Health insurers stable, M&A seen diminishing in 2020: Fitch

https://www.healthcaredive.com/news/health-insurers-stable-ma-seen-diminishing-in-2020-fitch/568859/

Dive Brief:

  • The outlook for the health insurance sector remains stable heading into 2020, Fitch Ratings reports.
  • The ratings agency maintains a stable outlook on the “vast majority” of the companies it rates within the U.S. health insurance industry, which includes UnitedHealth Group and Aetna.
  • The insurance sector continues to benefit from “low unemployment, manageable medical cost trend and solid growth in government-funded business,” Brad Ellis, senior director for Fitch, said in the report.

Dive Insight:

Even anticipating an increase in the growth of U.S. health expenditures, Fitch expects insurers to deliver solid operating results, including improved medical loss ratios, for 2020.

There is even a chance for insurers to garner positive ratings outlooks as many look to continue to execute on merger integration and deleveraging, according to Fitch.

Thanks in part to the return of the health insurance fee, Fitch expects medical loss ratios to drop to 82.5% in 2020. A decrease from the expected 83.9% for the full year of 2019 for the nation’s eight largest publicly traded insurers, which cover about 165 million people, according to Fitch.

MLR is an important measure, showing the amount an insurer spends on medical claims as a percentage of premiums. Lower MLRs leave more room for covering administration costs and garnering profit.

Even an upcoming election year and a slate of Democratic presidential hopefuls touting support to expand Medicare, the agency does not expect seismic changes to the system.

“Healthcare will certainly continue to be one of the most prevalent discussion topics among candidates for the U.S. presidency in 2020, but Fitch does not anticipate significant change in the structure of the U.S. healthcare system over the next couple of years,” the report said.

The agency also said it expects major mergers to slow significantly in 2020. The insurance sector has experienced significant M&A activity over the last few years, including CVS Health’s buy of Aetna and Cigna’s acquisition of Express ScriptsCentene is near closing on its purchase of rival WellCare.

Fitch expects consolidation activity next year to focus more on “modest build-out of care delivery opportunities in various regions or care management and technology initiatives.”

 

 

 

Health insurers eat higher medical costs

https://www.axios.com/newsletters/axios-vitals-b6a8b813-d93a-43d6-9080-bc9ee9606440.html?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=newsletter_axiosvitals&stream=top

Image result for 2. Health insurers eat higher medical costs

Almost all of the major health insurance companies are spending more on medical care this year than they have in the past, Axios’ Bob Herman reports.

The big picture: Rising prices and more services for some sicker patients are among the many reasons why this is happening. That uptick in spending has freaked out Wall Street, even though insurers are still quite profitable.

Driving the news: Almost all of the eight major publicly traded insurers have shown their medical loss ratio — the percentage of premium revenues they’re spending on medical claims — is rising this year.

  • UnitedHealth Group, the largest insurer in the country, said its loss ratio was 82.4% in the third quarter this year compared with 81% in the same period a year ago.
  • But these companies are handling billions of premium dollars, so any increase in medical claims equates to hundreds of millions of dollars in additional spending, which they don’t want.

Between the lines: Medical loss ratios are often higher for health plans that cover more older adults, the disabled and the poor, because those groups typically need more care or are in the hospital more frequently.

But costs have been climbing in some commercial markets, too.

  • Anthem executives admitted on their earnings call that the company is dumping some employers with workers who had medical needs and costs that were too high.
  • CVS Health, which now owns Aetna, previously said some middle-market clients had employees that it thought were getting too many services and drugs.
  • CVS “intensified our medical management in those geographies,” an executive said on the earnings call.

The bottom line: Health insurance companies closely track their medical loss ratios and aim to hit those targets most often by charging higher premiums, denying care, forcing people to use lower-priced providers or declining to cover people they deem to be too expensive.

 

 

 

 

 

 

How Pending Decision on Obamacare Could Upend 2020 Campaign

Supporters of expanding Medicare at a town hall meeting this summer in Forked River, N.J.  Health care registers as a top priority for voters in poll after poll.

A federal appeals court’s ruling on the Affordable Care Act could be a huge headache for the president and take Democrats’ focus off Medicare for all.

 A federal appeals court in New Orleans is preparing a ruling on the Affordable Care Act that could put the law’s future front and center in the presidential race, overwhelming the current Democratic debate over Medicare for all and reigniting the health care-driven worries that helped Democrats win back the House last year.

Three judges on the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals are weighing whether to uphold a Texas judge’s ruling that the law’s requirement for most Americans to have health insurance is unconstitutional, and that the rest of the sprawling law cannot function without it. It is hard to imagine a thornier domestic issue for President Trump, whose administration not only refused to defend the law in the case filed by Texas and 19 other states but sided with the plaintiffs, asking the court to invalidate it.

A ruling against Barack Obama’s signature domestic achievement as president, which provides health coverage for about 24 million Americans, would almost certainly be stayed pending further appeal.

But if it comes in the next few weeks, it could create significant confusion during open enrollment for the Obamacare plans offered through the law’s online marketplaces. And it would open a huge vulnerability for Mr. Trump, whose health care platform largely consists of attacking as socialism Democratic plans to expand government health care, either through Medicare for all or a government-run health care option that would be offered through the Affordable Care Act’s marketplaces.

A ruling against the health law would probably reframe the Democratic conversation on health policy away from moving beyond the Affordable Care Act toward Republican efforts to take health care away. That message, a driving force in the 2018 midterm campaigns, could resonate more broadly than the party’s current arguments over expanding coverage.

“Democrats will do better talking about what Trump can take away than about their new policy visions,” said Chris Jennings, a longtime Democratic adviser on health care. “The Texas case may reframe discourse around health policy more toward that type of discussion, which of course Republicans will hate.”

The law’s most popular provision is protections for people with pre-existing medical conditions, but it includes much more, such as health insurance exchanges where people can buy private coverage with subsidies, an expansion of Medicaid and requirements for what insurance must cover, from emergency services to prescription drugs.

The appeals court panel could decide to partly reverse Judge Reed O’Connor of the Federal District Court in Fort Worth, affirming that the mandate that most Americans have health insurance is unconstitutional but rejecting Judge O’Connor’s ruling that the rest of the law cannot stand without it. That would cause barely a ripple, because the tax penalty for not having insurance was reduced to zero in the 2017 tax overhaul and the effects have been negligible.

But a ruling that upheld his decision in full, or even one that said the mandate and pre-existing condition protections had to go, would send shock waves through the health care and political systems. Either outcome would probably play into Democratic hands, especially in contests against vulnerable Republicans like Senators Martha McSally of Arizona, Cory Gardner of Colorado, Susan Collins of Maine and Thom Tillis of North Carolina.

Republicans are not conceding that possibility. Asked how a ruling against the law might affect members of the party seeking re-election, the spokesman for the House Republican campaign arm, Chris Pack, said: “Both Democrats and Republicans oppose Obamacare. The only difference is that Democrats want to replace it with socialized single-payer health care that makes private health insurance illegal.”

In fact, most Democrats would welcome a renewed debate over the Affordable Care Act. Many Democrats in Congress have resisted Medicare for all; instead they have sought to shore up the existing health law and trap Republicans on pre-existing conditions. Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, intends to force a floor vote as soon as next week on a resolution to overturn a Trump rule that lets states promote skimpy-but-inexpensive insurance plans that do not meet the law’s coverage standards.

The vote, Mr. Schumer said Tuesday on the Senate floor, “will present our Republican colleagues with a choice: whether to protect Americans with pre-existing conditions or not to protect them.”

Mr. Trump is in a box on health care, the issue that registers as a top priority for voters in poll after poll. He wants deals on ending surprise medical bills and lowering prescription drug prices, but the Senate and House are far apart on what drug price legislation they would agree to, and impeachment proceedings could derail any chance of bipartisan measures.

Public support for the health law remains high, driven in part by swing voters. And few Americans believe Mr. Trump will offer details of a new health care plan before the end of the year, according to a Kaiser poll released this week. They also doubt any plan he releases would offer “better care at lower costs,” as he has promised.

Alex M. Azar II, the secretary of health and human services, has repeatedly played down the importance of expanding coverage to the remaining uninsured; instead, he has said, Mr. Trump wants to improve the health care system for all Americans. His efforts thus far have mostly been directed at discrete groups of patients: a plan to reduce new H.I.V. infections by 75 percent over five years, for example, and another to move people with advanced kidney disease to home-based, instead of clinic-based, dialysis.

At oral arguments before the appeals court panel in July, a lawyer from the Justice Department indicated the Trump administration would seek a stay if the panel upheld Judge O’Connor’s decision. The losing side could appeal directly to the Supreme Court, increasing the chances of a ruling or at least oral arguments before that court in the final months of the presidential campaign. Alternatively, it could first ask for a hearing by the full appeals court, which would slow down the process.

The appeals panel could also send the case back to Judge O’Connor to reconsider, an option that August Flentje, a lawyer for the Justice Department, embraced during oral arguments. That would also draw out the court fight.

When the six-week open enrollment period starts next month, there will be more insurers offering plans through the Affordable Care Act markets. Premiums have stabilized, too, after a few years of price increases. But it will be a much lower-profile effort than in past years; the Trump administration has cut the budget for both advertising and enrollment help. As a result, a court ruling against the law would paralyze open enrollment if people assume there is no use buying or renewing coverage under a law that was ruled unconstitutional, and if no effort is mounted to counter that misunderstanding.

“It will require a doubling down, a dramatic increase in education — which is exactly the opposite of what this administration has done,” said Leslie Dach, executive director of Protect Our Care, a consumer advocacy group aligned with Democrats. “Someone will need to educate people that low-cost, quality health insurance is still available to them.”

 

 

 

 

Insurers to deliver whopping $1.3B in ACA consumer rebates

https://www.healthcaredive.com/news/insurers-to-deliver-whopping-13b-in-aca-consumer-rebates/562689/

Dive Brief:

  • Health insurers are expected to issue at least $1.3 billion worth of rebates to customers in the coming weeks, hitting a new record, according to an analysis from the Kaiser Family Foundation.
  • The record amount reflect just how profitable payers were over the past few years, largely fueled by insurers in the individual market, according to KFF. Companies in the individual market are expected to return about $743 million to customers, more than that of insurers in the small and large markets combined.
  • The average rebate per customer in the individual market is about $270. There are about 2.7 million customers in the individual market.

Dive Insight:

The Affordable Care Act sets limits on insurer profits, and in an effort to protect consumers, the law requires plans spend a majority of premium dollars on actual care, or claims for their patients.

Each year, if insurers do not meet that threshold, also known as the medical loss ratio, they issue rebates to customers. The rebates in 2019 take into account performance for the trailing three years.

“Insurers in 2018 were highly profitable and arguably overpriced, which is why rebates are so large despite being averaged across less favorable years (2016 and 2017),” KFF said.

Insurers in the individual market are fueling this whopping rebate return, according to KFF.

Even though exchange insurers struggled in 2016, previous data show that profit margins spiked in the first quarter of 2018. Many attribute the spike to insurers drastically raising premiums amid the uncertainty around policy plans from the Trump administration. Experts have said insurers raised prices and overcorrected in preparing for the potentially turbulent year.

Lingering overhead at the time was the threat of ACA repeal and the loss of cost sharing subsidy payments.

St. Louis-based Centene is expected to dish out the most in rebates, totaling nearly $217 million, followed by Virginia-based Optima Health, owned by Sentara Healthcare, which is set to return nearly $99 million.

 

 

Republicans ready to revive ACA repeal talks

https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/hospital-management-administration/republicans-ready-to-revive-aca-repeal-talks.html

Image result for aca repeal

Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., promised to revive ACA repeal in Congress if Republicans can win back a majority in the House and reelect President Donald Trump in 2020, according to an interview on South Carolina radio show “The Morning Answer with Joey Hudson,” featured by The Hill

“This is what 2020 is about: If we can get the House back, and keep our majority in the Senate, and President Trump wins reelection, I can promise you, not only are we going to repeal Obamacare, we are going to do it in a smart way where South Carolina would be the biggest winner,” Mr. Graham said.

Mr. Graham, who failed to pass an ACA repeal plan in 2017, called “Medicare for All” and other Democratic presidential candidates’ healthcare plans “crazy.”  

“Medicare for All is $30 trillion, and it’s going to take private sector healthcare away from 180 million Americans,” he said. Instead, he proposed giving states the power to determine healthcare policy through block grants and other smaller reforms. This would allow states to test conservative healthcare policies against liberal ones, he said. 

“This election has got a common thing: Federalism versus socialism,” Mr. Graham said. “What I want to do is make sure the states get the chance to administer this money using conservative principles if you are in South Carolina, and if you want Medicare for All in California, knock yourself out.”

How the ACA’s Medical Loss Ratio Rule Protects Consumers and Insurers Against Ongoing Uncertainty

https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2019/jul/how-aca-medical-loss-ratio-rule-protects-consumers-insurers

calculating bills for medical procedures

ABSTRACT

  • Issue: The Affordable Care Act’s rule on minimum medical loss ratios (MLRs) protects consumers by capping insurers’ profits and overhead. In the early years of the law, these caps were rarely used because most insurers in the individual health insurance market experienced substantial losses. More recently, however, insurers are earning substantial profits while the individual market is rattled by regulatory uncertainty and change.
  • Goal: To understand the ongoing role that the medical loss ratio rule plays in the individual health insurance market.
  • Methods: Analysis of insurers’ financial performance 2015–2017, as reported to the federal government.
  • Key Findings and Conclusion: Consumer rebates under the MLR rule increased noticeably in 2017 as insurers raised rates and regained profitability. At the same time, the rule’s calculation of MLRs based on a three-year rolling average allowed insurers in 2017 to recoup a portion of their losses from earlier years. As the individual market continues to experience cycles of profits and losses, the MLR rule dampens the severity of these cycles, thus protecting insurers as well as consumers.

Background

Regulation of insurers’ medical loss ratios (MLRs, or loss ratios) is one of the most notable consumer protections in the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The loss ratio is the percentage of premium dollars that insurers spend on medical claims and quality improvement, rather than dollars retained for administrative overhead and profit.

Under the ACA, insurers that do not incur a loss ratio of at least 80 percent (based on a three-year rolling average) in the individual or small-group market must rebate the difference to consumers.1 Put another way, insurers with average overhead and profits during the past three years that exceed 20 percent must rebate the excess to members. Large-group insurers must do the same for loss ratios less than 85 percent, or when overhead and profits average more than 15 percent of premium dollars based on a three-year average.2

The ACA’s MLR rule took effect in 2011. In its first few years, this rule provided important consumer protection by requiring substantial consumer rebates and inducing insurers to reduce their administrative costs, which likely helped to keep premiums somewhat lower.3 These protections became less visible once insurers adjusted their rates to reflect their lower overhead.4 Following substantial rate increases for individual health insurance in 2017 and 2018, however, the ACA’s loss ratio limits have renewed relevance by helping stabilize a market that has been buffeted by cyclical underpricing and overpricing.

This issue brief explains how the ACA’s MLR rule serves an important buffering function in two ways. The rule protects consumers by limiting how much insurers can attempt to recoup previous losses through higher profits in any one year. At the same time, the rule allows insurers to replenish some of their reserves that deplete during lean times by calculating MLR limits based on a three-year rolling average.

The Changing Relevance of Loss Ratio Limits

As shown in Exhibit 1, rebates in the individual health insurance market declined from almost $400 million in 2011 to slightly more than $100 million annually in 2015 and 2016,5 accounting in those later years for only about 0.14 percent of insurers’ premiums. Rebates also declined in the group markets but less dramatically (in proportionate terms).

To fully understand this pattern, it helps to have a clearer picture of insurance pricing during this period. The individual market had a significant drop in rebates after 2014 because loss ratios in that market increased to an unprofitable level for most insurers in 2015 and 2016. Insurers underpriced those years because of the highly competitive conditions in the newly reformed individual market, coupled with actuarial uncertainty over the full extent of health care needs for the newly insured.6

But since 2017, the ACA’s MLR limits have once again become more relevant for consumers in the individual market.7 To help insurers regain profitability, state regulators allowed them to target the minimum allowable loss ratios, which meant that rates increased more than the anticipated increases in medical claims. As a result, rate increases averaged roughly 25 percent in 2017 and 30 percent in 2018.8

For the most part, these increases were caused by changes in federal rules, such as the planned phasing out of the ACA’s transitional reinsurance program, as well as the unplanned cessation of cost-sharing reduction payments to insurers.9 But these hefty increases were also driven by insurers’ aiming to substantially lower their previous loss ratios.

In fact, many insurers overshot their targeted loss ratios in 2017 and 2018, resulting in greater profitability than they may have anticipated. Accordingly, their rate increases were much more subdued in 2019, averaging only about 3 percent.10

This cyclical pattern of underpricing followed by overpricing (relative to actual medical claims) is driven in large part by insurers’ uncertainty about the ACA’s evolving market conditions. This uncertainty has two causes: actuarial and political.11

When the newly reformed individual market first opened in 2014, insurers lacked the actuarial experience needed to accurately estimate the newly insured’s use of medical services. This actuarial uncertainty carried over into 2016 because insurers must file their rates roughly 18 months prior to the end of the following rating year.12 Also, in 2015 and 2016, there was substantial turnover among insurers in the individual market, as some initial players learned that they were not able to compete effectively under the new market rules.13

The ACA’s drafters anticipated this uncertainty and included several risk-mitigating measures, known as the “three R’s:” reinsurance, risk-adjustment, and risk corridors.14 The first two measures were implemented, but risk corridors were not because of Republican opposition that characterized this market-stabilizing measure as a “bailout for insurers.15 Risk corridors would have substantially dampened the initial cycling between substantial losses and excessive profits in the ACA’s individual market.16

Despite the absence of the ACA’s full complement of stabilizing features, participating insurers began to gain their actuarial footing in 2017. At this point, however, the cause of insurers’ uncertainty shifted from typical actuarial factors to more political factors, including dramatic changes in administrative policies and market rules under the Trump administration. These changes are described in more detail elsewhere, but in brief they include abruptly ceasing cost-sharing reduction payments, repealing the individual mandate penalty, and drastically reducing funding for marketing and consumer navigation during open enrollment.17

This political and regulatory uncertainty continues. Regulators are greatly loosening rules that previously had limited the sale of non-ACA-compliant policies, and the full impact of these changes is still unknown.18 Moreover, the Justice Department has taken the position in court that the ACA should be struck down as unconstitutional, which could have a catastrophic impact on the individual market. However, the fate and timing of that litigation is highly uncertain.

In short, these roller-coaster conditions would probably have leveled out by 2017 if ongoing changes to market rules had not intensified the uncertainty. Against this backdrop, we now consider the role that the ACA’s loss ratio rule might play in stabilizing the market by protecting both consumers and insurers through continuing cycles of losses and excessive profits that result from ongoing market uncertainty.

The following sections examine two key stabilizing features in the ACA’s loss ratio rule. Using a three-year rolling average to calculate excess overhead and profits protects insurers by allowing them to recoup at least a portion of their recent losses through somewhat larger rate increases in a current year. At the same time, requiring insurers to rebate excess overhead and profits protects consumers from unjustified price increases.

In effect, the ACA’s loss ratio rule serendipitously serves a function similar to the ACA’s risk corridor provisions that were undermined by Republican opposition: the MLR rule partially shelters insurers in bad times and keeps them from unduly profiteering in good times.

Protection of Insurers

Viewing the individual market as a whole, Exhibit 2 shows that in 2015 and 2016 (averaged together), insurers had poor financial results. Their collective loss of –7.4 percent was because of a high medical loss ratio — 95 percent. Some insurers were more successful and were required to pay a rebate; however, across the entire market, these rebates averaged only $6 per person per year (50 cents a month), equal to just 0.01 percent of the premium.

Insurers’ financial performance improved dramatically in 2017. By increasing premiums by 11 percent more than the increase in claims (14% vs. 3%),19 insurers reduced their medical loss ratios by nine percentage points overall, from 95 percent to 86 percent. And, by holding steady their administrative costs, their profit margins improved by 11 points, from –7.4 percent to 3.3 percent.

Because of this financial improvement, rebates increased by almost 50 percent in 2017. But rebates still remained much lower than in the ACA’s early years, averaging only $9 a person for 2017 ($0.73 a month) marketwide.

Rebates remained low for two reasons. First, although insurers’ MLRs dropped quite a bit, they remained above the regulatory minimum on average. Second, for insurers with 2017 loss ratios below 80 percent, their earlier losses in 2015–2016 decreased the rebate amount they owed because the rebate is calculated using a three-year rolling average.

This effect can be seen by examining insurers that were in the individual market all three years, 2015–2017. Out of 303 such insurers with at least 1,000 members, there were 74 insurers with loss ratios below the required 80 percent in 2017. Without the three-year rolling average, these more profitable insurers would have owed rebates averaging $258 per member in 2017. Instead, the ACA’s three-year look-back rule required insurers that were in the market that long to pay a rebate of only $21.55 per member for the year. This reduction allowed these insurers to recoup $919 million of prior 2015–2016 losses overall.

Protection of Consumers

At the same time the ACA’s MLR rule helps cushion the extent of insurers’ losses over time, it also continues to protect consumers against overpriced health plans. Although most insurers in 2017 owed no rebates, 29 insurers paid a rebate of $140 per member, amounting to $132 million, or 3.3 percent of their premiums. Not counting these rebates, these insurers had a handsome overall profit margin of 12.6 percent in 2017. As shown in Exhibit 3, these rebates reduced their profit margins by slightly more than 25 percent.

This backstop against excessive profits is expected to have even more importance once full financial reporting is complete for 2018, which included a second round of substantial rate increases.20 Despite owing rebates for 2017, insurers continued to increase rates for 2018 in part because they had to file their 2018 rates in mid-2017 without their complete 2017 financial performance data in hand. Also, insurers had to anticipate possible disruptions to the market caused by changes to the ACA’s market rules.

By building in more cushion than they needed, insurers are expecting substantially lower loss ratios in 2018, which will generate much higher rebates. One recent analysis projects that loss ratios in the individual market will drop to 70 percent for 2018, resulting in close to $1 billion in rebates.21

These consumer protections could have substantially more impact in some states than in others, depending on how much insurers were permitted to increase rates in each state. Across 50 states and the District of Columbia, insurers in 26 jurisdictions had no rebates for 2017 in the individual market, and rebates were less than $5 a person in 11 states. However, in seven states (Arizona, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, and New Mexico), rebates exceeded $50 per person in the 2017 individual market.22 Notably, in four of these seven states (Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, and New Mexico), a single insurer with profit margins of 15 percent or greater was solely responsible for the rebate (Exhibit 4).

Conclusion

When the ACA’s medical loss ratio rule first took effect in 2011, its protections were more visible to consumers, who received significant rebates while insurers substantially reduced overhead costs. In subsequent years, these protections became less noticeable, as insurers in the individual market struggled with substantial losses.

Now that the individual market appears to have regained profitability, however, the ACA’s MLR rule has renewed relevance, both for consumers and insurers. The rule has resumed its important role of paying rebates to consumers whose health plans enjoy substantial profits. Additionally, the MLR rule affords insurers that suffer substantial losses an opportunity to recoup some of those losses by averaging a low loss ratio against two prior years of high loss ratios.

By smoothing out oscillations in profits and losses, the ACA’s MLR rebate rule holds the prospect of not only continuing to protect consumers, but also of helping to counter some of the destabilizing effects of ongoing changes in regulatory policy in the individual market.