How Will the Midterm Elections Impact Healthcare?

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With the midterms less than a week away,  a new poll published October 18th by the non-partisan Kaiser Family Foundation got a lot of attention. Over seventy percent of voters say health care is a very important issue in deciding who to vote for. 

But exactly what happens to key healthcare initiatives, especially the Affordable Care Act including expansion of Medicaid in many states—which tends to be more popular among Democratic lawmakers than Republicans–depends on whether it’s the Democrats or Republicans who get control of the House, says Eric Feigl-Ding, MPH, Ph.D., a health economist and visiting scientist at the Harvard Chan School of Public Health in Cambridge, Mass.

Based on multiple polls, the New York Times reported on October 23 that a likely outcome is that Democrats will gain the majority in the House of Representatives and the Republicans will keep the majority in the Senate. But the Times and many other news outlets continually point out that many factors including the news of each day make it difficult to predict the outcome.

Feigl-Ding says having opposing parties in the House, Senate and White House could make it harder to pass national legislation. Changes can still happen to the ACA, however, because the President can continue to make certain executive level decision such as ending the penalty for not having health insurance which he did last year. That change takes effect in 2019.

In terms of new legislation, Feigl-Ding says a split Congress and White House means that passing legislation will be difficult because what comes from the House side, if most members are Democrats in the next sessions, could be more liberal and the corresponding bills from the Senate, likely to remain Republican, could be more conservative. So, says Feigl-Ding, either a bill won’t pass at all, or there will have to be much more of a compromise. “And assuming they would get to compromise is a big assumption, that then requires the president to agree to sign that legislation,” adds Feigl-Ding.

A report this week by strategy and policy group Manatt Health, based in Washington, DC lists the health care issues the firm thinks will dominate in states and the federal government after the elections:

  • The role of Medicaid as either a welfare program or health insurance for low-income Americans: While Democrats generally support continued expansion of Medicaid with no cost or work requirements for low-income adults, Republican governors in a number of states—with the approval of the Trump administration– have introduced premiums, work requirements, increased paperwork and penalties for falling off on requirements those that can keep many adults from applying for or remaining on Medicaid.
  • Differences in states about expanding and stabilizing the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace or promoting non-ACA coverage: The ACA allows states to open their own health insurance marketplaces or simply offer access to the federal marketplace. According to 2017 data from the National Academy for State Health Policy, more consumers sign up for health care coverage in states that run their own marketplaces
  • Drug prices: According to the Organization for Economic Development, an international forum with 36-member countries, consumers in the U.S. spend just over $1,100 on prescription drugs each year, more than consumers in any other country. President Trump has promised to help lower drug prices and on October 25 he released a plan that would tie some drug prices for patients on Medicare to an index based on international prices. Those prices are often far lower than Americans pay. PhRMA, the largest drug trade association announced its opposition to the plan the same day it was announced.

According to the report what states do will depend on the election outcomes for governors in more than a dozen states and many of those races are as impossible to predict as the Congressional races.

Other important health care issues for 2019-20120 include:

Pre-Existing Conditions 

Listening to ads for some Republicans candidates for Congress makes it appears protecting pre-existing conditions will be a top priority for some Republicans, even among some who voted against them previously. But Feigl-Ding says keeping coverage for preexisting conditions in health insurance plans also requires figuring out how to pay for it. Under the original ACA legislation, the hope was that a financial penalty for not having health coverage would keep more healthy people in the plans—along with the prohibition against letting insurers “cherry pick” only healthy consumers. But that penalty is now gone. “Take that away and you probably can’t sustain the preexisting conditions, says Feigl-Ding.

Medicaid Work Requirements and Other Conditions of Eligibility.

Legal challenges in several states could impact the implementation of work requirements. Some governors have said they’ll cut the number of state Medicaid beneficiaries to save money if work requirements are overturned.

ACA Repeal. Twenty states are challenging the constitutionality of the ACA in Texas v. The U.S., a case that could make it to the Supreme Court.

Association Health Plans and Short-Term Plans. Several Democratic state attorneys general have filed a lawsuit against the administration’s rule promoting association health plans that allow individuals and small businesses to join to purchase health care coverage and short-term plans. The suit argues that the new rules for both avoid protection for people with pre-existing conditions, according to Manatt.

No one has a crystal ball for what will happen, but everyone has hindsight. According to the Manatt report, in 2010 Republicans replaced Democratic governors in eleven states, and all but one of those states ended plans to establish a state-based health insurance marketplace (SBM). In five states where Democrats replaced Republicans, all those states set up those marketplaces.

And whatever the outcome of the 2018 elections, their impact on healthcare may only be short lived. At a foundation briefing on the midterm elections earlier this week Mollyann Brody, Executive Director, Public Opinion and Survey Research at the Kaiser Family Foundation reminded the crowd that “the day the 2018 elections are over the 2020 campaign starts.”

Still the end of the week also brought a glimmer of hope. In response to President Trumps remarks on October 25thabout his administration’s plan to test new drug pricing models in Medicare Part B help to lower drug prices Frederick Isasi, executive director of FamiliesUSA, a liberal leaning health insurance advocacy group, released a statement that said, in part, “I hope this is a serious policy that will be formally proposed and finalized by the Trump administration. If so, it is an important step forward for our nation’s seniors and taxpayers.”

 

 

A Blues plan (finally) deals a health system in on full risk

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Blue Cross Blue Shield of Massachusetts (BCBS-MA) announced this week that it plans to launch a new extension of its long-standing value-based payment program, the Alternative Quality Contract (AQC), which ties physician payments to the total cost of care delivered to their patients. In the first arrangement of its kind in the AQC program, BCBS-MA will pilot a similar, capitation-like approach with South Weymouth, MA-based South Shore Health, an independent health system serving southeastern Massachusetts.

As we described in a blog post on the AQC earlier this year, the broader program is structured around physician networks and their primary care practices, which bear two-way, upside-downside risk for the cost of care for patients attributed to them. Participating practices also have the ability to earn sizeable bonuses based on their performance on a number of quality metrics. The new approach is intended to experiment with putting the hospital directly at risk, encouraging it to reduce unnecessary admissions and other high-cost care by collaborating with physicians and other care providers.

While full details of the plan were not released, the agreement was described as a pilot program, to test the model of so-called “global budgeting” for hospitals. A similar approach to paying hospitals has been in place in Maryland for several years, as part of that state’s Federal waiver program. Notably, the CEO of South Shore Health, Dr. Gene Green, previously served as President of Suburban Hospital in Bethesda, MD, and in a press release stated, “What’s so encouraging about this partnership is that the provider and the payer are finally coming together at the same table with the same goal: drive down costs without affecting quality of care”.

The move is noteworthy because health plans—and particularly BCBS carriers—have historically been reluctant to share true risk with hospitals, for a variety of reasons. Some have claimed that hospitals lack the ability to manage commercial risk, while others have worried about the strategic implications of enabling health systems to move into the commercial risk market, fearing new competition for employer contracting.

For the most part, carriers have preferred to limit risk-based programs to physician practices, encouraging doctors to manage total cost of care by limiting referrals to high-cost specialists and hospitals. To the extent health plans have “shared risk” with hospitals, it has typically been in the form of performance-based bonuses added onto fee-for-service payments.

That phenomenon has served to stall the broader transition to provider risk envisioned by the authors of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in creating the Medicare Shared Savings Program (MSSP) and its much-debated accountable care organizations (ACOs). The new BCBS-MA pilot with South Shore Health will be closely watched by BCBS leaders across the country.

It’s no accident that the first such pilot in the AQC program is with a smaller, independent system that operates in the shadow of the dominant Partners Healthcare system, an arrangement unlikely to raise competitive concerns among BCBS-MA executives.

Is A Medicaid Wave In the Making?

https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/hblog20181030.522198/full/?utm_campaign=HASU%3A+11-04-18&utm_medium=email&utm_content=New+Issue+Briefing+Nov++6%3B+ACA+Round-Up%3B+MIPS+Payment+Adjustments&utm_source=Newsletter&

Ever since the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 2012 that states must have an option whether or not to expand Medicaid as authorized in the Affordable Care Act, expansion has been a long, slow slog, state by state, inch by inch.  While blue states had mostly lined up to expand Medicaid by 2013, nearly every purple and red state proved to be a battlefield.  Today, 19 states have yet to expand, with 31 in the “yes” column (plus the District of Columbia) (see table 1).  The last state to expand, #31, was Louisiana in mid-2016.  But, might a mighty Medicaid wave be coming courtesy of the November 6thelections?  The answer is a definite maybe.

Right now, all that’s certain is that Virginia will become state #32 to expand Medicaid in January. The state enacted the 400,000-person expansion last May, albeit with a “work requirement” to be filed with the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) sometime in 2019.

Maine is certain to become #33 early next year if Democratic Attorney General Janet Mills wins the Governor’s Chair.  In November 2017, Maine voters approved expansion—59-41 percent—in a state ballot initiative.  Departing Republican Governor Paul LePage refused to implement the expansion in spite of strong legislative support to do so, as well as an order from Maine’s highest court.  In previous years, the Legislature failed by only a small number of votes to override LePage’s vetoes (5 times).  Progressive forces expect to pick up state legislative seats on November 6th, so it’s also possible expansion could happen with a new Republican governor, supportive or not.

State Adoption Of ACA Medicaid Expansion (By Year)

 

Medicaid On the Ballot

Activists in three states—Idaho, Nebraska, and Utah—are standing in the wings hoping to be states #34, 35, and 36 depending on the outcomes of state ballot initiatives in each of them on November 6th. Montana has an initiative on the ballot to continue its expansion with dedicated funding.

While Idaho’s departing Governor Butch Otter fought consistently against Medicaid expansion throughout his tenure, he recently changed his position and announced his support for the Medicaid ballot initiative. Republican gubernatorial candidate Brad Little says he will respect the ballot initiative’s outcome—even though the measure does not specify how to finance the 10 percent financing match states will need to pay by 2020 (7 percent in 2019). Two organizations, Idahoans for Healthcare and Reclaim Idaho raised $594,191 by the late September reporting deadline, while the opposition Work, Not ObamaCare has raised $29,999.  Idaho’s Hospital and Medical Associations contributed nearly $200,000 to the “yes” effort.  Recent polling shows 66 percent support, including 77 percent from independents and 53 percent from Republicans.  The yes campaign co-chair is Republican State Representative Christy Perry.

Nebraska previously did not have enough support to overturn a Governor’s veto against expansion.  Nebraska Governor Pete Rickets maintains his opposition as he coasts toward an easy re-election.  But it’s a spirited race for Nebraska Initiative 427, the Medicaid Expansion Initiative that would cover an estimated 90,000 low-income Nebraskans. The lead organization—Insure the Good Life—has raised $1.69 million as of late September to support a yes vote, versus $0 by the opposition Americans for Prosperity. The “yes” camp’s largest contributor is a national progressive political action committee called the “Fairness Project” which also backed the 2017 Maine Medicaid initiative and which has donated $1.19 million.  Other key supporters include the Nebraska Hospital Association, the state health center association, Nebraska AARP and 24 other organizations.

Of the three ballot initiative campaigns, Utah’s is the most compelling.  Proposition 3 would raise the state’s sale tax from 4.70 to 4.85 percent to fully finance the expansion for 150,000 low-income Utah residents.  In 2021, that is projected to raise $88 million to cover the state’s projected $78 million share of the $846 million total expansion cost (the federal government pays the rest).  A February 2018 poll showed 68 percent support among Utah voters.  As in Nebraska, the national Fairness Project is driving the campaign, providing $2.7 of the $2.83 million raised as of late September.  A wide array of health care and religious organizations are public supporters. No organization is registered with the state in public opposition to the initiative, as of late September.

To thwart the proposal, in March, Governor Gary Herbert signed House Bill 472 into law to expand Medicaid for individuals with household incomes no higher than 95 percent of the federal poverty line, as opposed to 138 percent in Proposition 3, as authorized under the ACA.  HB472 would also impose work requirements on many enrollees and would cover 90,000 as opposed to the initiative’s 150,000.  Earlier this year, the Trump Administration rejected a plan similar to HB472 that was advanced by Oklahoma to expand Medicaid eligibility no higher than 100 percent of the federal poverty level.  So it is unclear whether the Trump Administration will allow the Utah HB472 expansion to go forward.

Montana is another state with a Medicaid expansion ballot initiative facing the voters on November 6th, but to continue the existing expansion. The state expanded Medicaid in 2015, though only through 2019. The November 6th ballot will present an initiative, I-185, to continue expansion past 2019 by raising tobacco taxes by $2 a pack as the state’s funding source. Healthy Montana for I-185 backers have raised $4.8 million and are battling the tobacco industry in the form of Montanans Against Tax Hikes (MATH) which has invested at least $12 million to defeat the initiative; 97 percent of the MATH’s money has come from Altria Client Services, maker of Marlboro cigarettes and other smoking products. If voters approve, the expansion will continue without restraints. If the referendum fails, the legislature still could pass a new funding law, likely with a work requirement attached.

Other Election Day Impacts

Of the 14 remaining non-expansion states, the November 6th results may have consequential impact.  If Democratic candidates win currently competitive gubernatorial races in Florida, Georgia, Kansas, and Wisconsin, and pick up legislative seats, that could alter the Medicaid expansion equation.  This would be especially true in Kansas where prior expansion efforts were thwarted by a narrow inability to override gubernatorial vetoes by only three votes. In other states, notably North Carolina with Democratic Governor Roy Cooper, significant Democratic gains in the state legislature may also have a consequential impact.

Some noteworthy features of this issue are worth considering.  First, in many of these remaining states with Republican control, the price of expansion is likely to include work requirements on many newly eligible enrollees—as occurred in Virginia this past year. Unless ruled illegal by the federal courts, this national experiment will more than likely run at least for the duration of Republican control of the executive branch. As is apparent from the track record in Arkansas thus far, this is about values and ideology more than dollars and sense.

Second, after six years of fighting the Medicaid expansion wars, it is clear that most expansion opponents are not going to change their minds.  Not much is left to say that hasn’t been said countless times before.  As we saw in Virginia, a change of mind accompanies a change in occupants of legislative and gubernatorial seats.  And in the four November 6th ballot initiative states, if successful, we should anticipate that one or more of the affected Governors may imitate Maine Governor LePage in seeking to block expansion in spite of voter sentiment.

Third, in spite of all the uproar, it is significant that not one expansion state has gone back on it, or even considered doing so.  The closest an expansion came to a rollback was the election of hard right conservative Matt Bevin as Kentucky’s governor in 2015.  Bevin abandoned his pledge to repeal Kentucky’s ground-breaking and successful Medicaid expansion early in his gubernatorial campaign, and never returned to that stance, turning to mandatory work requirements as the next best thing. 

Much like how the public’s support for banning pre-existing condition exclusions has become calcified in the public’s mind from the battles of 2017 and 2018, similarly the expansion of Medicaid has become hard-wired into public consciousness in the states that adopted it.  

I have yet to read an insider’s account on how and why the U.S. Supreme Court lined up 7 votes to secure their atrocious 2012 ruling to make Medicaid expansion an option for states.  It is true that their decision played a role in compelling Americans to grapple with and understand the rationale and importance for Medicaid expansion.  But at what a damn price!

 

 

 

The ACA Protects People with Preexisting Conditions; Proposed Replacements Would Not

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Patient with preexisting condition

The Affordable Care Act’s health insurance marketplaces open for enrollment today for the sixth time. But this year the marketplace health plans in many states will face some new competition from insurance products that don’t meet the law’s standards, including the ban on denying coverage or charging more based on a person’s preexisting health conditions.

New Trump administration regulations released earlier this year have undermined the coverage protections in the ACA by making it possible for insurers to renew often skimpy short-term health insurance for up to three years, and for small businesses to form associations that sell substandard health plans. One of the reasons insurers can charge low premiums for these plans is that they generally cover less that ACA-compliant plans and insurers can deny them to people with diabetes or a history of cancer, for example. Only healthy people get these plans. And the more healthy people who buy them, the more expensive coverage becomes for people with a history of illness who buy their own insurance and have incomes too high to qualify for marketplace subsidies. In guidance released last week, the administration will allow states to further encourage the sale of these plans by letting people use federal subsidies to buy them.

As a nation, it is important for us to focus our energy on ways to improve people’s health. We are experiencing an unprecedented decline in life expectancy which will ultimately affect our economic health and the ability of Americans to compete in a global workforce. One of the most basic things we can do is preserve the coverage protections for people with health problems that have been law for more than four years, rather than poke holes in them. Americans say they support this idea. Recent polls have found that majorities of Americans believe that people with health conditions should not be denied affordable health insurance and health care. As a result, House and Senate candidates of both parties are running on their support for protecting coverage for people with preexisting conditions. But some of those very candidates voted to repeal the ACA last year.

The ACA has dramatically improved the ability of people with preexisting conditions to buy coverage. In 2010, before the law passed, we conducted a survey that found 70 percent of people with health problems said it was very difficult or impossible to buy affordable coverage, and just 36 percent said they ended up purchasing a health plan. By 2016, the percentage of people who had trouble buying an affordable plan had dropped down to 42 percent — still high but much improved — and 60 percent ultimately bought a plan.

While the congressional ACA repeal bills failed last year, a Republican Congress could try again next year. And in the meantime, the law’s preexisting conditions protections and other provisions face another threat from a lawsuit brought by Republican governors and attorneys general in 20 states. The U.S Department of Justice has agreed with the plaintiff states in part, and refused to defend the law’s preexisting condition protections. The court decision is pending. Should the states win, an estimated 17 million people could become uninsured.

Some congressional candidates from these states and others are pointing to their support for Republican proposals, such as the “Ensuring Coverage for Patients with Pre-Existing Conditions Act,” as proof they support coverage for preexisting conditions. This bill would prevent insurers from refusing or varying premiums based on preexisting conditions. But, unlike the ACA, this bill would allow insurers to sell plans that entirely exclude coverage for care pertaining to the preexisting conditions themselves. The reality is that this bill would not protect sick Americans, or those who may become ill in the future, from high out-of-pocket health care costs.

Several million people will be going to the marketplaces in the next few weeks to sign up for coverage since they do not have it through an employer. At this time, not one of them who buys a plan in the marketplace has to fear that an insurance company will deny them coverage or charge them a higher premium because of their health. The efforts to undermine the individual market and invalidate the ACA’s consumer protections are real-life threats for people who depend on this insurance for their health care. The nation cannot move forward with tackling our most pressing health care problems if we continue to debate a core protection of the ACA that most Americans support.

 

 

Anthem’s Q3 profit jumps 29% to $960M

https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/payer-issues/anthem-s-q3-profit-jumps-29-to-960m.html?origin=ceoe&utm_source=ceoe

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Anthem posted strong operating results in the third quarter of 2018.

Here are four things to know from the health insurer’s results:

1. Anthem’s operating revenue grew 4 percent in the third quarter of this year to $23 billion, up from $22.1 billion in the same period a year prior. The health insurer said premium increases and the return of the health insurance tax in 2018 positively affected operating revenue, as did growth in its Medicare business.

2. Anthem’s reduced footprint in the individual ACA exchanges, local group and Medicaid plans contributed to a year-over-year decline in membership in the third quarter of this year compared to the same three months in 2017. Anthem lost 753,000 members year over year and now has 39.5 million members. At the same time, Anthem grew its Medicare membership year over year by 267,000 members in the third quarter of this year through acquisitions and organic growth.

3. Anthem trimmed its medical loss ratio, or the amount the health insurer pays toward medical care versus overhead costs, to 84.8 percent in the third quarter of this year. That’s down from 87 percent in the same period last year. Lower taxes and better medical cost performance in its commercial and specialty insurance lines contributed to the improvement.

4. Including expenses and nonoperating gains, Anthem ended the third quarter of 2018 with $960 million in net income, up 29 percent from $747 million recorded in the same period last year.

 

A Sense of Alarm as Rural Hospitals Keep Closing

The potential health and economic consequences of a trend associated with states that have turned down Medicaid expansion.

Hospitals are often thought of as the hubs of our health care system. But hospital closings are rising, particularly in some communities.

“Options are dwindling for many rural families, and remote communities are hardest hit,” said Katy Kozhimannil, an associate professor and health researcher at the University of Minnesota.

Beyond the potential health consequences for the people living nearby, hospital closings can exact an economic toll, and are associated with some states’ decisions not to expand Medicaid as part of the Affordable Care Act.

Since 2010, nearly 90 rural hospitals have shut their doors. By one estimate, hundreds of other rural hospitals are at risk of doing so.

In its June report to Congress, the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission found that of the 67 rural hospitals that closed since 2013, about one-third were more than 20 miles from the next closest hospital.

study published last year in Health Affairs by researchers from the University of Minnesota found that over half of rural counties now lack obstetric services. Another study, published in Health Services Research, showed that such closures increase the distance pregnant women must travel for delivery.

And another published earlier this year in JAMA found that higher-risk, preterm births are more likely in counties without obstetric units. (Some hospitals close obstetric units without closing the entire hospital.)

Ms. Kozhimannil, a co-author of all three studies, said, “What’s left are maternity care deserts in some of the most vulnerable communities, putting pregnant women and their babies at risk.

In July, after The New York Times wrote about the struggles of rural hospitals, some doctors responded by noting that rising malpractice premiums had made it, as one put it, “economically infeasible nowadays to practice obstetrics in rural areas.”

Many other types of specialists tend to cluster around hospitals. When a hospital leaves a community, so can many of those specialists. Care for mental health and substance use are among those most likely to be in short supply after rural hospital closures.

The closure of trauma centers has also accelerated since 2001, and disproportionately in rural areas, according to a study in Health Affairs. The resulting increased travel time for trauma cases heightens the risk of adverse outcomes, including death.

Another study found that greater travel time to hospitals is associated with higher mortality rates for coronary artery bypass graft patients.

In many communities, hospitals are among the largest employers. They also draw other businesses to an area, including those within health care and others that support it (like laundry and food services, or construction).

A study in Health Services Research found that when a community loses its only hospital, per capita income falls by about 4 percent, and the unemployment increases by 1.6 percentage points.

Not all closures are problematic. Some are in areas with sufficient hospital capacity. Moreover, in many cases hospitals that close offer relatively poorer quality care than nearby ones that remain open. This forces patients into higher-quality facilities and may offset negative effects associated with the additional distance they must travel.

Perhaps for these reasons, one study published in Health Affairs found no effect of hospital closures on mortality for Medicare patients. Because it focused on older patients, the study may have missed adverse effects on those younger than 65. Nevertheless, the study found that hospital closings were associated with reduced readmission rates, which is regarded as a sign of increased quality. So it seems consolidating services at larger hospitals can sometimes help, not harm, patients.

“There are real trade-offs between consolidating expertise at larger centers versus maintaining access in local communities,” said Karen Joynt Maddox, a cardiologist and health researcher with the Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis and an author of the study. “The problem is that we don’t have a systematic approach to determine which services are critical to provide locally, and which are best kept at referral centers.”

Many factors can underlie the financial decision to close a hospital. Rural populations are shrinking, and the trend of hospital mergers and acquisitions can contribute to closures as services are consolidated.

Another factor: Over the long term, we are using less hospital care as more services are shifted to outpatient settings and as inpatient care is performed more rapidly. In 1960, an average appendectomy required over six days in the hospital; today one to two days is the norm.

Part of the story is political: the decision by many red states not to take advantage of federal funding to expand Medicaid as part of the Affordable Care Act. Some states cited fiscal concerns for their decisions, but ideological opposition to Obamacare was another factor.

In rural areas, lower incomes and higher rates of uninsured people contribute to higher levels of uncompensated hospital care — meaning many people are unable to pay their hospital bills. Uncompensated care became less of a problem in hospitals in states that expanded Medicaid.

In a Commonwealth Fund Issue Brief, researchers from Northwestern Kellogg School of Management found that hospitals in Medicaid expansion states saved $6.2 billion in uncompensated care, with the largest reductions in states with the highest proportion of low-income and uninsured patients. Consistent with these findings, the vast majority of recent hospital closings have been in states that have not expanded Medicaid.

In every year since 2011, more hospitals have closed than opened. In 2016, for example, 21 hospitals closed, 15 of them in rural communities. This month, another rural hospital in Kansas announced it was closing, and next week people in Kansas, and in some other states, will vote in elections that could decide whether Medicaid is expanded.

Richard Lindrooth, a professor at the University of Colorado School of Public Health, led a study in Health Affairs on the relationship between Medicaid expansion and hospitals’ financial health. Hospitals in nonexpansion states took a financial hit and were far more likely to close. In the continuing battle within some states about whether or not to expand Medicaid, “hospitals’ futures hang in the balance,” he said.

 

 

Covered CA enrollment expected to drop as penalty ends

https://www.modbee.com/living/health-fitness/article220347880.html

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Covered California’s fall enrollment period will show whether peace of mind is a motivation for people to keep their health insurance next year.

Last year, Congress passed legislation that in 2019 erases the federal tax penalty for people without coverage.

Without the threat of a penalty, Covered California, the state’s health exchange, estimates that 12 percent of its customers, or 162,000 residents, will leave the program and an additional 100,000 who purchase insurance from brokers in the state will discontinue coverage.

Affordable Care Act supporters believe there are sound reasons for the 1.4 million consumers in the program to stay insured — to protect themselves against crushing medical bills at rates subsidized by the federal government.

Almost 70,000 residents in a five-county pricing region, including Stanislaus, San Joaquin, Merced, Mariposa and Tulare counties, are covered on the exchange and 95 percent of them receive help with monthly premiums. About 18,000 are covered in Stanislaus County.

“Certainly it’s possible some will roll the dice and decide to go without coverage,” James Scullary, a Covered California spokesman, said Friday. “People generally want health insurance. They want to have that peace of mind of coverage in case of an injury or illness.”

The anticipated departure of some consumers from the pool accounts for part of an 8.7 percent average rate increase next year for Obamacare plans offered by 11 insurers in California. On average, those insurers tacked an extra 3.5 percent onto next year’s rates due to projected costs of serving a smaller, less healthy customer base when the tax penalty ends.

Individuals and families whose premiums are subsidized will see small increases because higher premiums are triggers for larger federal tax credits. It will serve to pass $250 million in additional costs to the federal government. Individuals earning between $16,754 and $48,560 a year are eligible for subsidized rates and the same applies to a family of four with income between $34,638 and $100,400 a year.

Those not eligible for subsidies will be stung by the rate increases, projected at almost 7 percent in the five-county region. A state bill to help middle-income households buy costly insurance on the individual market failed to pass this year.

The enrollment period for 2019 opened last week and runs through Jan. 15. The enrollment deadline is Dec. 15 for coverage to take effect Jan. 1.

A 40-year-old adult earning $35,000 a year can purchase a standard Silver plan for monthly costs ranging from $187 to $376, according to Covered California’s “shop and compare” online tool. Anthem Blue Cross, Kaiser Permanente, Blue Shield of California and HealthNet are the four insurance carriers offering the metal tier plans (Bronze to Platinum) in this region.

For a family of four with annual income of $62,500, monthly costs for Silver coverage will range from $254 to $625, depending on what plan is chosen. In that scenario, the two children may be eligible for free or low-cost care through the Medi-Cal program and the parents could receive extra help for co-payments.

Some residents not eligible for subsidies settle for the skimpy Bronze coverage through Covered California. A 55-year-old with $60,000 annual income will pay from $535 to $821 a month for Bronze plans next year. The cheapest Bronze HMO requires 40 percent co-pays for primary care visits and generic drugs; the annual out-of-pocket maximum is $6,000.

Citing data from Covered California’s consumer pool, Scullary said that 1.2 million customers have needed some health care and 153,000 have been protected from claims ranging from $5,000 to $50,000. Scullary said 15,000 consumers were shielded from health care costs over $50,000 and 42 people had claims in excess of $1 million.

The state exchange will promote enrollment this fall through an advertising campaign and a bus tour beginning after the November election, the spokesman said. The agency has local partners and certified brokers across the state to assist consumers with choosing suitable plans.

Covered California has a Monday-to-Saturday customer service line at 800-300-1506. Enrollment information is available at www.coveredca.com.

 

 

 

What’s at Stake for Health Care in Your District This Midterm Election?

What’s at Stake for Health Care in Your District This Midterm Election?

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On November 6, 2018, Californians will head to the polls to vote for who will represent them in Congress. The outcome of races could have significant implications for health care in California and nationwide. Major policies at stake include the Affordable Care Act (ACA), the Medicaid program (called Medi-Cal in California), and protections for those with preexisting conditions.

What’s at stake for California?

  • 1.4 million Californians purchase coverage through Covered California, the health insurance marketplace established under the ACA. Close to 90% receive federal subsidies to help them afford their premiums.
  • 13.5 million Californians are covered by Medi-Cal.
  • 6.7 million Californians would have lost coverage by 2027 if the last attempt by Congress to repeal the ACA and cut Medicaid (through a proposal called Graham-Cassidy) had passed. It is widely anticipated that a future attempt to repeal the ACA would be modeled after Graham-Cassidy.
  • 550,000 fewer jobs would have been created in California by 2027 if Graham-Cassidy had passed.
  • 16.7 million nonelderly Californians are estimated to live with a preexisting condition.

What’s at stake in your district?

 

Repeal of ACA on Republican agenda after midterms

https://www.healthcarefinancenews.com/news/repeal-aca-republican-agenda-after-midterms?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiTldNeU1qQmpOMk14WXpRMyIsInQiOiJDSlRcL25VMHRkNTlLQzZqU1dERHJzWnFlUmR2MCtJcWNaT0VZVUprSWY4ejJ2a1ZlemRaZStIaVA4bWRIM3h6VlphdWJreDRwK1cwbjhNWnZ0WmFCeVQ3b2lTSTQ5Y1krdHFKQTdCQ1dPRDd2a1NOVDFBTG5ESWpNUnhQYzVvdWwifQ%3D%3D

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Repeal would end the ACA’s most popular provision, to cover those with preexisting conditions.

Republicans could try again to repeal the Affordable Care Act if they win enough seats in the midterm election this November, Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell said on Wednesday, according to Reuters.

WHY THIS MATTERS

Providers want to keep the ACA to minimize the cost of uncompensated care from treating individuals who have no insurance.

Insurers this year have turned around earlier losses and exits, expanding their footprint in the market and, in many cases, offering lowering premium rates for 2019.

Studies show most consumers like the ACA but remain confused about the healthcare law, with close to 80 percent unaware that open enrollment starts on November 1.

THE TREND

Republicans last year tried and failed to repeal the ACA. In another attempt to get rid of the individual and employer mandates for coverage, the GOP this summer introduced the “skinny” repeal in the Health Care Freedom Act.

On July 28, Senator John McCain cast the deciding vote when he joined two other Republican senators in voting down the skinny repeal of the ACA that the Congressional Budget Office said could result in 16 million more people becoming uninsured. Provider groups such as America’s Essential Hospitals and the American Medical Association, voiced their approval that the skinny repeal failed.

Republicans got rid of the individual and employer mandates in this year’s budget bill.

The Trump Administration also introduced a less expensive alternative to ACA plans in allowing consumers to buy short-term limited duration plans that offer coverage for up to a year and can be extended for three years. The short-term plans are not mandated by law, as are ACA plans, to cover pre-existing conditions and offer essential benefits.

THEIR TAKE

Republicans have long promised to end the ACA because they say it’s not working.

OUR TAKE

Republicans have been chipping away at Obamacare and the government has drastically cut funds to promote it, but at the same time, the Department of Health and Human Services has helped to stabilize the market. Most significantly, it has allowed insurers to silver load plans to apply full premium increases to silver plans in the ACA to make up for the loss of cost-sharing reduction payments that were eliminated by President Trump. Since nine out of 10 consumers get tax subsidies for buying plans, this move was essentially subsidized by the federal government.

Even if the GOP retains its majority this November, repeal of the ACA will be an uphill battle. It would end the ACA’s most popular provision to cover those with preexisting conditions.

President Trump tweeted on Friday his support of protecting those who have preexisting conditioins saying. “All Republicans support people with pre-existing conditions, and if they don’t, they will after I speak to them. I am in total support. Also, Democrats will destroy your Medicare, and I will keep it healthy and well!”

 

 

 

CMS announces new waiver flexibility in ACA market

https://www.healthcarefinancenews.com/news/cms-announces-new-waiver-flexibility-aca-market?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiTldNeU1qQmpOMk14WXpRMyIsInQiOiJDSlRcL25VMHRkNTlLQzZqU1dERHJzWnFlUmR2MCtJcWNaT0VZVUprSWY4ejJ2a1ZlemRaZStIaVA4bWRIM3h6VlphdWJreDRwK1cwbjhNWnZ0WmFCeVQ3b2lTSTQ5Y1krdHFKQTdCQ1dPRDd2a1NOVDFBTG5ESWpNUnhQYzVvdWwifQ%3D%3D

 

States will have the ability to allow individuals to use ACA subsidies when buying short-term limited duration plans.

States are getting new flexibility in waivers to the Affordable Care Act, including being able to target ACA subsidies for individuals who want to buy short-term, limited duration plans, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services Administrator Seema Verma said today.

What is not flexible is protecting access to coverage to those with pre-existing conditions.

Verma gave no specifics on the types of waivers that will be considered, but said the agency was preparing to release a series of waiver concepts. More specifics are expected to be released in the coming weeks.

The policy goes into effect today but is expected to impact states next year, for the 2020 plan year.

IMPACT

The effect of the waivers will likely not be known until next year.

But the allowance of short-term insurance as an ACA alternative could have a more immediate effect as consumers choose plans during open enrollment starting November 1.

The Trump Administration this year extended the length of short-term plans from three months to one year, with an extension allowed for up to three years. Because these plans would not be obligated to cover the essential benefits mandated under the ACA, premiums are expected to be lower.

Opponents have said this would cause an exodus of healthy consumers from the traditional ACA market and rising prices for those left behind.

THE TREND

CMS has been taking credit for stabilizing the ACA market and lowering premiums through the use of waivers and by easing regulations.

For instance, reinsurance waivers have helped reduce premium costs, CMS said. To date, CMS has approved eight state waivers, and all but one have been a reinsurance waiver for states to develop high-risk pools to help pay the cost of high claims.

The reason for the lack of other approved waivers is due to the previous Administration limiting the types of state waiver proposals that the government would approve, CMS said.

The new Section 1332 waivers, called state relief and empowerment waivers, will allow states to “get out from under onerous rules of Obamacare,” Verma said.

WHAT ELSE YOU NEED TO KNOW

Under Section 1332 of the ACA, states can waive certain provisions of the law as long as the new state waiver plan meets specific criteria, or “guardrails,” that help guarantee people retain access to coverage that is at least as comprehensive and affordable as without the waiver; covers as many individuals; and is deficit neutral to the federal government.

The new waivers should aim to provide increased access to affordable private market coverage; encourage sustainable spending growth; foster state innovation; support and empower those in need; and promote consumer-driven healthcare, CMS said.

ON THE RECORD

“Now, states will have a clearer sense of how they can take the lead on making available more insurance options, within the bounds of the Affordable Care Act, that are fiscally sustainable, private sector-driven, and consumer-friendly,” said Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar.

“The Trump Administration inherited a health insurance market with skyrocketing premiums and dwindling choices,” said CMS Administrator Seema Verma. “Under the president’s leadership, the Administration recently announced average premiums will decline on the federal exchange for the first time and more insurers will return to offer increased choices.

“But our work isn’t done. Premiums are still much too high and choice is still too limited. This is a new day — this is a new approach to empower states to provide relief. States know much better than the federal government how their markets work. With today’s announcement, we are making sure that they have the ability to adopt innovative strategies to reduce costs for Americans, while providing higher quality options.”