Gallup: Uninsured rate climbs to 12.3% in Q3

http://www.healthcaredive.com/news/gallup-uninsured-rate-climbs-to-123-in-q3/507951/

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Dive Brief:

  • The share of U.S. adults who lack health insurance inched up 0.6 percentage points to 12.3% in the third quarter of 2017 over the previous quarter, a new Gallup poll shows.
  • The uninsured rate — 1.4 points higher than at the end of last year (3.5 million more Americans) — is now the largest since the 2014 fourth quarter when it was 12.9%.
  • The biggest decline is among individuals with self-paid plans, which fell 1.3 points to 21.3% since the end of 2016. The poll — part of the Gallup-Sharecare Well-Being Index — draws on interviews with 45,000 U.S. adults between July 1 and Sept. 30.

Dive Insight:

The numbers are somewhat alarming given the record low 10.9% uninsured rate in the second half of last year. Still, the current rate is well below the 18% high seen in Q3 2013, before the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) insurance exchanges and individual mandate took effect.

After adults with self-paid plans, the biggest change is among Americans with Medicare coverage, down 0.5 percentage points to 7.1%.

Factors contributing to the recent rise in uninsured, according to Gallup, include the lack of competition and rising premiums as payers exit the exchanges, and uncertainty about the ACA’s future.

With President Donald Trump and Republican lawmakers attempting to sabotage the ACA, the number of uninsured is likely to continue to rise. Earlier this month, Trump signed an executive order loosening health plan benefit requirements and said he would discontinue cost-sharing paymentsto insurers. The combined moves will undermine the exchanges and allow payers to offer skimpier plans with more out-of-pocket costs.

Congress also let pass it Sept. 30 deadline for reauthorizing the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), which provides coverage for nearly 9 million children. While Congress has vowed to pursue legislation, states are concerned a delay in reauthorization could cause federal funds, which pay for most of the program, to run dry.

The Gallup findings are somewhat in line with a recently released National Center for Health Statistics survey, which found the percentage of all uninsured Americans dropped to 8.8% in the first quarter of this year versus a year ago. Among adults between 18 and 64, the uninsured rate was 12.1%, 5.3% of children were uninsured.

Hospitals, many of them already struggling, are bracing for more uncompensated care as Trump and Republicans angle to roll back Medicaid expansion. A new formula for calculating uncompensated care payments is also fueling industry concerns. The formula, part of the Medicare Inpatient Prospective Payment System, would increase disproportionate share hospital payments to $6.8 billion, or about $800 million more than in fiscal year 2017, but the American Hospital Association has called the worksheet used to calculate the payments confusing and not always accurate.

In addition, the CMS has said FY2018 uncompensated care payments for all hospitals will be $2 billion below the current level. Between 2018 and 2025, uncompensated care payments are expected to decline by $43 billion.

Hospitals Brace For Unpaid Bills If GOP Balks On Children’s Healthcare

https://www.forbes.com/sites/brucejapsen/2017/10/05/hospitals-brace-for-unpaid-bills-if-gop-balks-on-childrens-healthcare/#6b40118272e9

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Hospitals are bracing for an increase in unpaid medical bills and related uncompensated care after the Republican-led Congress let funding for the Children’s Health Insurance Program lapse.

Congressional committees this week are working on language to renew the CHIP program after federal funding expired Saturday, Sept. 30, leaving coverage of 9 million children in doubt. What was thought to be a done deal with bipartisan agreement a month ago that CHIP would be renewed for five years has lately become bogged down in Congressional gridlock and charges of ineptitude against Republicans and the Trump White House.

U.S. Speaker of the House Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) (L) speaks as Senate Majority Leader Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY) (3rd L), Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) (2nd L) and Sen. Pat Toomey (R-PA) (R) listen during a press event on tax reform September 27, 2017 at the Capitol in Washington, DC. (Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images)

“States will not have access to additional funds and either will have to scramble to find money to pay for the health care costs for some of the most vulnerable patients or hospitals likely will experience a surge in uncompensated care,” Mizuho Securities USAresearch director Sheryl Skolnick said in a report Wednesday. “The need to reauthorize CHIP was well-known and the failure seems symptomatic of the larger issue of a dysfunctional political process.”

Some states could begin to run out of money to cover children over the next three months, triggering an uptick in medical bills that could lead to layoffs and a freeze on capital spending.

Hospitals generally account for CHIP funds in their Medicaid revenues, which can be 10% and 20% of some facility revenues. For-profit hospital operators like Tenet Healthcare, HCA Holdings and Community Health Systems, though, have less than 10% of their operations funded by Medicaid, Mizuho’s report this week shows.

Since the Affordable Care Act expanded coverage to more than 20 million Americans, hospital charity care and related uncompensated care expenses that include bad debt have dropped significantly.

Uncompensated care costs for the nation’s 4,862 hospitals dropped below 5% to 4.2%, or $35.7 billion in 2015, the American Hospital Association’s most recent tally showsThe 2015 level of uncompensated care costs were the lowest amount since 2007 , the AHA figures show.

But a loss in money from millions of children covered by CHIP would reverse the uncompensated care trend and certainly hit hospitals hard.

The healthcare industry was still hopeful momentum would return in Congress and CHIP funding would be renewed before providers and their patients would be harmed.

“Given CHIP’s immensely positive impact on children’s health, MHPA is very gratified that the House language released on Monday, October 2 extends the CHIP funding for another five years,” Medicaid Health Plans of America said in a letter to Congress. “We also appreciate that the language acknowledges any changes to funding must be made carefully and over time by gradually reducing the temporary 23 percent increase to 11.5 percent in October 2019, before allowing the program to resume the regular CHIP funding in October 2020. MHPA also appreciates that the funding, once extended, will be retroactive thus ensuring states’ current budgets will not be negatively affected.”

MHPA members include Aetna, Centene, Cigna and UnitedHealth Group.

New York City Health+Hospitals to sue state over $380 million in withheld DSH payments

http://www.healthcarefinancenews.com/news/new-york-city-healthhospitals-sue-state-over-380-million-withheld-dsh-payments?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWXpabVkyVTNNR1U1WVdFeiIsInQiOiJHQWw3aVJJbjVuT2JhM3NsUW1Ub0M5Yk5iSXVxSVNuc0lKSE1oa0F3MmhzU2gwaVE4MkJZTExVSHd6OE90VEFIZ3ZUOVhSUllXenBnZGtiK0QzRVpYbHVKRjFUZG1ZUzJjR3FnM3pOZ2R6bENFaFJKZndoTzVMMnlweHhOUTdFciJ9

System is already cutting hiring, using attrition to conserve cash and will end the week with only 13 days cash on hand.

NYC H+H plans to sue New York state over the $380 million in disproportionate share hospital payments they claim should have been delivered to them by Sept. 30, NYC H+H interim CEO Stan Brezenoff said on Friday.

City spokeswoman Freddie Goldstein said the suit would be filed sometime next week, though she couldn’t specify whether it would be filed in state or federal court. She also couldn’t specify exactly what state entities would be named as respondents or whether it would include the federal government.

More details will be forthcoming in the coming days, but regarding the purpose of the lawsuit, she said the payments in question were allocated by the federal government for the purpose of reimbursing the city for services already rendered in fiscal 2017. She said the state has no role other than to be a vessel for this funding.

“They can’t change the purpose of the funding once it’s been allocated by the feds.”

Dean Fuleihan, director of the NYC Office of Management and Budget said pursuant to state law it’s clear the $380 million has to go H+H. While he recognizes that there are reconciliations after every fiscal year, he said the $380 million in DSH payments has nothing to do with that.

“That can not turn into we are not giving you the $380 million that you expected, that we knew you expected, that we never objected to and that had to be paid in the prior federal fiscal year.”

The state has argued that the impending massive federal cuts to the DSH program are the reason for not releasing the funds, and that the state will be conducting detailed financial analysis of each hospital that receives funds from the program to assess their situation and need. Gov. Andrew Cuomo said the $1.1 billion cut that will unfold over the next 18 months will mean the state can’t fund any public hospital 100 percent, and they have not made any DSH payments since Oct. 1, when the law went into effect. The cuts are a caveat of the Affordable Care Act.

Fuleihan also conceded that there is no actual statute stipulating the Sept. 30 deadline. Rather, the past pattern of payment dictated it, and the payments are for expenses incurred in fiscal 2017, which ended Sept.30. He said the state’s decision to withhold the funds is a first.
And there was no federal cut to DSH funding in fiscal 2017, so the money should come.

“Is there anyone in the state of New York that does not recognize that NYC H+H is the major provider of care to Medicaid recipients and the uninsured. One-third of our patients are uninsured and we don’t get any of the FY17 DSH money? The voluntaries got their money. We’re not getting anything,” said Brezenoff.

About a third of the system’s patients are uninsured and large number of them are not eligible for insurance.

Brezenoff has already told staff that they will using attrition and drastic cuts to hiring to try and conserve cash. He said by the end of Friday they’ll have only $255 million, equal to 13 days of cash on hand.

“You can see just how precarious our situation is…We have begun painful process of adjusting our operations in ways that will almost certainly impact services to patients and put additional strain on our hard working employees.”

He said they will now be looking closely at each position that becomes open and deciding whether or not to fill it, and that those decisions could ultimately impact clinical staff and patient care.

“It is definitely conceivable that some physician positions will not be filled,” Brezenoff said.

They are also slowing down payments to vendors, which could impact future pricing and maintaining of supplies.

“The longer this goes on, it will require more and more difficult things to conserve cash. That’s the mode NYC H+H is in.”

Between last fiscal year and this one, NYC H+H is looking at a more than $700 million gap, including the currently withheld DSH funds as well as a possible $330 million cut for fiscal 2018 if Congress does not repeal the cuts.

Brezenoff said they have no plans to ask the city for more funds, as the traditional amount that comes from the city to NYC H+H is between $1 billion and $1.3 billion. The city is currently slated to contribute $1.8 billion, with commitment for $2 billion in their financial plan. NYC is facing their own $3.5 billion budget gap for fiscal 2019.

Congress misses deadline to reauthorize CHIP

http://www.healthcaredive.com/news/congress-misses-deadline-to-reauthorize-chip/506252/

Dive Brief:

  • The Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), which provides coverage to 9 million children, expired this weekend after Congress failed to reauthorize the program before the Sept. 30 deadline.
  • There is still hope that Congress will approve a reauthorization quickly, but state leaders are concerned if Congress doesn’t act soon they will run out of money for the program, which is mostly paid for with federal funds. House and Senate lawmakers have said they will pursue CHIP legislation this week.
  • The Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission (MACPAC) estimated that if CHIP isn’t reauthorized three states and the District of Columbia will run out of program funding by the end of the year and another 27 states will run dry in the first quarter of 2018.

Dive Insight:

MACPAC warned that stopping CHIP funding will impact state budgets and force states to decide whether to continue coverage on their own dime. If states limit or stop CHIP coverage, hospitals and providers could feel the brunt of fewer insured children and more bad debt. This is especially true for children’s hospitals.

Jim Kaufman, vice president of public policy at Children’s Hospital Association (CHA), recently told Healthcare Dive that CHIP is important for children’s hospitals. “CHIP is good for kids, and that makes it good for children’s hospitals and children’s providers,” Kaufman said.

Not reauthorizing CHIP quickly could especially be an issue for the three states (Arizona, Minnesota and North Carolina) and the District of Columbia, which are expected to run out of CHIP money by the end of the year.

There was hope last month that Congress might be able to reauthorize the program in time. A bipartisan group of senator agreed on a reauthorization bill in September that would have extended CHIP for another five years. However, momentum for that bill stalled when Capitol Hill turned its attention to the Graham-Cassidy ACA repeal legislation. Graham-Cassidy died without a floor vote, and Congress didn’t take up CHIP reauthorization before the deadline.

CHIP, which costs about $14 billion annually, was created in 1997 as a way to provide more health insurance coverage to children of families with low and moderate incomes. The federal government sends CHIP money to states annually, based on previous spending of the funds and populations factors. The states must spend the federal money within two years. Money that isn’t used goes back to the federal government to reallocate to states with CHIP funding shortfalls.

Congress has reauthorized the program periodically since its creation. CHIP has wide support and studies have shown the program helps reduce hospitalizations and child mortality and increase quality of care. When the program was created, 15% of children were uninsured. That number is now about 5% because of CHIP, the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid expansion.

5 Ways the Graham-Cassidy Proposal Puts Medicaid Coverage At Risk

5 Ways the Graham-Cassidy Proposal Puts Medicaid Coverage At Risk

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The Graham-Cassidy proposal to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act (ACA) is reviving the federal health reform debate and could come up for a vote in the Senate in the next two weeks before the budget reconciliation authority expires on September 30. The Graham-Cassidy proposal goes beyond the American Health Care Act (AHCA) passed by the House in May and the Better Care Reconciliation Act (BCRA) that failed in the Senate in July. The Graham-Cassidy proposal revamps and cuts Medicaid, redistributes federal funds across states, and eliminates coverage for millions of poor Americans as described below:
  1. Ends federal funding for current ACA coverage and partially replaces that funding with a block grant that expires after 2026. The proposal ends both the authority to cover childless adults and funding for the ACA Medicaid expansion that covers 15 million adults. Under Graham-Cassidy, a new block grant, the “Market-Based Health Care Grant Program,” combines federal funds for the ACA Medicaid expansion, premium and cost sharing subsidies in the Marketplace, and states’ Basic Health Plans for 2020-2026. Capped nationally, the block grant would be lower than ACA spending under current law and would end after 2026. States would need to replace federal dollars or roll back coverage. Neither the AHCA nor the BCRA included expiration dates for ACA-related federal funds or eliminated the ability for states to cover childless adults through Medicaid.
  2. Massively redistributes federal funding from Medicaid expansion states to non-expansion states through the block grant program penalizing states that broadened coverage. In 2020, block grant funds would be distributed based on federal spending in states for ACA Medicaid and Marketplace coverage. By 2026, funding would go to states according to the states’ portion of the population with incomes between 50% and 138% of poverty; the new allocation is phased in over the 2021-2025 period. The Secretary has the authority to make other adjustments to the allocation. This allocation would result in a large redistribution of ACA funding by 2026, away from states that adopted the Medicaid expansion and redirecting funding to states that did not. No funding is provided beyond 2026.
  3. Prohibits Medicaid coverage for childless adults and allows states to use limited block grant funds to purchase private coverage for traditional Medicaid populations. States can use funds under the block grant to provide tax credits and/or cost-sharing reductions for individual market coverage, make direct payments to providers, or provide coverage for traditional Medicaid populations through private insurance. The proposal limits the amount of block grant funds that a state could use for traditional Medicaid populations to 15% of its allotment (or 20% under a special waiver). These limits would shift coverage and funds for many low-income adults from Medicaid to individual market coverage. Under current law, 60% of federal ACA coverage funding is currently for the Medicaid expansion (covering parents and childless adults). Medicaid coverage is typically more comprehensive, less expensive and has more financial protections compared to private insurance. The proposal also allows states to roll back individual market protections related to premium pricing, including allowing premium rating based on health status, and benefits currently in the ACA.
  4. Caps and redistributes federal funds to states for the traditional Medicaid program for more than 60 million low-income children, parents, people with disabilities and the elderly. Similar to the BCRA and AHCA, the proposal establishes a Medicaid per enrollee cap as the default for federal financing based on a complicated formula tied to different inflation rates. As a result, federal Medicaid financing would grow more slowly than estimates under current law. In addition to overall spending limits, similar to the BCRA, the proposal would give the HHS Secretary discretion to further redistribute capped federal funds across states by making adjustments to states with high or low per enrollee spending.
  5. Eliminates federal funding for states to cover Medicaid family planning at Planned Parenthood clinics for one year. Additional funding restrictions include limits on states’ ability to use provider tax revenue to finance Medicaid as well as the termination of the enhanced match for the Community First Choice attendant care program for seniors and people with disabilities. Enrollment barriers include the option for states to condition Medicaid eligibility on a work requirement and to conduct more frequent redeterminations.
Much is at stake for low-income Americans and states in the Graham-Cassidy proposal. The recent debate over the AHCA and the BCRA has shown the difficulty of making major changes that affect coverage for over 70 million Americans and reduce federal funding for Medicaid. Medicaid has broad support and majorities across political parties say Medicaid is working well. More than half of the states have a strong stake in continuing the ACA Medicaid expansion as it has provided coverage to millions of low-income residents, reduced the uninsured and produced net fiscal benefits to states. Graham-Cassidy prohibits states from using Medicaid to provide coverage to childless adults. With regard to Medicaid financing changes, caps on federal funding could shift costs to states and result in less fiscal flexibility for states. States with challenging demographics (like an aging population), high health care needs (like those hardest hit by the opioid epidemic), high cost markets or states that operate efficient programs may have the hardest time responding to federal caps on Medicaid spending. Faced with substantially reduced federal funding, states would face difficult choices: raise revenue, reduce spending in other areas, or cut Medicaid provider payments, optional benefits, and/or optional coverage groups.

Last-Ditch Effort By Republicans To Replace ACA: What You Need To Know

http://khn.org/news/last-ditch-gop-effort-to-replace-aca-5-things-you-need-to-know/

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Republican efforts in Congress to “repeal and replace” the federal Affordable Care Act are back from the dead. Again.

While the chances for this last-ditch measure appear iffy, many GOP senators are rallying around a proposal by Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Bill Cassidy (R-La.), along with Sens. Dean Heller (R-Nev.) and Ron Johnson (R-Wis.)

They are racing the clock to round up the needed 50 votes — and there are 52 Senate Republicans.

An earlier attempt to replace the ACA this summer fell just one vote short when Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine), Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and John McCain (R-Ariz.) voted against it. The latest push is setting off a massive guessing game on Capitol Hill about where the GOP can pick up the needed vote.

After Sept. 30, the end of the current fiscal year, Republicans would need 60 votes ­— which means eight Democrats — to pass any such legislation because special budget rules allowing approval with a simple majority will expire.

Unlike previous GOP repeal-and-replace packages that passed the House and nearly passed the Senate, the Graham-Cassidy proposal would leave in place most of the ACA taxes that generated funding to expand coverage for millions of Americans. The plan would simply give those funds as lump sums to each state. States could do almost whatever they please with them. And the Congressional Budget Office has yet to weigh in on the potential impact of the bill, although earlier estimates of similar provisions suggest premiums would go up and coverage down.

“If you believe repealing and replacing Obamacare is a good idea, this is your best and only chance to make it happen, because everything else has failed,” said Graham in unveiling the bill last week.

Here are five things to know about the latest GOP bill: 

1. It would repeal most of the structure of the ACA.

The Graham-Cassidy proposal would eliminate the federal insurance exchange, healthcare.gov, along with the subsidies and tax credits that help people with low and moderate incomes — and small businesses — pay for health insurance and associated health costs. It would eliminate penalties for individuals who fail to obtain health insurance and employers who fail to provide it.

It would eliminate the tax on medical devices. 

2. It would eliminate many of the popular insurance protections, including those for people with preexisting conditions, in the health law.

Under the proposal, states could “waive” rules in the law requiring insurers to provide a list of specific “essential health benefits” and mandating that premiums be the same for people regardless of their health status. That would once again expose people with preexisting health conditions to unaffordable or unavailable coverage. Republicans have consistently said they wanted to maintain these protections, which polls have shown to be popular among voters.

3. It would fundamentally restructure the Medicaid program.

Medicaid, the joint-federal health program for low-income people, currently covers more than 70 million Americans. The Graham-Cassidy proposal would end the program’s expansion under the ACA and cap funding overall, and it would redistribute the funds that had provided coverage for millions of new Medicaid enrollees. It seeks to equalize payments among states. States that did not expand Medicaid and were getting fewer federal dollars for the program would receive more money and states that did expand would see large cuts, according to the bill’s own sponsors. For example, Oklahoma would see an 88 percent increase from 2020 to 2026, while Massachusetts would see a 10 percent cut.

The proposal would also bar Planned Parenthood from getting any Medicaid funding for family planning and other reproductive health services for one year, the maximum allowed under budget rules governing this bill. 

4. It’s getting mixed reviews from the states.

Sponsors of the proposal hoped for significant support from the nation’s governors as a way to help push the bill through. But, so far, the governors who are publicly supporting the measure, including Scott Walker (R-Wis.) and Doug Ducey (R-Ariz.), are being offset by opponents including Chris Sununu (R-N.H.), John Kasich (R-Ohio) and Bill Walker (I-Alaska).

On Tuesday 10 governors — five Democrats, four Republicans and Walker — sent a letterto Senate leaders urging them to pursue a more bipartisan approach. “Only open, bipartisan approaches can achieve true, lasting reforms,” said the letter.

Bill sponsor Cassidy was even taken to task publicly by his own state’s health secretary. Dr. Rebekah Gee, who was appointed by Louisiana’s Democratic governor, wrote that the bill “uniquely and disproportionately hurts Louisiana due to our recent [Medicaid] expansion and high burden of extreme poverty.”

5. The measure would come to the Senate floor with the most truncated process imaginable.

The Senate is working on its Republican-only plans under a process called “budget reconciliation,” which limits floor debate to 20 hours and prohibits a filibuster. In fact, all the time for floor debate was used up in July, when Republicans failed to advance any of several proposed overhaul plans. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) could bring the bill back up anytime, but senators would immediately proceed to votes. Specifically, the next order of business would be a process called “vote-a-rama,” where votes on the bill and amendments can continue, in theory, as long as senators can stay awake to call for them.

Several senators, most notably John McCain, who cast the deciding vote to stop the process in July, have called for “regular order,” in which the bill would first be considered in the relevant committee before coming to the floor. The Senate Finance Committee, which Democrats used to write most of the ACA, has scheduled a hearing for next week. But there is not enough time for full committee consideration and a vote before the end of next week.

Meanwhile, the Congressional Budget Office said in a statement Tuesday that it could come up with an analysis by next week that would determine whether the proposal meets the requirements to be considered under the reconciliation process. But it said that more complicated questions like how many people would lose insurance under the proposal or what would happen to insurance premiums could not be answered “for at least several weeks.”

That has outraged Democrats, who are united in opposition to the measure.

“I don’t know how any senator could go home to their constituents and explain why they voted for a major bill with major consequences to so many of their people without having specific answers about how it would impact their state,” said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) on the Senate floor Tuesday.

Healthcare: It’s complicated

http://www.theactuary.com/features/2017/07/its-complicated/

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It has been a little over seven years since the US began implementing healthcare reform at the national level, following the passage of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), also known as Obamacare. However, the future of the law’s programmes has never seemed more uncertain now that the United States House of Representatives has passed legislation repealing and replacing many of the ACA’s key provisions.

While the ACA and the proposed replacement legislation are fundamentally different in their approaches to financing and regulating healthcare, they do have one thing in common: both are extraordinarily complicated.

Actuaries have had a front-row seat as healthcare reform has unfolded, and they are in a unique position to help address the challenges our complex system presents – whether that involves setting premium rates, calculating reserves, or just trying to explain healthcare policy to their Facebook friends. After all, actuaries were working to promote the financial stability of our complex healthcare system long before the ACA came along.

Even so, one might ask: Why is the American healthcare system so complicated? Does it have to be that way? Most stakeholders acknowledge that our current system has room for improvement, although opinions vary widely on what to do about that. In part, the complexity of our system is rooted in our history.

The healthcare system that we have today wasn’t formed in one fell swoop. Instead, it has been stitched together gradually over the past century by policymakers working to meet the challenges of their times. For example, the prevalence of employer-sponsored insurance was at least partly driven by price-wage controls implemented by the federal government in the 1940s during the Second World War, together with very favourable tax treatment. When the employer-sponsored market began to flourish, healthcare coverage became unaffordable for the non-working population – in particular, low-income workers, seniors, and disabled individuals – and the Medicare and Medicaid programmes were born. Currently, healthcare in the US is provided and funded through a variety of sources:

  • Employer-sponsored insurance – either self-funded by the employer or insured through a carrier
  • Individual major medical insurance – currently subsidised by the federal government for many individuals under the ACA
  • Medicare, Medicaid, and military health coverage – subsidised by federal and state governments and increasingly administered by privately managed care organisations
  • Other – for instance, the Indian Health Service, care provided to correctional populations, and uncompensated care provided to the uninsured.

 

It’s therefore not surprising that the policies being proposed today are an attempt to fix the problems we currently face, such as expanding access to affordable healthcare, reducing the cost of healthcare, or improving the quality of care received by patients.

However, our system has evolved in such a way that trying to implement a solution is like trying to solve a Rubik’s Cube – it is hard to make progress on one side without introducing new problems into other parts of the puzzle. For a Rubik’s Cube, successful solvers focus on both the local and global picture, and sometimes must make short-term trade-offs to achieve a longer-term solution. Unfortunately, the short-term nature of political pressures make it difficult to implement longer-term strategies for healthcare. Yet, we see many areas where actuaries can be instrumental in addressing the challenges presented by our complex healthcare system.

Complex times call for complex models

The ACA made sweeping changes that impacted almost every source of coverage listed above. The most profound changes, besides the expansion of Medicaid coverage, were the changes made to the individual and small employer health insurance markets. These already small markets were fractured into several separate pieces (grandfathered business from before the ACA became law, ‘transitional’ business issued before 2014, and ‘ACA-compliant’ business issued in 2014 and beyond). The only constant has been change, with many regulatory changes occurring each year (often after premium rates were set by insurers) and with the stabilisation programmes intended to mitigate risk during this time of change often paradoxically increasing uncertainty. This led some to question whether these markets were inherently too unpredictable to be viable, whereas others felt that the markets were finally starting to stabilise before the election changed everything.

Besides predictability problems caused by regulatory or political factors, two challenges facing health actuaries during these transitional years have been (1) the lag between when market changes are implemented and when data on policies subject to the new rules becomes available, and (2) the difficulty in predicting consumer behaviour in reaction to major changes in market rules such as guaranteed issue and community rating. How many of the uninsured would sign up? How price-sensitive would members be when they renewed their coverage each year? How will changes in other sources of coverage (such as Medicaid expansion) impact the individual market? How will potential actions by competitors affect an insurer’s risk?

Despite the daunting nature of these challenges, actuaries have, out of necessity, found ways to try to address them. For example, faced with the data lag problem, they explored ways to augment traditional claim and enrollment data with new data sources such as marketing databases or pharmacy history data available for purchase. Such sources can be used to develop estimates of the health status of new populations not previously covered by an insurer. Many actuaries also developed agent-based stochastic simulation models that attempted to model the behaviour of consumers, insurers and other stakeholders in these new markets. Such models continue to be used to evaluate the potential outcomes of future changes to the healthcare system, and will probably be essential should efforts to repeal and replace the ACA prove successful.

Information problems: what is a rational actor to do?

Most goods and services in the US have a price tag that consumers can use to ‘shop’ for the option that they feel gives them the best value for their dollar. Healthcare is different. If you ask how much a healthcare service will cost in the US, the answer is “it depends”. List prices such as billed charges for hospitals and physicians and average wholesale prices for pharmaceuticals are increasingly meaningless, given the enormous contractual discounts and rebates that typically apply. The same service may have wildly different prices depending on who is paying for it, and prices may not correlate well with either the clinical value the service provides to the patient or the actual cost to the healthcare provider who renders it. Layered on top of this complex foundation are the often arcane policy provisions that determine a member’s ultimate cost for a claim.

Moreover, even if a patient can determine the cost of treatment at different healthcare providers, making an informed choice often requires clinical knowledge the average person is unlikely to possess. Also, many of the most costly services are non-discretionary and often emergent in nature. In other words, even if a consumer wanted to shop they would be hard-pressed to do so.

All of this means that it is exceedingly hard for various stakeholders – patients, doctors, even insurers – to know the true cost of a service at the point of care, much less manage it. Yet a lot of effort has been spent in trying to better align cost incentives for providers and patients. Past efforts have often used crude methods, such as high deductibles paired with health savings accounts, to create incentives. Current efforts such as value-based insurance designs, which vary cost sharing based on a patient’s clinical profile, use more nuanced approaches to encourage patients to use high-value care. Moving from fee-for-service to value-based payment models for reimbursing healthcare providers has been a focus of both private and public payers in the US.

While such initiatives show promise, they come at the price of even more complexity – and it isn’t always clear that this price is worth paying. The proliferation of more complex benefit designs and provider contracting arrangements can exacerbate the price transparency problems that existed even in the relatively simple fee-for-service world.

Actuaries are well equipped to help insurers, providers and consumers navigate these waters. For example, repricing healthcare claims in an equitable way using actuarial techniques, such as comparing reimbursement rates with a standard fee schedule, is

an efficient way for providers and payers to evaluate cost levels consistently across contracts that may use very different reimbursement methodologies.

Actuaries also have a role to play in developing tools to support clinicians and consumers in understanding the financial dimensions of their healthcare decisions.

Technology: the cause of, and solution to, all our cost problems?

For better or worse, Americans seem determined to seek technological solutions to our health problems, even when lifestyle changes in diet and exercise habits might be just as effective.

Technological advances drive a significant portion of healthcare cost increases, and while many do result in profoundly valuable new therapies, some provide only marginal benefit over existing options at a significantly higher cost. Finding ways to leverage our love of technology to achieve health outcomes more cheaply would be a worthy goal, and one where an actuary could make a difference. Work to use machine learning (for example, in radiology), smarter medical devices, and other data-intensive methods to improve healthcare are still in their infancy, but show promise. From a policy perspective, actuaries could assist in designing novel approaches toward rethinking the incentives for clinical innovation, such as linking payment for new therapies to their clinical value relative to alternatives.

Will the US ever change its relationship status with healthcare from “it’s complicated” to something less ambiguous? In the near term, the answer seems to be “no.” But perhaps we can hope that – with a little help from actuaries – even a complicated relationship can be a good one.

Uninsured Rate In U.S. Falls To A Record Low Of 8.8%

Uninsured Rate In U.S. Falls To A Record Low Of 8.8%

Three years after the Affordable Care Act’s coverage expansion took effect, the number of Americans without health insurance fell to 28.1 million in 2016, down from 29 million in 2015, according to a federal report released Tuesday.

The latest numbers from the U.S. Census Bureau showed the nation’s uninsured rate dropped to 8.8 percent. It had been 9.1 percent in 2015.

Both the overall number of uninsured and the percentage are record lows.

The uninsured rate has fallen in all 50 states and the District of Columbia since 2013, although the rate has been lower among the 31 states that expanded Medicaid under the health law. California’s rate was 7.3 percent in 2016, less than half of its 17.2 percent rate in 2013.

“California has shown that the Affordable Care Act is working to expand health coverage and provide new patient protections,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access California, a consumer advocacy group. “While many thought our nation’s rising uninsured rate was unsolvable, the advancement in California shows that if policymakers and the public are united in trying to make reform work, we can do big things.”

The latest figures from the Census Bureau effectively close the book on President Barack Obama’s record on lowering the number of uninsured. He made that a linchpin of his 2008 campaign, and his administration’s effort to overhaul the nation’s health system through the ACA focused on expanding coverage.

When Obama took office in 2009, during the worst economic recession since the Great Depression, more than 50 million Americans were uninsured, or nearly 17 percent of the population.

The number of uninsured has fallen from 42 million in 2013 — before the ACA in 2014 allowed states to expand Medicaid, the federal-state program that provides coverage to low-income people, and provided federal subsidies to help lower- and middle-income Americans buy coverage on the insurance marketplaces. The decline also reflected the improving economy, which has put more Americans in jobs that offer health coverage.

The dramatic drop in the uninsured over the past few years played a major role in the congressional debate over the summer about whether to replace the 2010 health law. Advocates pleaded with the Republican-controlled Congress not to take steps to reverse the gains in coverage.

The Census numbers are considered the gold standard for tracking who has insurance because the survey samples are so large.

Among the states, the lowest uninsured rate last year was 2.5 percent in Massachusetts and the highest was 16.6 percent in Texas, the Census Bureau said. States that expanded Medicaid had an average uninsured rate of 6.5 percent compared with an 11.7 percent average among states that did not expand, the Census Bureau reported.

More than half of Americans — 55.7 percent — get health insurance through their jobs. But government coverage is becoming more common. Medicaid now covers more than 19 percent of the population and Medicare nearly 17 percent.

There’s one Obamacare repeal bill left standing. Here’s what’s in it.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/politics/cassidy-graham-explainer/?utm_term=.c90e0ce41aa2

Image result for cartoon dilbert beating a dead horse

After a dramatic series of failed Senate votes in July, there’s one repeal-and-replace plan for the Affordable Care Act left standing. Trump is pushing for a vote, per Politico, and John McCain has announced his support, but the bill has yet to gain significant traction.

The proposal, crafted by Sens. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.) and Dean Heller (R-Nev.), essentially turns control of the health-care markets over to the states. Rather than funding Medicaid and subsidies directly, that money would be put into a block grant that a state could use to develop any health-care system it wants. It also allows states to opt out of many ACA regulations. “If you like Obamacare, you can keep it,” Graham has said, using a common nickname for the health-care law. “If you want to replace it, you can.”

In reality, that may not be true. The Medicaid expansion and subsidy funding would be cut sharply compared to current spending, going to zero in a decade.

 “You can’t actually keep the same program if your federal funding is being cut by a third in 2026,” said Aviva Aron-Dine, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. And even putting aside the cuts, she said, the block grant structure would fundamentally change the health-care landscape. “[Funding] is capped, so it wouldn’t  go up and down with the economy,” when fewer or more people become eligible for subsidies.

Republicans contest this. The drop in funding “gives strong incentives for the states to be more efficient with their program,” said Ed Haislmaier, a senior fellow at the conservative Heritage Foundation. That is, states may be able to maintain the ACA structure and regulations as long as they streamline operations.

If the streamlining turns out to be insufficient, the cuts would hit liberal states the hardest, according to a report by the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities. This is largely because they tend to be the biggest spenders on health care: They’ve expanded Medicaid and aggressively signed people up for marketplace coverage. They have the most to lose.

 On the whole, Aron-Dine says, “This is a lot more similar to the [Senate repeal bill] than different. All of them end with devastating cuts to marketplace subsidies, Medicaid, and weakening of consumer protections.”

Haislmaier agreed, pointing out the Cassidy-Graham plan was originally intended as an amendment to the Senate bill.

Here’s the nitty gritty of what would change, compared to the ACA and the Senate plan that failed in July:

Who would need to be covered

Under the Cassidy-Graham plan, the mandates would be eliminated at the federal level. States could choose to keep the measure, replace it or get rid of it completely.

How they would pay for coverage

The federal health insurance subsidies that help most people with ACA marketplace plans afford their coverage would change. This bill would shift those subsidies to the state-level, so people in some states may see their subsidy scaled back or eliminated.

Proposed changes to Medicaid

The bill would restructure Medicaid and decrease its funding. That would make it very difficult for states to maintain the Medicaid expansion.

 

Trump wants one last Senate push on Obamacare repeal

http://www.politico.com/story/2017/09/05/trump-obamacare-repeal-senate-242346

Image result for beating a dead horse

The odds are slim, but the White House still hopes for action on a bill drafted by Lindsey Graham and Bill Cassidy.

President Donald Trump and some Senate Republicans are refusing to give up on Obamacare repeal, even after this summer’s spectacular failure and with less than a month before a key deadline.

The president and White House staff have continued to work with Republican Sens. Lindsey Graham of South Carolijna and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana over the summer on their proposal to block grant federal health care funding to the states. And though the bill is being rewritten and Congress faces a brutal September agenda, Trump and his allies on health care are making a last-gasp effort.

“He wants to do it, the president does. He loves the block grants. But we’ve got to have political support outside Washington,” Graham said in an interview. He said the bill needs to have a “majority of the Republican governors behind the idea” to gain momentum in the Senate.

But there’s far more work to do even than that. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell would need to find room on the packed calendar this month to hold another uncertain push to repeal Obamacare on party lines. The Senate has only until the end of the month to pass the measure using powerful budget reconciliation procedures, but is also planning to fund the government, raise the debt ceiling, write a new defense policy bill and extend a host of expiring programs.

Cassidy said he hopes to have the bill text finalized by this week and has declined to reveal details about what changed in the bill during August.

“We are still refining the legislative language — just things you got to clear up,” he said. “We think we have good legislation, good policy.”

The Congressional Budget Office would also still need time to analyze the cost of the bill, a process that could take several weeks.

Trump berated McConnell and the Senate GOP over the summer for falling one vote short of sending repeal into conference with the House in July, when Sen. John McCain of Arizona voted down the GOP’s “skinny” repeal bill. So the White House has continued to work on the Graham-Cassidy bill behind the scenes, seeing it as the best option to make progress, according to several administration officials.

The bill would keep most of Obamacare’s taxes and devolve many spending decisions to the states. It was submitted as an amendment to the repeal bill in July but did not receive a vote; aides say it could not pass the Senate in its current form.

Trump has intermittently told aides he wants progress on health care and is still frustrated that the bill failed. The White House’s legislative team has talked with Republican governors in recent weeks and is planning to bring more to the White House, according to one of the officials. Internally, White House officials say they have listened to concerns from governors and tried to tweak the state block grant formulas.

Hill leadership hasn’t played a central role in the effort.

McConnell said in Kentucky last month that the path forward is “somewhat murky” and pointed to efforts by Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) to stabilize insurance markets as one avenue forward, though he doubted Democrats’ resolve on the bipartisan effort.

“We’re going to see what Sen. Alexander and his team can do on a bipartisan basis. The Democrats have been pretty uninterested in any reforms. They’re really interested in sending money to insurance companies but not very interested in reforms,” McConnell said then.

Inside the White House, there is little hope that a health care bill can happen quickly, with a stacked legislative agenda. And some close to the president prefer he would focus on tax reform and other immediate fiscal issues.

The Senate parliamentarian has ruled that the chamber’s reconciliation instructions, which allow the GOP to evade a Democratic filibuster and the chamber’s 60-vote requirement, expire at the end of the month. Republicans are planning to use their next budget measure to pass tax reform via a simple majority. But Graham insisted there’s a short window to fulfill the party’s seven-year promise if the GOP goes into overdrive, starting this week.

“It’s possible, yes. But you’ve got to do it quickly … introduce it this week, have a hearing soon about the bill, then the process is set to actually take it to floor and vote,” Graham said. “Everything has to fall in place.”