

The case is being followed closely by industry leaders and academics alike.

“This case could be huge. It could be existential,” said Glenn Melnick, a health care economist at the University of Southern California. If the case is successful, he predicted, health care prices could drop significantly in Northern California. It also could have a “chilling effect” nationally for large health systems that have adopted similar negotiating tactics, he said.

The case already has proved controversial: In November 2017, San Francisco County Superior Court Judge Curtis E.A. Karnow sanctioned Sutter after finding it had intentionally destroyed 192 boxes of documents sought by plaintiffs, “knowing that the evidence was relevant to antitrust issues.” He wrote: “There is no good explanation for the specific and unusual destruction here.”

Antitrust enforcement is more commonly within the purview of the Federal Trade Commission and U.S. Department of Justice. “One of the reasons we have such a big problem [with consolidation] is that they’ve done very little. Enforcement has been very weak,” said Richard Scheffler, director of the Nicholas C. Petris Center. From 2010 to 2017, there were more than 800 hospital mergers, and the federal government has challenged just a handful.

“We feel very confident,” said Richard Grossman, lead counsel for the plaintiffs. “Sutter has been able to elevate their prices above market to the tune of many hundreds of millions of dollars.”

Or, as Attorney General Becerra put it at a news conference unveiling his 2018 lawsuit: “This is a big ‘F’ deal.”

Sutter vigorously denies the allegations, saying its large, integrated health system offers tangible benefits for patients, including more consistent high-quality care. Sutter also disputes that its prices are higher than other major health care providers in California, saying its internal analyses tell a different story.

“This lawsuit irresponsibly targets Sutter’s integrated system of hospitals, clinics, urgent care centers and affiliated doctors serving millions of patients throughout Northern California,” spokeswoman Amy Thoma Tan wrote in an emailed statement. “While insurance companies want to sell narrow networks to employers, integrated networks like Sutter’s benefit patient care and experience, which leads to greater patient choice and reduces surprise out-of-network bills to our patients.”

There’s no dispute that for years Sutter has worked aggressively to buy up hospitals and doctor practices in communities throughout Northern California. At issue in the case is how it has used that market dominance.

According to the lawsuit, Sutter has exploited its market power by using an “all-or-none” approach to contracting with insurance companies. The tactic — known as the “Sutter Model” — involves sitting down at the negotiating table with a demand: If an insurer wants to include any one of the Sutter hospitals or clinics in its network, it must include all of them. In Sutter’s case, several of its 24 hospitals are “must-haves,” meaning it would be almost impossible for an insurer to sell an insurance plan in a given community without including those facilities in the network.

“All-or-none” contracting allows hospital systems to demand higher prices from an insurer with little choice but to acquiesce, even if it might be cheaper to exclude some of the system’s hospitals that are more expensive than a competitor’s. Those higher prices trickle down to consumers in the form of higher premiums.

The California Hospital Association contends such negotiations are crucial for hospitals struggling financially. “It can be a great benefit to small hospitals and rural hospitals that don’t have a lot of bargaining power to have a larger group that can negotiate on their behalf,” said Jackie Garman, the CHA’s legal counsel.

Sutter also is accused of preventing insurers and employers from tiering benefits, a technique used to steer patients to more cost-effective options. For example, an insurer might charge $100 out-of-pocket for a procedure at a preferred surgery center, but $200 at a more expensive facility. In addition, the lawsuit alleges that for years Sutter restricted insurers from sharing information about its prices with employers and workers, making it nearly impossible to compare prices when selecting a provider.

Altogether, the plaintiffs allege, such tactics are anti-competitive and have allowed Sutter to drive up the cost of care in Northern California.

Hospitals in California and other regions across the country have watched the success of such tactics and taken note. “All the other hospitals want to emulate [Sutter] to get those rates,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of the advocacy group Health Access.

A verdict that finds such tactics illegal would “send a signal to the market that the way to compete is not to be the next Sutter,” said Wright. “You want them to compete instead by providing better quality service at a lower price, not just by who can get bigger and thus leverage a higher price.”

Along with damages, Becerra’s complaint calls for dismantling the Sutter Model. It asks that Sutter be required to negotiate prices separately for each of its hospitals — and prohibit officials at different hospitals from sharing details of their negotiations. While leaving Sutter intact, the approach would give insurers more negotiating room, particularly in communities with competing providers.

Consolidation in the health care industry is likely here to stay: Two-thirds of hospitals across the nation are part of larger medical systems. “It’s very hard to unscramble the egg,” said Melnick.

California legislators have attempted to limit the “all or nothing” contracting terms several times, but the legislation has stalled amid opposition from the hospital industry.

Now the courts will weigh in.

 

 

 

Trial approaching in Sutter Health antitrust case

https://www.modernhealthcare.com/legal/trial-approaching-sutter-health-antitrust-case?utm_source=modern-healthcare-daily-finance&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=20190923&utm_content=article1-readmore

Spurred in part by the Affordable Care Act, hospitals across the country have merged to form massive medical systems in the belief it would simplify the process for patients.

But a simpler bill doesn’t always guarantee a cheaper bill.

That’s a key issue in an antitrust lawsuit against one of California’s largest hospital systems set to begin Monday.

About 1,500 self-funded health plans have sued Sutter Health, a system that includes 24 hospitals across Northern California. The case has dragged on since 2014, but it picked up steam last year when Attorney General Xavier Becerra filed a similar lawsuit. The cases have been combined and jury selection begins Monday. Opening arguments are scheduled for October.

The lawsuit alleges Sutter Health gobbled up competing medical providers in the region and used its market dominance to set higher prices for insurance plans, which means more expensive insurance premiums for consumers.

Becerra points to a 2018 study that found unadjusted inpatient procedure prices are 70% higher in Northern California than Southern California. The lawsuit notes Sutter Health’s assets were $15.6 billion at the end of 2016, up from $6.4 billion in 2005.

“We never meant for folks to use integration to boost their profits at the expense of consumers,” Becerra said.

It’s rare for antitrust lawsuits of this size to go to trial because the law allows for triple damages — a prospect that often spooks companies into settling outside of court to avoid an unpredictable jury. Health plans in this case are asking for $900 million in damages, meaning Sutter Health could take a nearly $3 billion hit.

Atrium Health, a North Carolina-based hospital system, settled a similar anti-trust lawsuit with the federal government last year. And CHI Franciscan, a health system based in Washington state, also settled similar claims in March that had been brought by the state.

But Sutter Health is fighting the case. The company says the lawsuit is not about its prices, but about insurance companies who want to maximize their own profits. Sutter Health officials insist the company faces fierce competition, vowing to detail in court the expansion of other health systems in the San Francisco Bay Area and the Sacramento Valley.

Four Sutter Health hospitals had operating losses in 2018, totaling $49 million.

“The bottom line is that this lawsuit is designed to skew the healthcare system to the advantage of large insurance companies so they can market inadequate insurance plans to Californians,” said Sutter Health Director of Public Affairs Amy Thoma Tan.

At issue are several of Sutter Health’s contracting policies that Becerra says have allowed the company to “thoroughly immunize itself from price competition.”

One way insurance companies keep costs down is to steer patients to cheaper health care providers through a variety of incentives. Becerra says Sutter Health bans insurance companies from using these incentives, making it harder for patients to use their lower-priced competitors.

Becerra also says Sutter has an “all or nothing” approach to negotiating with insurance companies, requiring them to include all of the company’s hospitals in their provider networks even if it doesn’t make financial sense to do so.

The case was originally filed by a trust of Northern California’s largest unionized grocery companies in 2014. A representative for the trust said it was “unknowingly forced to pay Sutter’s artificially high prices.”

But the company says these contracting practices are designed to protect patients. People often are unable to pick which hospital they go to in a medical emergency, which can lead to surprise bills when they learn a hospital or doctor was not in their network.

Jackie Garman, lawyer for the California Hospital Association, said these contracting practices are standard at a lot of hospitals. If the lawsuit is successful, she said it could “disrupt contracting practices at a lot of other systems.”

But the consequences of not bringing the lawsuit could be greater, Becerra said.

“We are paying every time we allow an anti-competitive behavior to drive the market,” he said.

 

 

 

On same day of hospital concentration study, AMA says payers are the ones with less competition

https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/payer-issues/on-same-day-of-hospital-concentration-study-ama-says-payers-are-the-ones-with-less-competition.html?oly_enc_id=2893H2397267F7G

Image result for highly concentrated health insurance market

 

In 2018, 75 percent of commercial health insurance markets were highly concentrated, according to a study published by the American Medical Association.

For its study, AMA analyzed market concentration in 382 metropolitan areas across the nation. AMA estimated that 73 million Americans with commercial health plans live in highly concentrated markets and don’t have many health plans to choose from. 

“Americans in three-quarters of commercial health insurance markets have a limited number of health insurers from which to choose,” AMA President Patrice Harris, MD, said in a prepared statement. “In almost half of metropolitan areas, a single health insurer has 50 percent or more of the market, and patients are not benefiting from this degree of market power. While health insurers grow corporate profits, networks are too narrow, premiums are too high, and benefits are too watered down.”

The study was published the same day the Health Care Cost Institute published an analysis finding a growing number of metropolitan areas have highly concentrated hospital markets. HCCI found that by 2016, hospital markets in the majority (72 percent) of 112 metro areas the institute studied were highly concentrated. HCCI said this “reflects the fact that most metros became increasingly concentrated over time.”

Read the full AMA study here.

 

Report: 3 in 4 hospital markets are now ‘highly concentrated’

https://www.fiercehealthcare.com/hospitals-health-systems/report-three-four-hospital-markets-are-now-highly-concentrated?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiT1dJNE5tUTFZV0k1TVdRNCIsInQiOiJMakFtS1IzZmxaRDlQNUtjdFdMUHVYUFdBd1wvXC9EZFR3ekhHU3ZsYVNib2t3bTlEb0Z2bklLZndEZXFOTjZ1RVZ0bURYMXI5dGFNcW92SXFYV25HTVh4d01tNEY4YkVCUnBMamhpbllXSytVTW5ybGJ1OTh0UjJmVDRmSWJ6c1wveCJ9&mrkid=959610

Photo of two men shaking hands in front of a hospital

Nearly 3 in 4 hospital markets around the U.S. are “highly concentrated,” according to a new Healthy Marketplace Index report by the Health Care Cost Institute (HCCI).

Researchers examined more than 4 million commercial inpatient hospital claims between 2012 and 2016 and found 81 out of 112 (72%) were considered “highly concentrated” using the Department of Justice’s Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI). That’s up from 67% in 2012. 

“Increasingly concentrated hospital markets have been linked to the rising cost of hospital care by nearly every expert in the field,” said Niall Brennan, president and CEO of HCCI, in a statement.

Funded by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, the report found:

  • 69% of markets studied experienced an increase in concentration.
  • Metro areas with smaller populations tended to have higher concentration levels. For instance, Springfield, Missouri; Peoria, Illinois; Cape Coral, Florida; and both Durham and Greensboro, North Carolina, had the most concentrated markets in the U.S.
  • Larger metropolitan areas including New York City, Philadelphia and Chicago had the lowest levels of concentration.
  • Some of the less concentrated metros in 2012 like Trenton, New Jersey, experienced larger increases in concentration over time.

“Our findings add to the growing consensus that most localities have highly concentrated hospital markets, and this is becoming increasingly true over time,” Bill Johnson, Ph.D., a senior researcher at HCCI and an author of the report, said in a statement. “The increased concentration we observed can be driven by many factors such as hospital closures, mergers, and acquisitions, changes in hospital capacity, patient preference, or changes in patients’ insurance networks.”

Previous, HCCI reports found inpatient hospital prices were rising in nearly every metro area studied. This new study found a positive relationship—but not a causal relationship—between price increases and increases in hospital market concentration. Those findings align with similar findings correlating consolidation with rising healthcare prices including from the Harvard Global Health Institute and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and The Urban Institute.

However, the American Hospital Association recently released its defense of consolidation in a report that argues mergers can improve costs by increasing scale, improving care coordination, reducing capital costs and improving clinical standardization.

 

 

 

Another round of debate over hospital consolidation

Image result for Another round of debate over hospital consolidation
 
Are hospital mergers a good thing or a bad thing?

Much of the answer to that question depends on what happens after the merger—does the combined organization provide better, more efficient care, or does it use its increased leverage to raise prices? Yet another round of back and forth on this issue took place this week, as the American Hospital Association (AHA) released the results of a study it commissioned from economic analysis firm Charles River Associates (CRA), while a group of academic antitrust specialists countered with their own briefing in response.

The AHA study, based on interviews with select health system leaders and econometric analysis by CRA, shows (surprise, surprise) that consolidation decreases hospital expenses by 2.3 percent, reduces mortality and readmissions, and reduces revenue per admission by 3.5 percent—indicating that the “savings” from consolidation are being passed along to purchasers. The economists, including Martin Gaynor at Carnegie Mellon, Zack Cooper at Yale, and Leemore Dafny at Harvard, countered in their briefing (surprise, surprise) that CRA’s research was biased in favor of hospitals, and cited numerous academic studies that indicate that hospital consolidation drives overall healthcare costs higher.

Beyond the predictable debate, our view is that consolidation can and should lead to better quality and lower prices—but that it largely hasn’t delivered on that promise. The prospect of “integrated care” that’s often touted by consolidation advocates hasn’t materialized in most places, both because hospital executives haven’t pushed hard enough on strategies to produce it, and because the market lacks sufficient incentives to encourage it.

Charting the consolidation of US healthcare

https://infogram.com/1t0dvy02dplrpma82vpx7od14rf3z3g0qel

 
As much discussion as there’s been about consolidation in the hospital industry recently, there are surprisingly few good sources of data on the scope and scale of multi-hospital systems in the US. One very helpful resource is the Compendium of US Health Systems, a project sponsored by the Agency for Healthcare Quality and Research (AHRQ), which is part of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).

First launched in 2016, the compendium includes downloadable data on 626 health systems, with information about location, number of beds, number of discharges, and other key characteristics. This spring, AHRQ supplemented the data set with new information about participation in payment reform pilots and provider-sponsored health plan activity. Drawing on this information, we constructed the interactive graphic below—click on the chart or follow this link to explore the data. A few highlights indicate how consolidated the hospital sector has become.

Health systems account for more than 90 percent of all discharges in the US, with the largest 11 systems accounting for a quarter of discharges, and the largest 67 accounting for half. Nonprofit systems dominate the landscape, and many of those are multi-state enterprises. And the trend toward consolidation continues apace. When AHRQ first released the data set in 2016, there were 626 systems on the list; the last two years have seen that number decrease to 591, with several large systems merging together. We’ll continue to mine this rich resource for more insights in the weeks to come.

 

Medical group deals face growing antitrust scrutiny as price worries rise

https://www.modernhealthcare.com/legal/medical-group-deals-face-growing-antitrust-scrutiny-price-worries-rise?utm_source=modern-healthcare-daily-finance&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=20190708&utm_content=article1-readmore

Recent actions by antitrust enforcers and courts to block or regulate purchases of physician practices by hospitals and insurers may signal increasing scrutiny for such deals as policymakers intensify their focus on boosting competition to reduce healthcare prices.

Last month, the Federal Trade Commission announced a settlement with UnitedHealth Group and DaVita unwinding United’s acquisition of DaVita Medical Group’s Las Vegas operations.

At the same time, Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser separately reached a deal imposing conditions on UnitedHealth’s acquisition of DaVita’s physician groups in Colorado Springs.

Also in June, the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld a District Court ruling blocking Sanford Health’s proposed 2015 acquisition of the multispecialty Mid Dakota Clinic in the Bismarck, N.D., area. That antitrust case originally was filed by the FTC and North Dakota Attorney General Wayne Stenehjem in 2017.

And in May, Washington Attorney General Bob Ferguson settled an antitrust lawsuit with CHI Franciscan setting conditions on the health system’s 2016 affiliation with the Doctors Clinic, a multispecialty group, and its purchase of WestSound Orthopaedics, both in Kitsap County. CHI Franciscan will pay up to $2.5 million, distributed to other healthcare organizations to increase access to care.

The cases represent the most significant antitrust developments involving physician acquisitions since federal and state antitrust enforcers won9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruling in 2015 upholding a lower-court decision forcing Idaho’s St. Luke’s Health System to unwind its 2012 acquisition of Saltzer Medical Group.

The agreements with UnitedHealth in Nevada and Colorado show a new willingness by federal and state antitrust enforcers to use seldom-cited vertical merger theory. Under that theory, acquisitions of physician groups by insurers or hospitals may foreclose competition by making it more difficult or costly for rivals to obtain physician services.

“I am concerned about the state of consolidation,” Weiser said in an interview. “Healthcare costs in Colorado have risen at an alarming rate. Protecting competition needs to be a central part of our strategy to provide affordable and quality healthcare.”

These recent antitrust actions come as concerns mount over the growing consolidation of hospitals and physician practices and the impact on prices and total health spending. Sixty-five percent of metropolitan statistical areas are highly concentrated for specialist physicians, while 39% are highly concentrated for primary-care doctors, according to Martin Gaynor, a health economist at Carnegie Mellon University.

Hospital acquisitions of physician practices have led to higher prices and health spending, researchers have found. Average outpatient physician prices in 2014 ranged from 35% to 63% higher, depending on physician specialty, in highly concentrated California markets compared with less-concentrated markets, according to a 2018 study by researchers at the University of California at Berkeley. The link between physician market concentration and prices is similar across the country, experts say.

Market consolidation in California

That’s why some elected officials and antitrust attorneys say it’s past time to step up oversight of physician practice acquisitions by hospitals, insurers and private-equity firms. These deals traditionally have received less scrutiny than hospital and insurance mergers, partly because they are smaller transactions that federal and state antitrust enforcement agencies may not have known about beforehand.

The recent cases suggest state attorneys general may play a growing role in policing physician acquisition deals by hospitals and insurers, given that they are in a better position than the feds to find out about brewing local deals. Most of the growth in physician group size has come from piecemeal acquisitions of small group practices, a Health Affairs studyfound last year.

Washington and at least two other states have passed laws requiring healthcare providers to give state officials advance notice before finalizing a merger or acquisition. That gives state AGs another advantage over the FTC, which under federal rules only must receive advance notice of deals exceeding $78.2 million in value. Few physician acquisitions meet that threshold.

Others worry, however, that the absence of clear federal guidelines for challenging vertical mergers between hospitals and physicians has made the FTC and the courts overly cautious, and that it now may be too late because many physician markets are already highly concentrated. In March, the FTC and the Justice Department said they were working on new vertical merger guidelines, which were last updated in 1984.

“The horse may be out of the barn in a number of markets where there have been very large acquisitions of physician practices,” said Tim Greaney, a visiting professor at the University of California Hastings College of Law. “It’s not clear what you can do about that.”

But hospitals, insurers and other physician aggregators argue that making it harder to buy physician groups would hamper their ability to establish cost-saving, high-quality delivery models emphasizing care coordination.

That’s how Sanford Bismarck President Dr. Michael LeBeau responded to last month’s 8th Circuit ruling against his organization’s merger with Mid Dakota Clinic. “Sanford continues to believe that combining with Mid Dakota Clinic would lead to the enhanced provision of and access to healthcare for patients in central and western North Dakota,” he said in a written statement.

Researchers have raised doubts, however, about whether hospital acquisitions of medical practices have truly achieved efficiencies and cost savings, and whether any cost savings have been passed on to payers and patients.

Going forward, hospitals, insurers and other healthcare organizations need to prepare themselves for an era of closer state and federal examination of physician acquisition deals, antitrust experts agree. That also may apply to private-equity firms, which have accelerated their investment in physician groups and have sought to build market power in particular specialties.

The FTC did not respond to requests for an interview.

Healthcare organizations pursuing physician deals must be ready to cite circumstances where competition continues to thrive following a merger. But that may not be easy, conceded Lisa Gingerich, an antitrust attorney at Michael Best & Friedrich.

“The challenge now is there has been so much consolidation that it’s harder and harder to find those circumstances,” she said.

Scaling back integration in Nevada and Colorado

The UnitedHealth Group-DaVita case may present the clearest warning shot to organizations contemplating large physician acquisitions, attracting both federal and state attention.

The FTC argued that the proposed acquisition by United’s OptumCare of DaVita’s HealthCare Partners of Nevada would result in a near-monopoly controlling more than 80% of the market for services delivered by managed-care provider organizations to Medicare Advantage plans.

The merger would be both horizontal—combining OptumCare’s and DaVita’s competing physician groups—and vertical, as it would combine a Medicare Advantage insurer and a physician group. That, the FTC said, would increase costs and decrease competition on quality, services and amenities by forcing rival Medicare Advantage plans to pay more for physician services.

Under the FTC settlement, UnitedHealth agreed to sell DaVita’s Nevada medical group to Intermountain Healthcare, which offers a Medicare Advantage product in Las Vegas through its SelectHealth insurance arm.

Colorado’s terms

Meanwhile, under a separate consent judgment with Attorney General Phil Weiser in Colorado, UnitedHealth will lift its exclusive contract with Centura Health for at least 31/2 years, expanding the provider network available to other Medicare Advantage plans. In addition, DaVita Medical Group’s agreement with Humana, United’s main competitor in Colorado Springs, will be extended through at least 2020.

All four FTC commissioners approved the enforcement action in Nevada. But the two Republican-appointed commissioners and the two Democratic-appointed commissioners disagreed on whether to ask a judge to block United’s acquisition of DaVita’s medical group in Colorado, a purely vertical merger. The 2-2 split meant no federal action was taken.

The Democratic commissioners. Rebecca Kelly Slaughter and Rohit Chopra, said the merger would harm competition and consumers, and welcomed the Colorado attorney general’s remedial conditions. “We hope all state attorneys general actively enforce the antitrust laws to protect their residents from harmful mergers and anticompetitive practices,” they wrote.

But the Republican commissioners, Noah Joshua Phillips and Christine Wilson, opposed action in Colorado on the grounds that the law on vertical mergers is “relatively underdeveloped” and that there was mixed evidence on whether the Colorado merger was pro- or anti-competitive.

Weiser said his office had to intervene to protect the ability of Humana and other Medicare Advantage insurers to compete with United by having access to physicians and hospitals. “State attorneys general will be a critical part of protecting competition, both because we’re close to our citizens and because of a lack of action by the federal government,” he said.

To other observers, the Nevada and Colorado agreements were notable because they invoked seldom-used vertical merger theory, which the FTC has been reluctant to use because it generally saw vertical mergers as helping reduce costs and increase competition.

“This shows that in the proper case, the FTC won’t hesitate to pursue vertical theory to reverse the course of” a physician group acquisition, said Douglas Ross, a veteran antitrust attorney at Davis Wright Tremaine in Seattle.

A muddier outcome in Washington state

Washington Attorney General Bob Ferguson’s settlement of his antitrust case against CHI Franciscan was less definitive than the outcomes in the other recent cases.

He had accused the hospital system of engineering the purchase of WestSound Orthopaedics and the affiliation with the Doctors Clinic to capture a large share of orthopedists and other physicians in Kitsap County, fix prices at a higher level, and shift more services to its Harrison Medical Center in Bremerton. But the settlement left in place CHI Franciscan’s purchase of WestSound and its tight professional services agreement with the Doctors Clinic, while placing relatively modest conditions on joint contracting by the hospital system and the clinic.

Ferguson’s bargaining position was weakened by a federal District Court decision in March granting CHI Franciscan’s motion to summarily dismiss his allegation that the acquisition of WestSound reduced competition and violated antitrust law. That may be the first time since the 1990s that a defendant won summary judgment on a horizontal merger claim in an antitrust case, one expert said.

In addition, the judge required the parties to go to trial on whether the transaction between CHI Franciscan and the Doctors Clinic was a true merger, as the two organizations claimed, or whether they remained two competing provider groups. If Ferguson lost on that issue, his antitrust case would be dead because a merged entity cannot be cited for price-fixing.

The attorney general settled that claim with CHI Franciscan and the clinic by requiring a $2.5 million payment to other healthcare providers and expanding the types of value-based contracts they could participate in. But the two sides differed sharply in their characterization of the settlement.

“This was a matter where we identified anticompetitive effects and ongoing harm to consumers and saw a need to act quickly,” said Jonathan Mark, senior assistant attorney general in Washington. “We believe the remedies in the consent decree are sufficient to address the anticompetitive effects we alleged.”

For its part, CHI Franciscan said there never was any court judgment or admission that it engaged in anticompetitive conduct, noting that the settlement preserved its deals with WestSound and the Doctors Clinic. It was particularly important for hospitals all over the country that Ferguson failed to establish that a professional services agreement with a physician group constituted price-fixing, an attorney for the hospital system said.

“The AG lost this lawsuit and is now twisting the facts to match his baseless allegations,” said Cary Evans, the hospital system’s vice president for government affairs. “Had we not affiliated, the closing of the Doctors Clinic and WestSound would have resulted in less choice, decreased access, and high costs for residents.”

A classic example in North Dakota

The outcome in the North Dakota case was more conventional than the others.

There, the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the District Court’s preliminary injunction blocking Sanford Health’s acquisition of Mid Dakota Clinic as a horizontal merger.

That was fairly predictable because of the huge physician market share Sanford—whose physician group competed with the clinic—would capture if it completed the deal, experts said.

Sanford would control 99.8% of general surgeon services, 98.6% of pediatric services, 85.7% of adult primary-care services, and 84.6% of OB-GYN services in the Bismarck-Mandan market, the 8th Circuit panel found.

The appeals court also upheld the lower court’s finding that a competitor, Catholic Health Initiatives’ St. Alexius Health, would not be able to enter the market quickly after the merger, at least partly because it faced difficulty recruiting physicians in the Bismarck-Mandan area.

“That case really seemed like a no-brainer to me,” said Tim Greaney, a visiting professor at the University of California Hastings College of Law.

A key takeaway was the 8th Circuit’s rejection of Sanford’s “powerful buyer” defense. Sanford had argued that Blue Cross and Blue Shield of North Dakota, the state’s dominant insurer, had enough market power to resist any price increases sought by the newly merged entity.

But analysis of claims data and testimony by a Blues plan representative demonstrated that the merged provider would have the market power to force the insurer to raise prices or leave the market, the 8th Circuit panel wrote.

“If antitrust authorities see someone getting more bargaining power and being able to charge higher prices, that’s something they’ll worry about, even if the (payer) has significant bargaining power as well,” said Debbie Feinstein, a former top Federal Trade Commission official who heads Arnold & Porter’s global antitrust group.

Sanford didn’t say whether it planned to abandon the deal.

 

 

 

Medical monopoly: An unusual hospital merger in rural Appalachia leaves residents with few options

https://www.tennessean.com/story/news/health/2019/06/23/ballad-health-merger-rural-hospital-closures/1342608001/

Protest organizer Dani Cook of Kingsport, Tennessee, conducts a Facebook Live outside Holston Valley Medical Center in Kingsport on May 7. The merger of Mountain State Health Alliance and Wellmont has led to the downgrading of the area's NICU and trauma center.

KINGSPORT, Tenn. – Molly Worley is an angry grandma.

For weeks she has stubbornly occupied a folding lawn chair on a grassy median outside Holston Valley Medical Center, sheltered from sweltering Appalachian summer sun by a thin tarp and flanked by a rotating crew staging a round-the-clock protest since May 1.

Behind them is the state-of-the-art neonatal intensive care unit where Worley’s newborn grandson spent his first weeks of life treated for opioid exposure.

In the same building is a Level I trauma center to respond to the most critical emergencies.

Both facilities will downgraded in the coming months, diverting the sickest babies and adults elsewhere.

The cuts are the latest fallout from an unusual and controversial merger between two former rival hospital systems headquartered in northeast Tennessee.

The newly formed company, Ballad Health, is now the sole hospital provider for a region the size of New Jersey. For nearly 1.2 million people people living in a largely rural stretch of 29 counties in northeast Tennessee and nearby parts of Virginia, North Carolina and Kentucky, Ballad hospitals are the only inpatient option.

Mergers involving hospitals that compete for same patients face opposition from the Federal Trade Commission, which can block mergers on the grounds the combined company can limit patient choices, cut services, raise prices and diminish quality.

Ballad officials found a way to bypass FTC rules. They turned to Tennessee state Sen. Rusty Crowe, R-Johnson City, who successfully carried legislation making the merger possible. Crowe is a longtime paid consultant with Ballad hospitals. 

Only a handful of other states have exempted similar hospital mergers from FTC anti-monopoly rules. Ballad’s is the largest.

CEO Alan Levine said the merger lets the hospital system save money and keep rural hospitals afloat in a state that is already No. 2 in the nation for closures.

Eliminating overlapping staff and services, including the trauma center and NICU, will free funds to invest in other public health initiatives. Ballad pledged to keep open all of its rural hospitals for five years and to invest $308 million in public health, medical education and other initiatives.

“Every decision we make starts and ends with how can we best serve the community and what does the evidence show will lead to the best possible outcome,” Levine said.

“You don’t want a trauma center on every corner and you don’t want a NICU on every corner because it dilutes volume and hurts quality,” he said.

No rural hospitals owned by Ballad have been closed. 

Some residents, doctors, nurses, EMS workers and public officials say the changes by Ballad expose the dangers of a single system imposing decisions on health care services on a captive audience that has no other options. More than 23,000 people have signed a petition opposing Ballad’s proposed changes.

“Never ever have I been this outspoken about anything,” said Worley, 60. “This NICU saved my grandson’s life. With Ballad we have no other choice. They have a monopoly at every level of health care.”

As hospital systems across the country struggle to stay afloat, particularly in rural areas, Ballad’s plan is being closely watched by other states weighing whether to allow other hospitals to take a similar approach.

 

 

 

Healthcare consolidation goes beyond usual players

https://www.modernhealthcare.com/mergers-acquisitions/healthcare-consolidation-goes-beyond-usual-players?utm_source=modern-healthcare-daily-finance&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=20190610&utm_content=article1-readmore

Consolidation in the health system and health insurance industries has been a focus for years. But a new report sheds light on how the “bigger is better” mantra has taken hold in companies that make syringes, X-ray machines or other healthcare products.

The report, prepared by the Open Markets Institute using data from IBISWorld, shows a small handful of companies dominate their respective markets in certain healthcare sectors that tend to get less of a spotlight than their payer and provider counterparts. The largest three pharmacy and drugstore companies represent 67% of market share and the largest two ambulance manufacturers represent 83% of market share. Just two dialysis providers dominate 76% of market share.

Open Markets has released data on monopolization in other sectors of the economy, and Phil Longman, the group’s policy director, said with healthcare approaching 20% of the U.S. gross domestic product, it’s important to direct attention there, too.

“Pretty much anywhere you go in this economy, whether it’s eyeglasses or beer or automobiles or airplanes, if you ask the right questions, you’ll find it’s much more concentrated than it was before,” he said. “That’s true in healthcare, including all of its component parts.”

Pharmacy benefit management draws $453.4 billion in revenue, according to the report, and just four companies hold three-quarters of its market share: CVS, Express Scripts, UnitedHealth and Humana. The four largest healthcare consulting firms represent 76% of their sector, which draws $6 billion in revenue.

Two companies, LabCorp and Quest, have 37% of diagnostic and medical laboratory market share, a $52.6 billion industry, the report said. And three of the largest medical patient financing companies, Synchrony, Citigroup and Wells Fargo, make up 77% of that market, which draws $4.1 billion in revenue.

The report highlighted consolidation across several different healthcare manufacturers, including those that produce hospital beds, surgical apparel, PET imaging, pacemakers and wheelchairs. Three firms own 88% of the $10.6 billion orthopedic products manufacturing sector: Stryker Corp., Zimmer Holdings and Johnson & Johnson.

Healthcare in the U.S. costs more than in other countries because the prices are higher, Longman said. That’s almost always because there is a barrier to entry that thwarts competition. Longman noted that health systems typically purchase the supplies they need, from bed sheets to bandages, from group purchasing organizations.

“That adds up to serious money,” he said.

One of the factors driving consolidation across these subsectors of healthcare is the continued decline in government and commercial health insurance reimbursement for medical products and services, which puts the squeeze on the associated costs like equipment and doctor’s fees, said Beth Everett, managing director of healthcare banking and head of middle-market healthcare with MUFG in New York. Consolidation may help achieve healthcare cost reduction by creating economies of scale, she said. Whether this ultimately happens is “the million-dollar question,” Everett said.

Greater consolidation and integration in the healthcare system is widely recognized as necessary for improving patient care, Longman said. But it should come with some means of regulation to ensure the benefits of the resulting efficiencies go to the consumer. In this case, that hasn’t happened, and monopolistic corporations are holding the benefits of greater scale, efficiencies and coordination of care rather than passing them along.

“We’ve just really mismanaged competition policy in healthcare,” Longman said.