
Be careful what you tolerate




ABSTRACT
In 2010 Maryland replaced fee-for-service payment for some rural hospitals with “global budgets” for hospital-provided services called Total Patient Revenue (TPR).
A principal goal was to incentivize hospitals to manage resources efficiently. Using a difference-in-differences design, we compared eight TPR hospitals to seven similar non-TPR Maryland hospitals to estimate how TPR affected hospital-provided services. We also compared health care use by “treated” patients in TPR counties to that of patients in counties containing control hospitals.
Inpatient admissions and outpatient services fell sharply at TPR hospitals, increasingly so over the period that TPR was in effect.
Emergency department (ED) admission rates declined 12 percent, direct (non-ED) admissions fell 23 percent, ambulatory surgery center visits fell 45 percent, and outpatient clinic visits and services fell 40 percent.
However, for residents of TPR counties, visits to all Maryland hospitals fell by lesser amounts and Medicare spending increased, which suggests that some care moved outside of the global budget.
Nonetheless, we could not assess the efficiency of these shifts with our data, and some care could have moved to more efficient locations. Our evidence suggests that capitation models require strong oversight to ensure that hospitals do not respond by shifting costs to other providers.

The Trump administration will appeal a judge’s ruling that struck down much of its rule expanding association health plans (AHPs).
The rule made it easier for an association of employers to establish an employee welfare plan—regulated under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA) and the Affordable Care Act—as a single employer plan. In other words, small employers can work together with others in their industry or geographic area to purchase a larger health plan.
The Department of Labor filed a notice of appeal (PDF) Friday.
Eleven states and the District of Columbia filed a lawsuit saying that the definition of “employer” in ERISA was not reasonable. A federal district court agreed and set aside regulations for qualifying associations, saying that the Labor Department failed to put a limit on the types of associations that can qualify to sponsor an AHP.
“This appeal is welcomed by associations across the country who have invested their time, money and reputation to launch health plans under the 2018 regulation,” Kev Coleman, president and founder of AssociationHealthPlans.com, said in a statement. “This regulation marked a watershed in health policy inasmuch as it corrected a basic unfairness existing in health coverage costs between small companies and large companies.”
Critics, meanwhile, argue the plans offer skimpy coverage that can leave consumers at risk.
Currently, there are an estimated 30,000 small-business employees and their dependents using these plans. According to a 2019 healthcare survey by AssociationHealthPlans.com, four out of five respondents supported small businesses working together to offer large company health insurance plans.
In Congress, Sens. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, and Joni Ernst, R-Iowa, joined Sen. Mike Enzi, R-Wyoming, in introducing legislation to prevent small business employees from losing their healthcare coverage. The legislation would ensure a pathway for small businesses to offer AHPs under the Labor Department’s final rule.

A defining symbol of a profession may also be teeming with harmful bacteria and not washed as often as patients might hope.
A recent study of patients at 10 academic hospitals in the United States found that just over half care about what their doctors wear, most of them preferring the traditional white coat.
Some doctors prefer the white coat, too, viewing it as a defining symbol of the profession.
What many might not realize, though, is that health care workers’ attire — including that seemingly “clean” white coat that many prefer — can harbor dangerous bacteria and pathogens.
A systematic review of studies found that white coats are frequently contaminated with strains of harmful and sometimes drug-resistant bacteria associated with hospital-acquired infections. As many as 16 percent of white coats tested positive for MRSA, and up to 42 percent for the bacterial class Gram-negative rods.
Both types of bacteria can cause serious problems, including skin and bloodstream infections, sepsis and pneumonia.
It isn’t just white coats that can be problematic. The review also found that stethoscopes, phones and tablets can be contaminated with harmful bacteria. One study of orthopedic surgeons showed a 45 percent match between the species of bacteria found on their ties and in the wounds of patients they had treated. Nurses’ uniforms have also been found to be contaminated.
Among possible remedies, antimicrobial textiles can help reduce the presence of certain kinds of bacteria, according to a randomized study. Daily laundering of health care workers’ attire can help somewhat, though studies show that bacteria can contaminate them within hours.
Several studies of American physicians found that a majority go more than a week before washing white coats. Seventeen percent go more than a month. Several London-focused studies had similar findings pertaining both to coats and ties.
A randomized trial published last year tested whether wearing short- or- long-sleeved white coats made a difference in the transmission of pathogens. Consistent with previous work, the study found short sleeves led to lower rates of transmission of viral D.N.A. It may be easier to keep hands and wrists clean when they’re not in contact with sleeves, which themselves can easily brush against other contaminated objects. For this reason, the Society for Healthcare Epidemiology of America suggests clinicians consider an approach of “bare below the elbows.”
With the use of alcohol-based hand sanitizer — often more effective and convenient than soap and water — it’s far easier to keep hands clean than clothing.
But the placement of alcohol-based hand sanitizer for health workers isn’t as convenient as it could be, reducing its use. The reason? In the early 2000s, fire marshals began requiring hospitals to remove or relocate dispensers because hand sanitizers contain at least 60 percent alcohol, making them flammable.
Fire codes now limit where they can be placed — a minimum distance from electrical outlets, for example — or how much can be kept on site.
Hand sanitizers are most often used in hallways, though greater use closer to patients (like immediately before or after touching a patient) could be more effective.
One creative team of researchers studied what would happen if dispensers were hung over patients’ beds on a trapeze-bar apparatus. This put the sanitizer in obvious, plain view as clinicians tended to patients. The result? Over 50 percent more hand sanitizer was used.
Although there have been fires in hospitals traced to alcohol-based hand sanitizer, they are rare. Across nearly 800 American health care facilities that used alcohol-based hand sanitizer, one study found, no fires had occurred. The World Health Organization puts the fire risk of hand sanitizers as “very low.”
An article in The New York Times 10 years ago said the American Medical Association, concerned about bacteria transmission, was studying a proposal “that doctors hang up their lab coats — for good.” Maybe one reason the idea hasn’t taken hold in the past decade is reflected in a doctor’s comment in the article that “the coat is part of what defines me, and I couldn’t function without it.”
It’s a powerful symbol. But maybe tradition doesn’t have to be abandoned, just modified. Combining bare-below-the-elbows white attire, more frequently washed, and with more conveniently placed hand sanitizers — including wearable sanitizer dispensers — could help reduce the spread of harmful bacteria.
Until these ideas or others are fully rolled out, one thing we can all do right now is ask our doctors about hand sanitizing before they make physical contact with us (including handshakes). A little reminder could go a long way.

https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/truth-5-costs-operate-medicare-lower-than-private-plans-weinberg/
Another favorite topic at the heart of the US healthcare debate is whether governments can run health insurance programs at lower operating costs than private insurance companies.
Private Industry Supporters: Some argue that governments regularly prove incompetent running large complex operations at a low costs. Regularly cited is the US mail system and the VA; more locally, public schools and DMV’s. And in the case of Medicare and Medicaid, something about these programs appears to set up a breeding ground for costly fraud and theft, they might argue. Finally, this group argues that competition inherently creates innovation, productivity and lower unit operating costs, something that does not naturally occur with government programs.
Government Supporters: On the other side, many argue that the sheer scale of a single program like Medicare creates consistency and low unit costs, the result of economies of scale. Further, that by extending that program to even more Americans, those scale economies will improve more. This group argues that the profit motive of private companies can only result in higher costs, not lower, enriching investors and executives.
As I researched this point, I found that cost effectiveness arguments between Medicare and Private Insurance is an old one, with each side pretty dug in. But there are some important themes associated with the underlying math.
Comparing Costs vs Percentages:
Government program supporters like to compare operating costs using percentages. The common percentage used is “operating cost as a percent of medical services”. They Argue that Medicare costs only about 2%-3% of the costs of medical services paid. They will further argue that private health plan costs are, by comparison anywhere from 10% to 25% of the costs of medical services they pay. Their conclusion is, “Medicare has far lower operating costs, and is therefore the much more efficient program.”
Private market supporters dispute this “percentage comparison”, and instead look at “operating costs $’s per capita” and compare those. They argue that when compared in this $ per capita measure, monthly Medicare operational costs are well over $100 per capita, while monthly private insurance cost of operations are well less than $100 per capita. Their conclusion is, “Private market providers have far lower operating costs, and are therefore much more efficient than Medicare”.
1) As much as 50% of all US healthcare occurs in the last few months of a person’s life. This dynamic is a major driver of Medicare Coverage and its operating costs. It is far less of a driver of private healthcare coverage for younger and mostly working Americans and the related operating costs, confusing the comparisons.
2) Many diseases of aging are much more common in Medicare than in private health coverages. The most expensive is Kidney Care, and ultimately transplant or Dialysis, (which has its own category in Medicare). Beyond that, Cancers, Heart Disease, Dementia/Alzheimer’s and others are far more significant drivers of continuing costs for those covered by Medicare than those on private insurance coverages at younger ages, confusing the comparisons.
3) Workplace related coverages more often coordinate coverage with workers compensation, or even car and homeowners insurance coverages than those with Medicare Coverages. This produces different operating costs and medical coverages under the private health coverages, confusing the comparisons.
4) Private Insurance coverages are or have been subject to significant state Premium Taxes and other health care related state and federal taxes. These are often categorized as “Operating Costs” in comparisons, confusing the comparisons.
5) Some comparisons don’t capture all government expenses that support the Medicare program, perhaps to advantage this argument. Examples of services performed for Medicare by other parts of the government that aren’t accounted for: The Social Security Administration collects premiums, the Internal Revenue Service collects taxes for the program, the F.B.I. provides fraud prevention services, and at least seven other federal agencies and departments also do work that benefits Medicare, confusing the comparisons.
6) As pointed out in previous installments, a large and rapidly increasing portion of the Medicare eligible population opts out of traditional Medicare and purchases a Private Plan alternative from private companies. This is now approximately 40%. Operating costs are imbedded in the coverage price and not easily separated for purposes of comparison any longer, confusing the comparisons.
As some of this discussion indicates, it is nearly impossible to formulate a clear comparison between Medicare operating costs and “the private market”. However, it also appears unlikely that the original Medicare Program administration, when properly compared, is more efficient than the highly competitive private market. That market now provides many low price, high value alternatives for rapidly growing number of Medicare eligibles. It is those same private market players who provide specialized solutions for younger and more often working American families at lower per capita costs than the Medicare Program, the measure that this writer is moved to support.
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/truth-4-medicare-for-all-elected-officials-government-denny-weinberg/
To our elected officials and government workers re: Medicare-For-All. “If it’s so great, why aren’t YOU part of the Medicare program today?”
Lets take a quick look at who these government workers are and to what extent they have been the leaders in single payer programs so far.
There are roughly 2 million federal workers in the US today. They and their families participate in a health benefits program created in 1960 just for them (the FEHBP). Interestingly, the FEHBP is not a government run single payer system, but arguably, the opposite. It’s a mostly open marketplace to over 200 private market HMO, PPO and other options from nearly every Blue Cross/Blue Shield plan and many other local and major managed care companies such as Aetna, Humana and United HealthCare.
When federal workers reach age 65, most choose continuing their FEHBP alternative, because it offers great local and national private options that are just a better deal than the single payer Medicare option. Once they actually do retire, workers can continue to choose to apply their Medicare subsidies to alternatives to Medicare that I have talked about in previous posts from the same private insurance company vendors they currently have, with little disruption.
There are roughly 4.5 Mil workers of each of the states, with coverage structures as varied as the number of states. Beyond that, another 14 Mil workers are associated with local governments, cities and counties and their health coverages even more varied.
Virtually all have unique programs providing multiple PPO and HMO and other coverages from a variety of private health insurance vendors. Those workers over ages 65, typically remain with those private health plans just as they did when they were younger. For retirees, today often older than age 65, the options are too varied for this article. But suffice it to say, they too have many private market alternatives or wraparound options to the Traditional Medicare program, and many opt for those.
So government workers and retirees participate in private insurance programs in much the same way way as the rest of us. As such, it would appear that if Medicare were “switched on” as the sole solution for health care coverage, all these government workers would be as impacted as everyone else, and might have similar responses, both positive and negative.
It seems that time and political realities will indicate whether government workers themselves would support a single source for their health care options, defined by the government, without the benefit of private market wrap-arounds or alternatives.
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/truth-3-medicare-free-denny-weinberg/
The “Free-ness” of Medicare, like many other commodities, comes down to two important metrics discussed here; Cost, and Price.
Cost:
Price:
In 2017, the Medicare program made over $700 Billion in Payments to private insurance administrators and care providers for Traditional Medicare or for alternatives (Medicare Advantage). That year, about 58 Mil beneficiaries were enrolled in the program. The result is a cost for each Beneficiary of just over $1,000 per month. In 2019 that cost and related price will both be higher due to inflation.
But the beneficiary share of that price also varies widely based upon several factors. Those include income, the number of qualifying years of employment and whether Part B or Part D (coverage for Doctors and Prescriptions) is chosen or waived. (This will be further offset by the amount [if any] of Social Security income deducted first).
Given all that, Medicare Prices for 2019 range as follows:
When you consider a program that on average costs over $1,000 per beneficiary per month …
… Then knowing that a substantial part of the needed price is covered by the tax on virtually all workers and other income earners …
… and since many beneficiaries may not rationalize the substantial dollars being stripped away from the (unrelated) Social Security payments to help pay their share of the price…
… and considering that a material number of beneficiaries have incomes over $85,000 per year (many still work) …
… and finally, comparing all the components of coverage Americans have received when younger and working (Hospital, Physician and Prescriptions) …
… These numbers, taken together, for many people are certainly not free.
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/truth-2-medicare-coverage-may-good-you-expected-denny-weinberg/
In the mid 1960’s, Medicare was first created as a “Social Insurance Program”, designed to be consistently applied to all older Americans. Comprehensive, inexpensive, and relevant to the standards-of-care at the time, this was considered “Good” Coverage.
But the passing of years unveiled a multitude of unanticipated dynamics.
So it should not be surprising that since inception, Medicare COVERAGE itself has required regular, often dramatic modifications to keep its “social insurance purpose” in balance with these and other continually changing demands. Some of that pressure has even challenged the highly protected “social Insurance” model itself:
Most Americans (even beneficiaries) are not really aware of the full effect of these sequential program changes, because they have been spread out over many years. After all, the Medicare program has been around for 50 years, but most beneficiaries participate for less than a dozen years. So, many assume this program has been stable and managable year after year, with surprising simplicity and effectiveness. But Medicare Coverage is not at all what it was 50 years ago.
Consider a small number of coverage dynamics between the late 1960’s and today:
Other coverage details and provisions have had to change along the way too, few offsetting the additional copayments, co-insurance, annual and lifetime limits or out-of-pocket cost exposure for beneficiaries.
These exposures explain why most Medicare beneficiaries are compelled to purchase a supplemental private insurance plan to cover those costs not covered by today’s Medicare. Such private plans are called Medicare Supplement Plans, and they have been increasingly necessary as the exposures under the Traditional Medicare program have grown over the years. But they too have become expensive due to the the increasing uncovered portions of Medicare. Over the years, the average Medicare Supplement has increased in price from less than $20 per month in the 1980’s to a few Hundred dollars per month today.
Alternatively, Medicare beneficiaries today can choose to leave Traditional Medicare altogether, and apply their “benefit equivalent eligibility” to the purchase of an alternative from a private Insurance company. These programs, called Medicare Advantage Plans, attract nearly 1/3 of all Medicare Beneficiaries who simply can’t make Traditional Medicare pencil out.
Most of the Medicare-For-All proposals don’t advertise the high coverage gaps in the current model, and the dependency on either a private market supplement (Medicare Supplement Plans), or private market alternative (Medicare Advantage Plans). Without these, Medicare-For-All will be woefully inadequate to meet the coverage expectations of Americans. Alternatively, Medicare-For-All proposals could completely re-invent what Medicare is , increasing its coverage and raising its price substantially.
Either way, it is going to cost a lot of money.