Payer Roundup—Mississippi gets 10-year Medicaid waiver extension; A third of Americans believe ACA is repealed

https://www.fiercehealthcare.com/payer/payer-roundup-mississippi-gets-10-year-medicaid-waiver-extension-third-americans-believe-aca?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiTnpreE9HSTFPVFJqWldZMSIsInQiOiJNM0NTa1ZBZW1kU001bkx4SEcwNmtSeEFVNG9oZnpUbEF2UVpMY1lDUWNZYm8zZTFuejJNUGpPOTJuYVlXTlZwWHdXU1hrRm50Z1NFbHJGRjdUMld6U1JoYWo0enNaUlEzNldab2tcL3hxV3NPaTBlK2xKbmVSQmgwMTE2NFZpYzgifQ%3D%3D&mrkid=959610

Medicaid

CMS approves 10-year Medicaid waiver extension for Mississippi

Last week, the federal government approved its first 10-year extension of a Section 1115 Medicaid demonstration program.

The Mississippi program provides family planning services for people ages 13-44 with income of up to 194% of the federal poverty level. To get approval for its 10-year extension, the state agreed to submit monitoring reports and participate in calls with CMS every year.

The lengthy waiver extension, according to CMS Administrator Seema Verma, lets Mississippi administer its Medicaid program “without the inconvenience of obtaining routine approvals from CMS.” The action also shows the agency’s “continuing commitment to giving states the flexibility they deserve to meet the unique needs of their people,” she said.

Alabama won’t freeze CHIP enrollment or stop coverage—for now

Because of the temporary funding for the Children’s Health Insurance Program included in Congress’ year-end spending bill, Alabama officials canceled their plans to freeze CHIP enrollment on Jan. 1.

The state will also not follow through with its plan to terminate coverage for current CHIP enrollees by Feb. 1, according to AL.com. But Cathy Caldwell, director of the Alabama Bureau of Children’s Health Insurance, told the publication that “we desperately need Congress to act, hopefully in January.”

Federal funding for CHIP expired Sept. 30, and Congress’ effort to reauthorize funding have been bogged down by partisan disputes. The short-term spending bill passed before the holiday break set aside $2.85 billion to temporarily tide states over.

One-third of Americans believe ACA has been repealed

President Donald Trump was not correct when he said that the GOP tax bill repealed the Affordable Care Act, but a new poll indicates a sizable chunk of Americans believe it nonetheless.

According to the poll (PDF), conducted by The Economist/YouGov, 31% of respondents indicated that Trump has delivered on his promise to repeal the healthcare law. Forty-nine percent said that he didn’t, and 21% were unsure.

The sweeping overhaul to the tax code that Republicans passed before the holiday break did repeal the ACA’s individual mandate, a key part of its insurance market reforms. But experts disagree on how big of an impact that will have, and other core components of the law—like premium subsidies—remain intact.

ACA expert to stop blogging for Health Affairs

Timothy Jost, who has chronicled nearly every Affordable Care Act-related development over the past 8½ years, will no longer contribute to the Health Affairs Blog’s “Following the ACA” series.

Jost, a Washington and Lee University professor emeritus, wrote more than 600 blog posts about the adoption and implementation of the healthcare law, plus the omnipresent political battles surrounding it. Jost wrote in his final post that “I am getting older and believe it is time to slow down.” He will continue to write a monthly “Eye on Reform” column for Health Affairs, however.

Katie Keith, a health policy expert with a law degree from Georgetown University and a master of public health from Johns Hopkins University, will take the helm as the author of the Health Affairs blog series on the ACA.

 

Top 10 health care surprises of 2017

https://www.politico.com/story/2017/12/30/trump-health-care-surprises-248996

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President Donald Trump stormed into office last January confident that he could knock off Obamacare in a nanosecond. It didn’t turn out that way — and from drug prices to the Tom Price travel scandal, a lot of health policy didn’t go according to plan. Here’s a look at 10 health care surprises from 2017.

1. Obamacare survives its seventh year

In control of the White House and both chambers of Congress, Republicans had their best shot ever at Obamacare repeal — and even thought they could have it on Trump’s desk on Inauguration Day. The grand ambitions quickly met roadblocks. Members rebelled over policy details, GOP leaders struggled to find consensus, moderates mutinied, and virtually the entire health care industry — along with Democrats and Obamacare advocates — lined up against every plan that Republicans put forward.

Even so, the GOP eventually squeaked a bill through the House and after several false starts put a proposal on the Senate floor. That’s when Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) delivered perhaps the biggest stunner of the year: a late-night thumbs-down that sunk the Senate bill and effectively ended the GOP’s repeal effort … until 2018.

Still, Senate Republicans concede that with an even narrower vote margin, dismantling Obamacare may become, as Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) delicately put it, “a little more difficult.”

2. Price jets away from HHS

After years of railing against Obamacare as a member of Congress, Tom Price finally got a chance to do something about it as Health and Human Services secretary. The former orthopedic surgeon would aid Republicans’ effort to repeal the law while simultaneously unraveling Obamacare’s web of regulations. He fell short on both counts. Price all but disappeared during the Senate’s bid to craft a repeal bill, frustrating Republicans and, more importantly, the president. Soon after, POLITICO revealed that he had routinely traveled by chartered private or military aircraft, costing taxpayers $1 million.

The scrutiny over his travel habits, combined with Trump’s irritation on Affordable Care Act repeal, sped Price’s resignation seven months into the job. He left few tangible accomplishments — other than the distinction of being the first Cabinet member to make his exit.

3. Tough talk and no action on drug prices

Trump lobbed insults at a host of health care targets, but perhaps none landed with more rhetorical force than his denunciations of the “disastrous” drug industry.

“The drug companies, frankly, are getting away with murder,” he seethed early on, suggesting he might empower Medicare to negotiate with pharmaceutical companies.

It didn’t happen. For all of Trump’s tough talk, he’s made no concrete moves toward cracking down on pharmaceutical prices. A promised executive order never materialized — and a leaked draft of the directive appeared largely pharma-friendly anyway.

In November, Trump nominated Alex Azar, a former pharmaceutical executive, to serve as his next HHS secretary. Azar has already rejected sweeping changes to rein in drug prices, like allowing drug reimportation or giving Medicare greater negotiating power. The administration’s agenda on drug prices now looks smaller, more traditional, and far less of a threat to the pharmaceutical industry.

4. GOP kills the individual mandate — in a tax bill

For all their failures on repealing and replacing Obamacare, Republicans did land a major blow — it just took a tax bill to get the job done. The GOP’s sweeping tax overhaul zeroes out the penalty levied on most people for not purchasing insurance starting in 2019, effectively gutting Obamacare’s individual mandate.

Republicans had long made the mandate a top target for repeal. But it’s also a pillar of the health law — the mechanism that Obamacare supporters contend is crucial to keeping enough healthy people in the market to stabilize premiums.

Yet, in a twist, Senate Republicans who months earlier proved too skittish to dismantle Obamacare jumped at the chance to eliminate the mandate, despite Congressional Budget Office projections that it would drive up premiums 10 percent and leave 13 million more people uninsured over the next decade.

With just 12 days left in a year they’d vowed was Obamacare’s last, Republicans passed their tax bill — and in the process, made their only major legislative change to the health law.

5. Planned Parenthood’s funding goes untouched

The GOP’s sweep into power also placed Republicans on the verge of accomplishing a second top health care goal: defunding Planned Parenthood. Once again, Republicans found themselves foiled by their own members. Moderate Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Susan Collins (R-Maine) used their leverage as Senate swing votes to protect the funding of an organization they ardently support.

When McCain joined them in voting down repeal in July, it also put the defunding efforts on hold indefinitely. And now facing only a two-vote advantage in the Senate in 2018, it’s unclear whether the GOP can find the political will to take federal action against Planned Parenthood.

6. The vaccine controversy that never was

When high-profile vaccine skeptic Robert Kennedy Jr. traveled to New York in January to meet with Trump, it looked like the start of a controversial plan to boost the scientifically disproved theory that vaccines can cause autism. Trump had previously suggested vaccines could be dangerous, and Kennedy emerged from Trump Tower touting plans to chair “a commission on vaccine safety and scientific integrity” at the president-elect’s behest.

“President-elect Trump has some doubts about the current vaccine policies and has questions about it,” Kennedy said.

But Trump’s team never confirmed Kennedy’s assertions, and after Inauguration Day any momentum for a vaccine commission appeared to fizzle out. The chiefs of the administration’s Food and Drug Administration, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and National Institutes of Health all advocate for vaccines, and there hasn’t been a peep from the White House so far about taking any close look at vaccine safety beyond the normal regulatory oversight.

7. Single payer gets serious

At this time last year, single-payer health care was a progressive pipe dream. Now it’s a rallying point for liberal Democrats, a possible litmus test for 2020 hopefuls and a serious policy proposal that’s won the backing of nearly a third of the Senate Democratic Caucus.

Sen. Bernie Sanders’ universal health care plan vaulted into the mainstream in September, after high-profile Democrats trying to strike a contrast to the GOP’s Obamacare repeal efforts latched onto the goal of universal coverage.

“Quality health care shouldn’t be the providence of people’s wealth. It should be a virtue of us being United States citizens,” Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), one of several likely 2020 candidates backing the plan, said at the time.

The single-payer push exposed divisions over how exactly to achieve universal coverage, and several Democrats have put forth their own ideas on how to move more gradually. But the shift in the Democratic platform is clear: Three years after Sanders (I-Vt.) failed to win a single co-sponsor for his plan, universal health care is becoming a defining issue for Democrats in the run-up to 2020.

8. Medicaid as a wedge issue

In a year that was supposed to be all about Obamacare, Congress spent much of its time on Medicaid. The GOP’s Obamacare repeal bills all targeted the low-income health insurance program as well. Their proposals would have profoundly changed the nature of Medicaid — not just the expansion that was part of Obamacare but the traditional parts that predated the ACA by decades.

That’s where the GOP’s health care effort hit perhaps its most intense resistance, as Medicaid — traditionally overshadowed by Medicare — suddenly became a third rail. Democrats seized on projections that capping federal funding would drive deep coverage losses and leave the nation’s most vulnerable worse off. State governors on both sides of the aisle warned that the changes would cripple their ability to deliver crucial services. Swing vote Republicans balked at deep cuts at a time when Medicaid offered the first line of defense against the growing opioid epidemic.

That hasn’t stopped the GOP from taking on Medicaid in other ways. The Trump administration is encouraging states to impose work requirements and has made entitlement and welfare reform — both of which could involve Medicaid — a priority for 2018.

9. Shkreli goes to jail over Hillary’s hair

That Martin Shkreli will finish off this year from prison isn’t a surprise — but it’s what put him there that was unexpected.

The former Turing Pharmaceutical CEO, who gained notoriety for hiking the price of an AIDS drug, was convicted of securities fraud in August. But he was living freely while awaiting sentencing until he offered $5,000 on Facebook for a strand of then-presidential candidate Hillary Clinton’s hair. The post qualified as a “solicitation of assault,” a judge ruled, before revoking Shkreli’s bond and sending him to prison.

It’s just one of many strange twists in Shkreli’s saga, which included calling congressmen “imbeciles” on Twitter hours after refusing to answer questions at a House committee hearing; livestreaming on YouTube for hours on end, including right after his conviction; and purchasing the sole copy of a 2015 Wu-Tang Clan album for more than $1 million. He’ll now serve jail time over his request for Clinton’s hair until a mid-January sentencing hearing.

10. Collins, Murkowski play power brokers in the Senate

The most moderate members in a Republican Conference that narrowly controls the Senate, Collins and Murkowski were always going to be crucial players. But GOP leaders may not have anticipated just how much they’d flex that power.

Collins and Murkowski held out throughout the repeal effort over Medicaid cuts and skimpier subsidies they worried would hurt their states — and tanked a top GOP priority. At the end of the day, both voted for the big tax bill, with its individual mandate repeal. Collins got a promise from Senate leaders that two ACA stabilization bills would be included in Congress’ year-end spending agreement — though the bill have been pushed into 2018 and are in trouble, given the House opposition.

With Republicans’ margin in the Senate set to narrow to just 51-49 next year, Collins and Murkowski appear set to exercise even more influence over the party’s direction come 2018.

 

3 political issues for hospitals to watch in 2018

3 political issues for hospitals to watch in 2018

Hospitals and health providers suffered minimal damage in this year’s political collision over Obamacare. But 2018 will bring a series of equally high-stakes debates that will affect the financial viability of hospitals and the future of how care is measured and delivered.

And by the way, the war over Obamacare is hardly over — it’ll start up again next year with proposals to stabilize insurance markets and renewed GOP repeal efforts.

Here are some additional issues to watch:

Redefining value

The Trump administration is promising to set a new course for medicine’s value movement. Seema Verma, the chief of Medicare and Medicaid, is evaluating proposals for ways to link government reimbursement to patient outcomes. She is moving away from the mandatory payment programs created under President Obama — in which hospitals received lump sum payments for repairing fractured hips and other services — in favor of voluntary models with more flexible arrangements created by doctors and hospitals.

Greater leeway from the federal government might make it easier for hospitals to experiment with novel ideas, like pushing for new payment arrangements in specialty areas such as gastroenterology, behavioral health, and cancer care. But the additional flexibility could also take the teeth out of reforms and fatten providers’ margins without delivering corresponding cost and quality benefits.

It is unclear when the Trump administration will unveil its plans for new payment programs, but keep an eye out for news in the first half of 2018.

Medicaid, Medicaid, Medicaid

The federal program that provides care for the poor and disabled will remain a Republican target next year. The prospects of sweeping federal legislation appear dim, with strong Democratic opposition against a razor-thin GOP majority in the Senate. But the Trump administration may cut the program anyway, by giving states more flexibility to reshape their programs. That could mean swift approvals of popular GOP reforms, such as work requirements and premium-like payments by beneficiaries.

The implications couldn’t be bigger for providers, or their low-income patients. The underlying goal of these efforts is to reduce enrollments in the $500 billion program, an outcome that would increase uncompensated care and financial instability for struggling hospitals and households. But Republicans argue that cuts are necessary to keep federal spending in check and free states from mandates that are crowding out other budget priorities. That clash of interests will generate skirmishes across the country in 2018.

FDA regulation of medical technology

The Food and Drug Administration is redefining what it means to be a medical device in the digital age — a process that will have implications for the health care facilities that are the primary purchasers of such devices.

The FDA recently proposed streamlining the regulation of many health software products. The move will broaden providers’ arsenal of digital tools, such as decision support programs that helps doctors detect and respond to infections or diagnose rare diseases.

However the agency did not take a firm position on machines that rely on artificial intelligence, an area poised to generate plenty of debate in coming months. Products like Watson, IBM’s supercomputer, still fall in a regulatory gray area, as do others that rely on algorithms whose inner workings are shielded from users.

The key question is this: Should the FDA require companies to prove their products deliver safe and effective advice, or can they unleash these machines in health care with minimal oversight?

 

The uninsured are overusing emergency rooms — and other health-care myths

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2017/12/27/the-uninsured-are-overusing-emergency-rooms-and-other-health-care-myths/?utm_term=.98d00c3511a6

In the search for ways to bring down American health-care spending, there are certain ideas that are close to dogma. Chief among them: If you provide health insurance to people, they will stop overusing the emergency room.

“A lot of people just didn’t bother getting health insurance at all. And when they got sick, they’d have to go to the emergency room,” President Obama said in a 2016 speech. “But the emergency room is the most expensive place to get care. And because you weren’t insured, the hospital would have to give you the care free, and they would have to then make up for those costs by charging everybody else more money.”

The idea that uninsured people are clogging emergency rooms looks more and more like a myth, according to a recent study published in Health Affairs. Uninsured adults used the emergency room at very similar rates to people with insurance — and much less than people on Medicaid. Providing insurance to people can have many benefits, but driving down emergency room utilization doesn’t appear to be one of them.

 

Medicaid is GOP target in 2018

http://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/366728-gop-could-push-medicaid-cuts-in-2018

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Medicaid could face crucial tests in 2018 at both the federal and state levels.

Republicans in Congress failed in their attempts earlier this year to impose drastic cuts to the program as part of ObamaCare repeal, but GOP lawmakers could try again next year.

The tax bill that President Trump recently signed into law is projected to add $1 trillion to the federal deficit, making cuts to Medicaid an even more tempting target for some conservatives.

“Medicaid is front and center in any budget exercises, and now that deficits have increased, it puts Medicaid squarely in the bull’s-eye,” said Joan Alker, the executive director of the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families.

Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) has said he wants to bring down entitlement spending, saying in December that “health-care entitlements such as Medicare and Medicaid are the big drivers of debt.”

Any entitlement cuts from Ryan will likely face pushback from members of his own party, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.). McConnell has said he doesn’t expect to see entitlement reform on the agenda next year ahead of the midterms.

“The sensitivity of entitlements is such that you almost have to have a bipartisan agreement in order to achieve a result,” McConnell told reporters in late December.

Medicaid covers nearly 75 million people, and the program has proven resilient in the face of conservative opposition.

Cindy Mann, a consultant at Manatt Health who ran Medicaid under former President Obama, said attacks on Medicaid have made it more popular.

“Medicaid has always been supported by the people closest to it,” Mann said.

Some Republican senators have recognized the political risks of Medicaid cuts, too. The GOP’s ObamaCare repeal push failed in part because of senators opposed to the Medicaid cuts.

“The Medicaid program is starting to get a politically powerful status,” said Eliot Fishman, the senior director of health policy at Families USA, an advocacy group.

Fishman noted that Maine, Arizona and Alaska are all Medicaid expansion states represented by Republican senators who have shown a willingness to protect the expansion funding.

Over 16 million people have enrolled in Medicaid since states began expanding coverage under ObamaCare. The program could continue to grow in the near future, as more states could seek to take advantage of the additional federal money offered by the health law.

Future Medicaid expansions could be especially likely if a Democratic wave in November’s midterms gives Democrats control in more statehouses.

In Virginia, Gov.-elect Ralph Northam (D) has promised to expand Medicaid, something Democrats in the state have been unable to accomplish in the last four years in the face of a GOP-controlled legislature. But with a 50-50 split in the House or even a 51-49 Democratic minority, depending on the results of a recount, Northam has much better odds than current Gov. Terry McAuliffe (D).

In Maine, voters approved a ballot initiative allowing the state to expand Medicaid. Gov. Paul LePage (R) has refused to implement it, but a new governor replacing LePage after he leaves office in the face of term limits could be more willing to accept the results.

If even a few more states choose to expand Medicaid, “it starts to get to be enough critical mass nationwide that I would hope it just makes it a permanent part of the Medicaid program,” Fishman said.

But advocates worry that unprecedented flexibilities offered by the Trump administration will allow states to completely change the nature of Medicaid.

Administration officials have said they will allow governors to add work requirements, time limits and lockout periods for people who can’t pay their premiums on time.

Advocates say adding such provisions would further the Republican case that Medicaid is a welfare program, instead of health insurance.

“Whether you support them or not, those activities are not the function of a Medicaid program,” Mann said. “People can differ as to the efficacy of those efforts, but few people can accurately say that’s what health insurance ought to be doing.”

In the coming months, the Trump administration could approve waivers allowing states like Arkansas, Arizona, Indiana and Kentucky to impose work requirements on Medicaid beneficiaries.

Arizona also wants to impose a five-year limit on Medicaid eligibility for the “able-bodied.”

States that want work requirements have acknowledged that tens or even hundreds of thousands of people would lose Medicaid coverage under the proposals.

Prior to ObamaCare, Medicaid mainly covered children, the disabled and pregnant women. The law’s optional expansion allowed many more low-income people to become eligible, leading to criticisms from conservatives that “able-bodied” beneficiaries were essentially freeloading off the government.

Alker said that’s the wrong way to look at it.

“[Medicaid is] predominantly run by managed care insurance companies, so that kind of rhetoric is a gross oversimplification,” Alker said. “But people who want to cut it, they tend to focus on one population.”

No, Trump Hasn’t ‘Essentially Repealed Obamacare’

https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/12/20/trump-obamacare-mandate-repeal-taxes-216125

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Killing the mandate doesn’t gut the health care law. Most likely, it will muddle along, because the rest of it is broadly popular.

In July and again in September, Republicans narrowly failed to repeal the Affordable Care Act. But their newly passed tax legislation included a provision getting rid of Obamacare’s mandate requiring Americans to buy insurance, and President Donald Trump immediately declared victory in the partisan health care wars. “When the individual mandate is being repealed, that means Obamacare is being repealed,” he crowed at a Cabinet meeting on Wednesday. “We have essentially repealed Obamacare.”

Well, no. The individual mandate is only part of Obamacare. It wasn’t even included in the original health care plan that Barack Obama unveiled during the 2008 campaign. The mandate did become an important element of Obamacare, and the only specific element that a majority of the public opposed. But the more generous elements of the program—like a major expansion of Medicaid, significant government subsidies for private insurance premiums, and strict protections for pre-existing conditions—are still popular, and still the law of the land.

“The death of Obamacare has been exaggerated,” says Larry Levitt, who oversees health reform studies at the Kaiser Family Foundation. “Eliminating the mandate creates uncertainty, but all the benefits for people remain in place.”

The Republican ecstasy and Democratic gloom over the death of the mandate reflects the most consistent misperception over the seven-plus years of Affordable Care Act debates, the incorrect assumption that the “Obamacare exchanges,” where Americans can buy private insurance, are synonymous with Obamacare. The vast majority of Americans who get their coverage through Medicare, Medicaid or their employers shouldn’t be affected. Yes, killing the mandate could cause problems for the remaining 6 percent of Americans who have to buy insurance on the open market, but nearly half will remain eligible for subsidies that would insulate them from any premium hikes.

Repealing the tax penalties for Americans who don’t buy insurance would not repeal Obamacare’s perks for Americans who do—like the ban on annual and lifetime caps that insurers previously used to cut off coverage for their sickest customers, or the provision allowing parents to keep their children on their plans until they turn 26. And it would not repeal Obamacare’s “delivery reforms” that are quietly transforming the financial incentives in the medical system, gradually shifting reimbursements to reward the quality rather than quantity of care. The growth of U.S. health care costs has slowed dramatically since the launch of Obamacare, and the elimination of the mandate should not significantly affect that trend.

In fact, during the 2008 campaign, Obama was the only Democratic candidate whose health plan did not include a mandate, because he was the only Democratic candidate who thought the main problem with health care was its cost. “It’s just too expensive,” he explained at an Iowa event in May 2007. Insurance premiums had almost doubled during the George W. Bush era, and Obama believed that was the reason so many Americans were uninsured. He doubted it would be worth the political heartburn to try to force people to buy insurance they couldn’t afford.

But Obama eventually embraced the argument that a mandate was necessary to ensure that young and healthy Americans bought insurance. The fear was that otherwise, insurance markets dominated by the old and sick (who would enjoy the law’s new protections for pre-existing conditions) would have produced even higher premiums, and might scare insurers away from serving Americans who don’t get coverage through their jobs or the government. Killing the mandate will be a step in that direction, boosting Trump’s heighten-the-contradictions effort to sabotage the functioning of Obamacare to build support for a more sweeping repeal.

That effort has already produced some damaging results for the exchanges. Insurers have increased their premiums for 2018, repeatedly citing uncertainty over Trump’s efforts to blow up Obamacare as well as his decision to cut off promised payments to insurers who cover lower-income families. Several insurers left the exchanges even before the elimination of the mandate, and others could follow.

But the widespread warnings that wide swaths of America would have no insurers on the exchanges were wrong; there are zero “bare counties” with no insurers for 2018. And a Kaiser review found the exchanges have gotten more profitable for insurers this year,despite Trump’s efforts to damage them. This year’s enrollment period appears to have gone fairly well even though the Trump administration shortened it by half and slashed its promotional budget.

The fear is that eliminating the mandate could produce a “death spiral” for the exchanges, where higher premiums scare away healthier customers, leading to even higher premiums and even sicker customers—until eventually,the insurers decide to bail. It could also encourage insurers to try to lure healthier customers with cheaper but skimpier plans that don’t provide protections for pre-existing conditions, since those customers would no longer have to pay a tax penalty.

But it is also possible that younger and healthier customers who initially bought insurance because they were required to do so will now buy insurance because they want to; surveys show that more than 75 five percent of Americans covered on the exchanges are happy with their coverage. And as a political matter, repealing the unpopular mandate could make it even harder for Republicans to pass legislation repealing insurance protections, Medicaid expansions and the rest of Obamacare, because the rest of Obamacare is popular. It’s not surprising that Republicans managed to kill the law’s vegetables, but it won’t be as easy to kill dessert.

Trump thinks congressional Democrats will soon be begging him to come up with a replacement for Obamacare, and even many Republicans who don’t embrace that fantasy believe the demise of the mandate will ratchet up pressure for a permanent solution to a seven-year political war. It could happen. But there hasn’t been a lot of bipartisanship in Washington lately, and after the Doug Jones upset in Alabama, it seems unlikely that a Senate with one fewer Republican will be more amenable to a Republican-only repeal bill.

The most likely outcome seems to be at least a few more years of Obamacare muddling through, and at least a few more years of Obamacare political warfare.

 

Illinois hospitals’ financial struggles likely to continue into 2018

http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-biz-hospital-financial-struggles-20171215-story.html

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he list reads like a who’s who of hospital systems in the Chicago area: Advocate Health Care, Edward-Elmhurst Health, Centegra Health System.

But it’s a list of hospitals systems that cut jobs this year to deal with financial pressures — not a list any hospital is eager to join.

Hospitals in Illinois and across the country faced financial stresses this year and are likely to continue feeling the squeeze into 2018 and beyond, experts say. Those pressures could fuel more cuts, consolidation and changes to patient care and services.

“We have many hospitals doing their best just to survive,” said A.J. Wilhelmi, president and CEO of the Illinois Health and Hospital Association.

Moody’s Investors Service recently downgraded its outlook for not-for-profit health care and public health care nationally from stable to negative, with the expectation that operating cash flow will fall by 2 percent to 4 percent over the next 12-18 months. About three-fourths of Illinois hospitals are not-for-profit.

“(For) almost every hospital and health system we talk to, (financial pressure) is at the top of their list in terms of ongoing issues,” said Michael Evangelides, a principal at Deloitte Consulting.

A number of factors are to blame.

Leaders of Illinois systems say reimbursements from government insurance programs, such as Medicaid and Medicare, don’t cover the full cost of care. And with baby boomers growing older, many hospitals’ Medicare populations are on the rise. It doesn’t help that payments to hospitals from the state were delayed amid Illinois’ recently resolved, two-year budget impasse, Wilhelmi said.

Unpaid medical bills, known as bad debt, are also increasing as more patients find themselves responsible for large deductibles. Payments from private insurers are no longer helping hospitals as much as they once did. Though those payments tend to be higher than reimbursements from Medicare and Medicaid, they’re not growing as fast as they used to, said Daniel Steingart, a vice president at Moody’s.

Growing expenses, such as for drugs and information technology services, also are driving hospitals’ financial woes. And hospitals are spending vast sums on electronic medical record systems and cybersecurity, Steingart said.

Many also expect that the new federal tax bill, passed Wednesday, may further strain hospital budgets in the future. That bill will do away with the penalty for not having health insurance, starting in 2019. Hospital leaders worry that change will lead to more uninsured people who have trouble paying hospital bills and wait until their conditions become dire and complex before seeking care.

With so much going on, it can be tough for hospitals to meet revenue goals.

“You’re talking about a phenomenon taking place across the country,” said Advocate President and CEO Jim Skogsbergh. Advocate announced in May that it planned to make $200 million in cuts after failing to meet revenue targets. In March, Advocate walked away from a planned merger with NorthShore University HealthSystem after a federal judge sided with the Federal Trade Commission, which had challenged the deal. Advocate is now hoping to merge with Wisconsin health care giant Aurora Health Care, although the hospital systems say financial issues aren’t driving the deal.

“Everybody is seeing declining revenues, and margins are being squeezed. It’s a very challenging time,” Skogsbergh said.

Hospitals in Illinois have responded to the pressures in a number of ways, including with job reductions. Advocate laid off about 75 workers in the fall; Centegra announced plans in September to eliminate 131 jobs and outsource another 230; and Edward-Elmhurst laid off 84 employees, eliminating 234 positions in all, mostly by not filling vacant spots.

Hospitals also are changing some of the services they offer patients and delaying technology improvements, said the Illinois hospital association’s Wilhelmi.

Centegra Hospital-Woodstock earlier this year stopped admitting most overnight patients, one of a number of changes meant to save money and increase efficiency. As a result, the system “achieved our goal of keeping much-needed services in our community,” spokeswoman Michelle Green said in a statement.

Many Illinois hospitals have also cut inpatient pediatric services, citing weak demand, and are instead investing in outpatient services.

The challenge is saving money while improving care and patient outcomes, said Evangelides of Deloitte. Hospitals are striving to do both at the same time.

Advocate, for example, opened its AdvocateCare Center in 2016 on the city’s South Side to treat Medicare patients with multiple chronic illnesses and conditions. The clinic offers doctors, pharmacists, physical therapists, social workers and exercise psychologists. It has helped reduce hospital admissions and visits among its patients, said Dr. Lee Sacks, Advocate executive vice president and chief medical officer.

Advocate didn’t open the clinic primarily to help its bottom line. The goal was to improve patient care while also potentially reducing some costs.

But such moves are becoming increasingly important to hospitals.

“It really does impact everyone,” Evangelides said of the financial pressures facing hospitals. “We all have a giant stake in helping and hoping that the systems across the country … can ultimately survive and thrive.”

 

Keep Harmful Cuts in Federal Medicaid Disproportionate Share Hospital Payments at Bay

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2017/dec/harmful-cuts-in-federal-medicaid-dsh?omnicid=EALERT1329977&mid=henrykotula@yahoo.com

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  • While the ACA has had a major impact on reducing hospitals’ uncompensated care burdens, compensated care remains a challenge for many hospitals in poor communities
  • The White House and Congress have a final shot at once again ensuring that the poorest communities are not left without vital health care resources

Congress may delay a funding reduction for state Medicaid disproportionate share hospital (DSH) payments — direct, supplemental payments to hospitals serving high numbers of low-income patients — as part of end-of-year legislation. Although protecting the poorest communities from the loss of DSH funds has emerged on a short list of must-dos, final passage is far from certain. It may hinge on finding a funding strategy other than the one originally chosen by the House of Representatives — a more than $6 billion cut in critical public health funding from the Prevention and Public Health Trust Fund.

For nearly four decades, DSH payments have been a crucial part of Medicaid policy. But in light of the major gains in coverage anticipated for the poor under the Affordable Care Act’s adult Medicaid expansion, Congress scheduled a substantial reduction in federal Medicaid DSH payments beginning in 2014. Lawmakers assumed, not unreasonably, that the coverage expansions would translate into additional hospital revenue, thereby alleviating the need for as much direct DSH payment supplementation.

The relatively rosy scenario for DSH hospitals — especially those serving the poorest communities — changed dramatically in 2012 when the United States Supreme Court made Medicaid expansion optional; as of the end of 2017, nearly 3 million poor adults in 19 states continue to go without the Medicaid coverage they should be receiving.

To be sure, the ACA has had a major impact on reducing hospitals’ uncompensated care burdens. The Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission (MACPAC), which advises Congress on federal Medicaid policy, reports that between 2013 and 2014, hospital uncompensated care spending dropped by $4.6 billion, a 9 percent decrease, with the greatest declines occurring in Medicaid expansion states. But uncompensated care remains a crucial issue for many hospitals, especially those located in the poorest communities, and, in particular, hospitals serving poor communities in Medicaid nonexpansion states.

Additionally, even in Medicaid expansion states, a considerable number of low- and moderate-income adults who qualify for subsidized marketplace coverage remain uninsured. Even among those with subsidized marketplace plans whose incomes also are low enough to qualify for cost-sharing assistance (250 percent of poverty, or an annual income of about $30,000, and below), unpaid medical bills continue to add to hospitals’ uncompensated care burdens.

Should final congressional action before the holiday include a DSH cut delay, it would be the latest in a line of postponed Medicaid DSH cuts enacted by Congress over several years. Without another postponement, hospitals will lose $2 billion of the almost $12 billion federal allotment for fiscal year 2018. If this last-minute effort to stop the cuts once again as part of the spending bill does not succeed, then over 10 years, the cuts would reduce DSH payments by some $43 billion according to MACPAC.

For many reasons — the number of states that have failed to expand Medicaid; the number of Americans who continue to report that insurance coverage is unaffordable; high deductibles and other patient cost-sharing even among those with private health insurance — continuing to push back the day of reckoning on federal DSH funding reductions is a matter of high importance, not only for individual hospitals but for the communities whose health care systems these hospitals help anchor. The situation facing hospitals in nonexpansion states is especially grim; according to one estimate, failure of 19 states to implement the ACA Medicaid expansion can be expected to translate into an additional loss of $81.5 billion by 2026.

The White House and Congress have a final shot at once again ensuring that the poorest communities are not left without vital health care resources — and doing so in a way that does not pit health care against public health.

 

Ryan eyes push for ‘entitlement reform’ in 2018

http://thehill.com/homenews/house/363642-ryan-pledges-entitlement-reform-in-2018?utm_source=&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=12524

Image result for cutting entitlements

House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) on Wednesday said House Republicans will aim to cut spending on Medicare, Medicaid and welfare programs next year as a way to trim the federal deficit.

“We’re going to have to get back next year at entitlement reform, which is how you tackle the debt and the deficit,” Ryan said during an interview on Ross Kaminsky’s talk radio show.

Health-care entitlements such as Medicare and Medicaid “are the big drivers of debt,” Ryan said, “so we spend more time on the health-care entitlements, because that’s really where the problem lies, fiscally speaking.”

Ryan said he’s been speaking privately with President Trump, who is beginning to warm to the idea of slowing the spending growth in entitlements.

During his campaign, Trump repeatedly promised not to cut Medicare, Medicaid or Social Security.

“I think the president is understanding choice and competition works everywhere, especially in Medicare,” Ryan said.

House and Senate Republicans are currently working on their plans for tax reform, which are estimated to add more than $1 trillion to the deficit. Democrats have voiced concerns that the legislation could lead to cuts to the social safety net.

Ryan is one of a growing number of GOP leaders who have mentioned the need for Congress to cut entitlement spending next year.

Last week, House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Kevin Brady (R-Texas) said that once the tax bill was done, “welfare reform” was up next.

Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), last week, said “instituting structural changes to Social Security and Medicare for the future” will be the best way to reduce spending and generate economic growth.

Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, told Bloomberg TV that “the most important thing we can do with respect to the national debt, what we need to do, is obviously reform current entitlement programs for future generations.”

Ryan also mentioned that he wants to work on changing the welfare system, and Republicans have in the past expressed a desire to add work requirements to programs such as food stamps.

Speaking on the Senate floor while debating the tax bill last week, Senate Finance Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) said he had a “rough time wanting to spend billions and billions and trillions of dollars to help people who won’t help themselves, won’t lift a finger and expect the federal government to do everything.”

His comments were echoed by Ryan.

“We have a welfare system that’s trapping people in poverty and effectively paying people not to work,” Ryan said Wednesday. “We’ve got to work on that.”

 

20 charged in $146M healthcare fraud scheme in Brooklyn

https://www.fiercehealthcare.com/antifraud/healthcare-fraud-scheme-164-million-brooklyn?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiT1RZNE9HVmhObVZoTW1ReSIsInQiOiJJOVIwamhJUzZScW1XQVhjb09IakYzbWNrWVZcL1gzYlwvMm15RWllNnlxYlJkbzNoT09CblgwMWYrcVdXS2N4Q2tyeHBKa2hQeXBtRDNwQktDK0NSQ3NSOUpzRUV4VG91RjF1Z0lIdjZIK0NCaTY3UURTUHV2VnFxZzRHRjZlalJhIn0%3D&mrkid=959610&utm_medium=nl&utm_source=internal

Money, handcuffs and a stethoscope

Twenty people—four of whom are doctors—are facing charges related to a massive fraud scheme that bilked Medicare, Medicaid and other managed care organizations out of $146 million.

Prosecutors from the Brooklyn District Attorneys Office said the defendants ran an enterprise in which recruiters offered cash to low-income and homeless patients to get them to undergo a series of medically unnecessary tests at participating clinics.

They then allegedly billed publicly funded insurance programs for performing those tests and laundered the fraudulently obtained funds through the bank accounts of a series of shell companies in far-flung countries such as Taiwan and Lithuania.

Once that money reached the defendants, prosecutors said, they used it to buy expensive real estate—such as a $3.25 million apartment in downtown Brooklyn, New York—and fund shopping sprees at high-end stores like Hermes and Bulgari.

“This massive scheme, which provided no patient care at all, wasted millions of taxpayer dollars dedicated to Medicaid and Medicare,” Acting Brooklyn District Attorney Eric Gonzalez said in the announcement.

The investigation began following a referral from the Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General. To uncover the alleged scheme, investigators employed undercover detectives, intercepted communications and conducted surveillance and financial analyses.

The defendants are facing charges including enterprise corruption, healthcare fraud, grand larceny and money laundering. Prosecutors said 35-year-old Kristina Mirbabayeva, of Brooklyn, was the ringleader of the scheme, and 53-year-old New Jersey resident Kevin Custis, M.D., was her business partner.

Another one of the doctors charged, 61-year-old Robert Vaccarino, was also employed as a New York Police Department surgeon, according to The Wall Street Journal. The police department said Tuesday that Vaccarino had been suspended.

At a news conference this week, representatives from the Brooklyn District Attorneys Office said the scheme was the biggest healthcare case in the office’s history, the article added.

In other antifraud news:

Prosecutors insist Florida eye doctor stole $136M from Medicaid

The attorney for Salomon Melgen, M.D., a Florida eye doctor who has been convicted of a $100 million Medicare fraud, argued at a sentencing hearing on Thursday that the government has only proven Melgen stole about $64,000.

Attorney Josh Sheptow said Melgen—who was charged separately with bribing New Jersey Democratic Sen. Bob Menendez—injected patients with then-experimental drugs that are now approved, the Associated Press reported. Sheptow suggested Melgen may have falsified billing statements to get around the fact that Medicare doesn’t pay for experimental treatments—so since the treatments were actually legitimate, the government didn’t lose money on paying for them.

But Assistant U.S. Attorney Alexandra Chase argued that the judge should accept the government’s estimate that Melgen stole $136 million, noting that even if he stole half as much, he would be eligible for a life sentence. Prosecutors are asking for a 30-year sentence.