Cost, Not Choice, Is Top Concern of Health Insurance Customers

It is all about the price.

Millions of people buying insurance in the marketplaces created by the federal health care law have one feature in mind. It is not finding a favorite doctor, or even a trusted company. It is how much — or, more precisely, how little — they can pay in premiums each month.

And for many of them, especially those who are healthy, all the prices are too high.

The unexpected laser focus on price has contributed to hundreds of millions of dollars in losses among the country’s top insurers, as fewer healthy people than expected have signed up. And that has created two vexing questions: Will the major insurance companies stay in the marketplaces? And if they do, will the public have a wide array of plans to choose from — a central tenet of the 2010 Affordable Care Act?

“The marketplace has been and continues to be unsustainable,” said Joseph R. Swedish, chief executive of Anthem, one of the nation’s largest insurers.

Most Americans with health insurance get it through their employers or from government programs like Medicare and Medicaid. The marketplaces were created under the health care law to give the millions of people not covered in those ways a way to buy health plans.

While major insurers continue to make profits over all, they say that the economics of the marketplaces do not work for them. Insurers can offer marketplace plans at four different coverage tiers, and the government subsidizes the premiums for millions of people. The thinking was that enough healthy people would buy insurance to balance out the costs for the not-so-healthy.

But things are not going exactly as envisioned.

 

 

The Future of Health Care Mergers Under Trump

Though there has been a flurry of merger and acquisition activity in recent years, industry experts are unsure whether the merger momentum will continue under President-elect Donald Trump’s administration, according to The New York Times.

Here are five things to know about how M&A activity in the healthcare industry may be affected under the Trump administration.

1. President-elect Trump nominated Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.) to replace Attorney General Loretta Lynch. While it is unclear how the department will handle antitrust cases under Sen. Sessions, the impact from the change in leadership will not be felt immediately. The outcomes of the two major antitrust cases in the insurance market, the Anthem-Cigna and Aetna-Humana mergers, are expected to be decided before Mr. Trump takes office in January. However, the new administration might still have an impact on the mergers, particularly if either the companies or the government decide to appeal the decision, according to the article.

2. According to the article, there is little expectation the Department of Justice under President-elect Trump would drop the cases if the insurers lost and appealed. However, any agreed upon settlement deal may be less onerous to the insurers involved.

3. There is a chance the federal government’s approach to healthcare mergers may not change, according to the article. “There is a history of bipartisan support for antitrust enforcement in healthcare,” said Leslie Overton, a partner at Alston & Bird and a former DOJ official. “I don’t think we should expect a wholesale shift, based on the change from Democratic to Republican.”

4. The Federal Trade Commission’s position on M&A activity may change even less, according to industry experts interviewed by The New York Times. The independent agency is less subject to the political preferences of the president and of Congress.

5. Industry experts also suggest the possible repeal of the ACA will not impede the increasing M&A activity of the past few years. According to the article, hospitals may feel more pressure to join together if the ACA is repealed due to reduced Medicare and Medicaid payments and increased volumes of uninsured patients.

Uncertain Fate Of Health Law Giving Health Industry Heartburn

Uncertain Fate Of Health Law Giving Health Industry Heartburn

WASHINGTON, DC - NOVEMBER 10:  President-elect Donald Trump (L) talks after a meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama (R) in the Oval Office November 10, 2016 in Washington, DC. Trump is scheduled to meet with members of the Republican leadership in Congress later today on Capitol Hill.  (Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images)

Six years into building its business around the Affordable Care Act, the nation’s $3 trillion health care industry may be losing that political playbook.

Industry leaders, like many voters, were stunned by the election of Donald Trump and unprepared for Republicans’ plans to “repeal and replace” Obamacare.

In addition, Trump’s vague and sometimes conflicting statements on health policy have left industry officials guessing as to the details of any substitute for the federal health law.

“It will be repealed and replaced,” Trump said Sunday in an interview on CBS’ “60 Minutes.” At the same time, he vowed to preserve popular provisions of the law like ensuring that people with preexisting conditions can get insurance and allowing young adults to stay on their parents’ health plans.

Charles (Chip) Kahn, chief executive of the Federation of American Hospitals, said that before the election, health groups had not been meeting with Republicans about a rewrite of the law “because the working assumption was we had a program that wasn’t going anywhere. That working assumption is now no longer operative.”

Upending the health law plays havoc with a health industry that had invested heavily in strategies geared to the ACA’s financial incentives. The flipped script initially left some industry groups speechless. Others issued bland statements pledging cooperation with the next administration as they awaited greater clarity from the next president.

Said Donald Crane, who heads CAPG, a national trade group for physician organizations: “Nobody was ready for this. We didn’t have a Plan B.”

The results appear to have rattled the fragile industry coalition that the Obama administration carefully crafted to support the law. Looking ahead, some health sectors might have even more reason to worry.

The hospital industry may be the most vulnerable to proposed changes, which could result in millions of Americans losing health coverage, both through the insurance exchanges and expansion in the Medicaid program for those with lower incomes.

Not Just Obamacare: Medicaid, Medicare Also On GOP’s Chopping Block

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/obamacare-medicaid-medicare-gop-chopping-block_us_582a19b8e4b060adb56fbae7?jn7jtocg8bzqia4i

rious about repealing Obamacare, and doing so quickly. But don’t assume their dismantling of government health insurance programs will stop there.

For about two decades now, Republicans have been talking about radically changing the government’s two largest health insurance programs, Medicaid and Medicare.

The goal with Medicaid is to turn the program almost entirely over to the states, but with less money to run it. The goal with Medicare is to convert it from a government-run insurance program into a voucher system ― while, once again, reducing the money that goes into the program.

House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) has championed these ideas for years. Trump has not. In fact, in a 2015 interview his campaign website highlighted, he vowed that “I’m not going to cut Medicare or Medicaid.” But the health care agenda on Trump’s transition website, which went live Thursday, vows to “modernize Medicare” and allow more “flexibility” for Medicaid.

In Washington, those are euphemisms for precisely the kind of Medicare and Medicaid plans Ryan has long envisioned. And while it’s never clear what Trump really thinks or how he’ll act, it sure looks like both he and congressional Republicans are out to undo Lyndon Johnson’s health care legacy, not just Barack Obama’s.

f course, whenever Trump or Republicans talk about dismantling existing government programs, they insist they will replace them with something better ― implying that the people who depend on those programs now won’t be worse off.

But Republicans are not trying to replicate what Medicaid, Medicare and the Affordable Care Act do now. Nor are they trying to maintain the current, historically high level of health coverage nationwide that these programs have produced. Their goal is to slash government spending on health care and to peel back regulations on parts of the health care industry, particularly insurers.

This would mean lower taxes, and an insurance market that operates with less government interference. It would also reduce how many people get help paying for health coverage, and make it so that those who continue to receive government-sponsored health benefits will get less help than they do now.

It’s difficult to be precise about the real-world effects, because the Republican plans for replacing existing government insurance programs remain so undefined. Ryan’s“A Better Way” proposal is a broad, 37-page outline without dollar figures, and Senate Republican leaders have never produced an actual Obamacare “replacement” plan.

But the Republican plans in circulation, along with the vague ― and shifting ― health care principles Trump endorsed during the campaign, have common themes. And from those it’s possible to glean a big-picture idea of what a fully realized version of the Republican health care agenda would mean.

Ryan now has the muscle to phase out Medicare — within months

http://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Ryan-now-has-the-muscle-to-phase-out-Medicare-10613139.php?utm_campaign=KHN%3A+Daily+Health+Policy+Report&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=37625118&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8__03zRw-gu7XJrwOBmO6XYdGObArnMQTK9_dRrTgDh69s7q3OUq53AcYCfr9bwrtHj5mbLYOPIBBdQVoE_yCtdZWBTg&_hsmi=37625118

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House Speaker Paul Ryan’s plan to phase out Medicare is nothing new. But now, under a Trump presidency and with both houses of Congress in Republican hands, it looks like he could finally make it happen, possibly within months.

Back in 2011, as a U.S. representative for Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District, Ryan floated a plan to turn Medicare into a “premium support” program. The “premium support” would be a payment that would let you buy insurance from private insurers. But you won’t get full coverage.

As Josh Marshall acidly noted Sunday in a blog for TPM, “In any case, rather than Medicare you’ll have insurance from an insurance company, which everybody should love because haven’t you heard from your parents and grandparents how bummed they were when they had to give up their private insurance for Medicare?

“You’ll hear lots of people calling this ‘reform’ and other catchwords. But Medicare is a single payer, universal health care system. Replacing it with private insurance means getting rid of it. Even calling it ‘privatization’ masks what is really afoot.”

On Fox News Special Report on Thursday, Ryan was asked about entitlement reform. His answer:

“You have to remember, when Obamacare became Obamacare, Obamacare rewrote Medicare, rewrote Medicaid. If you are going to repeal and replace Obamacare, you have to address those issues as well. What a lot of folks don’t realize is this 21-person board called the IPAP is about to kick in with price controls on Medicare. What people don’t realize is because of Obamacare, Medicare is going broke, Medicare is going to have price controls because of Obamacare, Medicaid is in fiscal straits. You have to deal with those issues if you are going to repeal and replace Obamacare. Medicare has serious problems [because of] Obamacare. Those are part of our plan.”

Marshall says that’s false, and Ryan knows it. Instead of putting Medicare under deeper financial stress, the Affordable Care Act has had the opposite effect and actually extended Medicare’s solvency by over 10 years, he says.

According to Medicare’s trustees, the “Part A” trust fund — the costliest component of Medicare, covering hospitalization — is set to become insolvent in 2028. In 2009, before the passage of the Affordable Care Act, it was projected that fund would go broke in 2017.

Paul Ryan is determined to gut Medicare. This time he might succeed

http://www.latimes.com/business/hiltzik/la-fi-hiltzik-medicare-ryan-20161114-story.html?utm_campaign=KHN%3A+Daily+Health+Policy+Report&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=37625118&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8op3UbE6wkf1QHSbmlOITUvS45OW4rFAoMDUSaFiNXpSZN2Afucl6wLeww-aou9CIZqsrb3AUTqQwZmAAU0vubnznweA&_hsmi=37625118

Image result for Paul Ryan is determined to gut Medicare. This time he might succeed

Bursting with the policymaking power that control of both houses of Congress and the White House gives Republicans, House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.) has lost no time in teeing up a favorite goal: gutting Medicare.

In an interview with Fox News Channel last Thursday, Ryan said: “Obamacare rewrote Medicare … so if you’re going to repeal and replace Obamacare, you have to address those issues as well. … What people don’t realize is that Medicare is going broke, that Medicare is going to have price controls. … So you have to deal with those issues if you’re going to repeal and replace Obamacare. Medicare has got some serious problems because of Obamacare. Those things are part of our plan to replace Obamacare.”

There’s no secret about what specifically Ryan has in mind. He intends to replace traditional Medicare, an efficient program offering guaranteed treatment and featuring rock-bottom administrative costs, with a privatized program. Seniors would get a federal voucher to help them pay premiums charged by commercial insurance plans. Ryan calls this system “premium support.”

Hospital executives’ 12 most pressing post-election questions, answered

http://www.beckershospitalreview.com/hospital-management-administration/hospital-executives-12-most-pressing-post-election-questions-answered.html

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https://www.advisory.com/Research/Health-Care-Advisory-Board/Expert-Insights/2016/2016-Election-12-Questions-Every-Executive-Should-Be-Asking

In a stunning upset, Donald Trump took the stage early yesterday morning to claim victory as the next president of the United States while Republicans celebrated retaining control of both the House and the Senate.

While the outcome of the election has long been expected to have a far-reaching impact across a number of policy areas, the Republican sweep of Congress and White House could result in profound changes in health policy after a hard-fought election on both sides of the aisle.

Although the exact implications of the race will become more apparent in the coming days and weeks, we expect Republicans to emphasize the election results as a mandate for change and use the opportunity to pursue significant new initiatives.

So what can providers expect from a Trump administration and a GOP Congress? Let’s take a look at what’s potentially in store for Medicare, Medicaid, and the private insurance market—and what those changes mean for provider strategy—by looking at the most common questions I’ve already received following the election.

Regulatory, Legal Uncertainties Are Barriers To Value-Based Agreements For Drugs

http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2016/11/04/regulatory-legal-uncertainties-are-barriers-to-value-based-agreements-for-drugs/

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The past several years have seen an increasing number of new and innovative therapies entering the drug market. Many of these are precision medicines developed to treat a narrowly defined patient population, often with a previously unmet need. These treatments have demonstrated success in improving quality of life and other important health outcomes among indicated patients in clinical trials, but there is uncertainty about patient response rates in real-world settings. These uncertainties have led payers to express concerns about the costs of some new medicines and to implement policies to control patients’ access to those medicines, such as higher cost sharing, health technology assessments, and step therapy (which requires patients to try certain, often less expensive medications before progressing to costlier drugs). This creates a potential problem, as delays in receiving health care, whether due to step therapy or other factors, can be detrimental to patient health outcomes.

Performance-based risk-sharing arrangements (PBRSAs) and value-based agreements (VBAs) have received attention of late because of the flexibility they give private payers, providers, and biopharmaceutical companies to better understand the value of new medicines and align payment with it. By tying payment to real-world outcomes, these arrangements—collectively referred to in this post as VBAs—have the potential to support patients’ prompt and affordable access to new, innovative treatments while also addressing payers’ cost concerns.

Despite considerable interest from stakeholders on both sides of the negotiations, there were few successful examples of VBAs in the U.S. until very recently: Between 1993 and 2013, there were fewer than 20 VBAs executed in the U.S. However, more of these arrangements have recently been announced, although they remain rare, and payers are expressing increased interest.

The academic literature provides information about some of the existing agreements and suggests possible barriers to their execution, but it leaves many questions unanswered. We conducted two-part interviews with a group of five stakeholders regarding their experience with these types of contracts. All respondents had direct experience developing and negotiating VBAs, four as representatives of private insurers and pharmacy benefit managers, and one on behalf of a large pharmaceutical firm launching branded products.

The interviews focused on respondents’ overall perceptions and expectations of VBAs, barriers to adoption, and possible solutions to those barriers (see note 1). In order to solicit unbiased responses, the interviews were double blinded: the sponsor of the research was not revealed to interviewees, and the identity of respondents is not known by the sponsor. We conducted the initial interviews during the summer of 2015 and followed up with the respondents this fall (2016) to understand how perception of VBAs and the barriers to them may have shifted.

No Matter What, Congress Will Act On Health Care Next Year

http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2016/11/07/no-matter-what-congress-will-act-on-health-care-next-year/

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When Congress passed the Medicare Access and Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) Reauthorization Act (MACRA) last year, House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman Fred Upton (R-MI) said “stick a fork in it; it’s finally done.” While some elements—especially Medicare’s long-flawed Sustainable Growth Rate formula—were permanently remedied, other provisions were temporarily addressed by the bill and come due again in September or December of next year.

So, while the presidential candidates and others consider broad-based health care policies, the passage of which in the near term is dubious, there is a wide array of issues we can bank on Congress taking up, likely in one, consolidated legislative package.

Funding for the CHIP program may be the foremost among these issues, accompanied by a batch of expiring Medicare “extenders” that Congress typically addresses before they lapse. These provisions, which used to reliably hitch a ride on perennial “doc fix” legislation, are expected to travel together in a bill that, along with Food and Drug Administration user fee reauthorizations, is among a few must-pass health bills in 2017. The package will begin to take shape early in the next Congress and ideally gain focus by spring to give states lead-time for budgetary planning, especially with regard to the CHIP and Medicaid components.

Last year, Senate Democrats pushed for a four-year CHIP funding reauthorization, which would have aligned CHIP funding with the Affordable Care Act’s reauthorization of the program itself through 2019. Their efforts fell short in MACRA, although a two-year funding reauthorization keeps the program in the clear until Sept. 30, 2017.

While it’s early to predict what will be included, we anticipate the following potential items will likely be considered in this CHIP funding and Medicare extenders package: