The Glaring Disconnect between the Fed and CMS

Two important reports released last Wednesday point to a disconnect in how policymakers are managing the U.S. economy and how the health economy fits.

Report One: The Federal Reserve Open Market Meeting

At its meeting last week, the Governors of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) voted unanimously to keep the target range for the federal funds rate at 5% to 5.25%–the first time since last March that the Fed has concluded a policy meeting without raising interest rates.

In its statement by Chairman Powell, the central bank left open the possibility of additional rate hikes this year which means interest rates could hit 5.6% before trending slightly lower in 2024.

In conjunction with the (FOMC) meeting, meeting participants submitted projections of the most likely outcomes for each year from 2023 to 2025 and over the longer run:

Median202320242025Longer RunLonger Run Range
% Change in GDP1.11.11.81.81.6-2.5
Unemployment rate &4.14.54.54.03.6-4.4
PCE Inflation rate3.22.52.12.02.0
Core PCE Inflation3.92.62.2**

*Longer-run projections for core PCE inflation are not collected.

Notes re: the Fed’s projections based on these indicators:

  • The GDP (a measure of economic growth) is expected to increase 1% more this year than anticipated in its March 2023 analysis while estimates for 2024 were lowered just slightly by 0.1%. Economic growth will continue but at a slower pace.
  • The unemployment rate is expected to increase to 4.1% by the end of 2023, a smaller rise in joblessness than the previous estimate of 4.5%. (As of May, the unemployment rate was 3.7%). Unemployment is returning to normalcy impacting the labor supply and wages.
  • inflation: as measured by the Personal Consumption Expenditures index, will be 3.2% at the end of 2023 vs. 3.3% they previously projected. By the end of 2024, it expects inflation will be 2.5% reaching 2.1% at the end of 2025. Its 2.0% target is within reach on or after 2025 barring unforeseen circumstances.
  • Core inflation projections, which excludes energy and food prices, increased: the Fed now anticipates 3.9% by the end of 2023–0.3% above the March estimate. Price concerns will continue among consumers.

Based on these projections, two conclusions about nation’s monetary policy may be deduced the Fed’s report and discussion:

  • The Fed is cautiously optimistic about the U.S. economy in for the near term (through 2025) while acknowledging uncertainty exists.
  • Interest rates will continue to increase but at a slower rate than 2022 making borrowing and operating costs higher and creditworthiness might also be under more pressure.

Report Two: CMS

On the same day as the Fed meeting, the actuaries at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) released their projections for overall U.S. national healthcare spending for the next several years:

“CMS projects that over 2022-2031, average annual growth in NHE (5.4%) will outpace average annual growth in gross domestic product (GDP) (4.6%), resulting in an increase in the health spending share of GDP from 18.3% in 2021 to 19.6% in 2031. The insured percentage of the population is projected to have reached a historic high of 92.3% in 2022 (due to high Medicaid enrollment and gains in Marketplace coverage). It is expected to remain at that rate through 2023. Given the expiration of the Medicaid continuous enrollment condition on March 31, 2023 and the resumption of Medicaid redeterminations, Medicaid enrollment is projected to fall over 2023-2025, most notably in 2024, with an expected net loss in enrollment of 8 million beneficiaries. If current law provisions in the Affordable Care Act are allowed to expire at the end of 2025, the insured share of the population is projected to be 91.2%.  In 2031, the insured share of the population is projected to be 90.5%, similar to pre-pandemic levels.”

The report includes CMS’ assumptions for 4 major payer categories:

  • Medicare Part D: Several provisions from the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) are expected to result in out-of-pocket savings for individuals enrolled in Medicare Part D. These provisions have notable effects on the growth rates for total out-of-pocket spending for prescription drugs, which are projected to decline by 5.9% in 2024, 4.2% in 2025, and 0.2% in 2026.
  • Medicare: Average annual expenditure growth of 7.5% is projected for Medicare over 2022-2031. In 2022, the combination of fee-for-service beneficiaries utilizing emergent hospital care at lower rates and the reinstatement of payment rate cuts associated with the Medicare Sequester Relief Act of 2022 resulted in slower Medicare spending growth of 4.8% (down from 8.4% in 2021).
  • Medicaid: On average, over 2022-2031, Medicaid expenditures are projected to grow by 5.0%. With the end of the continuous enrollment condition in 2023, Medicaid enrollment is projected to decline over 2023-2025, with most of the net loss in enrollment (8 million) occurring in 2024 as states resume annual Medicaid redeterminations. Medicaid enrollment is expected to increase and average less than 1% through 2031, with average expenditure growth of 5.6% over 2025-2031.
  • Private Health Insurance: Over 2022-2031, private health insurance spending growth is projected to average 5.4%. Despite faster growth in private health insurance enrollment in 2022 (led by increases in Marketplace enrollment related to the American Rescue Plan Act’s subsidies), private health insurance expenditures are expected to have risen 3.0% (compared to 5.8% in 2021) due to lower utilization growth, especially for hospital services.

And for the 3 major recipient/payee categories:

  • Hospitals: Over 2022-2031, hospital spending growth is expected to average 5.8% annually. In 2023, faster growth in hospital utilization rates and accelerating growth in hospital prices (related to economy wide inflation and rising labor costs) are expected to lead to faster hospital spending growth of 9.3%.  For 2025-2031, hospital spending trends are expected to normalize (with projected average annual growth of 6.1%) as there is a transition away from pandemic public health emergency funding impacts on spending.
  • Physicians and Clinical Services: Growth in physician and clinical services spending is projected to average 5.3% over 2022-2031. An expected deceleration in growth in 2022, to 2.4% from 5.6% in 2021, reflects slowing growth in the use of services following the pandemic-driven rebound in use in 2021. For 2025-2031, average spending growth for physician and clinical services is projected to be 5.7%, with an expectation that average Medicare spending growth (8.1%) for these services will exceed that of average Private Health Insurance growth (4.6%) partly as a result of comparatively faster growth in Medicare enrollment.
  • Prescription Drugs: Total expenditures for retail prescription drugs are projected to grow at an average annual rate of 4.6% over 2022-2031. For 2025-2031, total spending growth on prescription drugs is projected to average 4.8%, reflecting the net effects of key IRA provisions: Part D benefit enhancements (putting upward pressure on Medicare spending growth) and price negotiations/inflation rebates (putting downward pressure on Medicare and out-of-pocket spending growth).

Thus, CMS Actuaries believe spending for healthcare will be considerably higher than the growth of the overall economy (GDP) and inflation and become 19.6% of the total US economy in 2031. And it also projects that the economy will absorb annual spending increases for hospitals (5.8%) physician and clinical services (5.3%) and prescription drugs (4.6%).

My take:

Side-by-side, these reports present a curious projection for the U.S. economy through 2031: the overall economy will return to a slightly lower-level pre-pandemic normalcy and the healthcare industry will play a bigger role despite pushback from budget hawks preferring lower government spending and employers and consumers frustrated by high health prices today.

They also point to two obvious near-term problems:

1-The Federal Reserve pays inadequate attention to the healthcare economy. In Chairman Powell’s press conference following release of the FOMC report, there was no comment relating healthcare demand or spending to the broader economy nor a question from any of the 20 press corps relating healthcare to the overall economy. In his opening statement (below), Chairman Powell reiterated the Fed’s focus on prices and called out food, housing and transportation specifically but no mention of healthcare prices and costs which are equivalent or more stressful to household financial security:

“Good afternoon. My colleagues and I remain squarely focused on our dual mandate to promote maximum employment and stable prices for the American people…My colleagues and I are acutely aware that high inflation imposes hardship as it erodes purchasing power, especially for those least able to meet the higher costs of essentials like food, housing, and transportation. We are highly attentive to the risks that high inflation poses to both sides of our mandate, and we are strongly committed to returning inflation to our 2% objective.”

2-Congress is reticent to make substantive changes in Medicare and other healthcare programs despite its significance in the U.S. economy. It’s politically risky. In the June 2 Congressional standoff to lift the $31.4 debt ceiling, cuts to Medicare and Social Security were specifically EXCLUDED. Medicare is 12% of mandated spending in the 2022 federal budget and is expected to grow from a rate of 4.8% in 2022 to 8% in 2023—good news for investors in Medicare Advantage but concerning to consumers and employers facing higher prices as a result.

Even simplifying the Medicare program to replace its complicated Parts A, B, C, and D programs or addressing over-payments to Medicare Advantage plans (in 2022, $25 billion per MedPAC and $75 billion per USC) is politically tricky. It’s safer for elected officials to support price transparency (hospitals, drugs & insurers) and espouse replacing fee for service payments with “value” than step back and address the bigger issue: how should the health system be structured and financed to achieve lower costs and better health…not just for seniors or other groups but everyone.

These two realities contribute to the disconnect between the Fed and CMS. Looking back 20 years across 4 Presidencies, two economic downturns and the pandemic, it’s also clear the health economy’s emergence did not occur overnight as the Fed navigated its monetary policy. Consider:

  • National health expenditures were $1.366 trillion (13.3% of GDP) in 2000 and $4.255 billion in 2021 (18.3% of the GDP). This represents 210% increase in nominal spending and a 37.5% increase in the relative percentage of the nation’s GDP devoted to healthcare. No other sector in the economy has increased as much.
  • In the same period, the population increased 17% from 282 million to 334 million while per capita healthcare spending increased 166% from $4,845 to $12,914. This disproportionate disconnect between population and health spending growth is attributed by economists to escalating unit costs increases for the pills, facilities, technologies and specialty-provider services we use—their underlying cost escalation notably higher than other industries.
  • There were notable changes in where dollars were spent: hospitals were unchanged (from $415 billion/30.4% of total spending to $1.323 trillion/31.4% of total spending), physician services shrank (from $288.2 billion/21.1% of total spending to 664.6 billion/15.6% pf total spending), prescription drugs were unchanged (from $122.3 billion/8.95% to $378 billion/8.88% of total spending) and public health increased slightly (from $43 billion/$3.2% of total spending to $187.6 billion/4.4% of total spending).
  • And striking differences in sources of funding: out of pocket spending shrank from $193.6/14.2% of payments to $433 billion/10.2% % of payments; private insurance shrank from $441 billion/32.3% of payments to $1.21 trillion/28.4% of total payments; Medicare grew from $224.8 billion/16.5% of payments to $900.8 billion/21.2% of payments; Medicaid + CHIP grew from $203.4 billion/14.9% to $756.2 billion/17.8% of payments; and Veterans Health grew from $19.1 billion/1.4% of payments to $106.0 billion/2.5% of payments.

Thus, if these trends continue…

  • Aggregate payments to providers from government programs will play a bigger role and payments from privately insured individuals and companies will play a lesser role.
  • Hospital price increases will exceed price increases for physician services and prescription drugs.
  • Spending for healthcare will (continue to) exceed overall economic growth requiring additional funding from taxpayers, employers and consumers AND/OR increased dependence on private investments that require shareholder return AND/OR a massive restructure of the entire system to address its structure and financing.

What’s clear from these reports is the enormity of the health economy today and tomorrow, the lack of adequate attention and Congressional Action to address its sustainability and the range of unintended, negative consequences on households and every other industry if left unattended. It’s illustrative of the disconnect between the Fed and CMS: one assumes it controls the money supply while delegating to the other spending and policies independent of broader societal issues and concerns.

The health economy needs fresh attention from inside and outside the industry. Its impact includes not only the wellbeing of its workforce and services provided its users. It includes its direct impact on household financial security, community health and the economic potential of other industries who get less because healthcare gets more.

Securing the long-term sustainability of the U.S. economy and its role in world affairs cannot be appropriately addressed unless its health economy is more directly integrated and scrutinized. That might be uncomfortable for insiders but necessary for the greater good. Recognition of the disconnect between the Fed and CMS is a start!

UnitedHealth expects higher medical costs in Q2 as delayed care makes comeback

Dive Brief:

  • Pent-up demand for delayed healthcare during the COVID-19 pandemic is pressuring medical costs for health insurers that had a financial windfall during the pandemic amid low utilization.
  • UnitedHealth, the parent company of the largest private payer in the U.S., expects its medical loss ratio — the share of premiums spent on member’s healthcare costs — to be higher than previously expected in the second quarter of 2023, due to a surge in outpatient care utilization among seniors, CFO John Rex said Tuesday during Goldman Sachs’ investor conference.
  • The news sent UnitedHealth’s stock down 7% in morning trade Wednesday, and affected other Medicare-focused health insurers as well. Humana, CVS and Centene — the three largest MA insurers by enrollee after UnitedHealth — dropped 13%, 6% and 8%, respectively.

Dive Insight:

The early days of COVID saw widespread halts in nonessential services, causing visits to plunge with an estimated one-third of U.S. adults delaying or foregoing medical care in the pandemic’s first year. By 2022, the sizable rebound in deferred care that many predicted had yet to materialize.

Instead, patient volumes increased, but didn’t return to normal levels, threatening the financial health of hospitals, which rely on utilization for revenue. However, the trend helped payers, which reaped some of their highest profits in history during the pandemic on low medical spend.

Now, early signs suggest utilization may again be increasing, with the cost of rebounding care coming around to hit payers. UnitedHealth now expects its MLR for the second quarter to reach or exceed its full-year target of 82.1% to 83.1%.

“As you look at a Q2, you would expect Q2 medical care ratio to be somewhere in the zone of probably the upper bound or moderately above the upper bound of our full-year outlook,” Rex said. “I would expect at this distance that the full year would probably settle in in the upper half of the existing range we set up.”

In comparison, the insurer reported an MLR of 82.2% in the first quarter of 2023. UnitedHealth’s MLR was 82% in 2022.

UnitedHealth said the MLR increase is because medical activity is normalizing after COVID kept seniors away from non-essential care.

“We’re seeing as behaviors kind of normalize across the country in a lot of different ways and mask mandates are dropped, especially in physician offices, we’re seeing that more seniors are just more comfortable accessing services for things that they might have pushed off a bit like knees and hips,” said Tim Noel, UnitedHealth’s chief executive for Medicare and retirement.

The Minnetonka, Minnesota-based insurer has seen strong outpatient demand through April, May and June, particularly in hips and knees with high volumes at its owned ambulatory surgical centers and within its Medicare business, executives said.

Inpatient volumes have remained consistent, and while outpatient utilization has increased, patient acuity has remained the same. Optum Health’s behavioral businesses are also seeing higher utilization in the second quarter, said Patrick Conway, CEO of Care Solutions at Optum, UnitedHealth’s health services division.

UnitedHealth doesn’t expect this higher activity to let up anytime soon. As a result, the payer incorporated higher outpatient utilization into its Medicare Advantage plan bids for 2024, which were placed in early June. The move attests to the longer duration of the trend, SVB Securities analyst Whit Mayo wrote in a note.

“Assuming it is going to end quickly wouldn’t be prudent on our part,” Rex said. “We’ll see how this progresses here.” 

What’s driving the race to acquire home-based care assets?

The news of Optum’s bid to acquire Amedisys came as a surprise — but it fits a larger theme of payers, particularly Medicare Advantage plans, looking to acquire assets to build out a home ecosystem.

In recent years, we’ve seen this play out in a number of ways, with some buyers finding success in their endeavors and others selling off the asset shortly after acquisition. While some buyers, including payers and other providers, have been able to capitalize on owning home health assets, others have struggled to benefit financially.

The drivers

When acquiring a home health agency, payers’ objectives are largely centered around operating costs and the ability to refer as many of their patients to these organizations as possible. If the agency is not delivering a return on investment or is unable to refer enough patients, payers are not afraid to divest and reevaluate structure.

Despite these varying outcomes, the race is on to acquire home-based care assets. We suspect there are two main reasons: 

1.  Home-based care is a cost-effective alternative

Payers want to direct their members from acute care back to the home without a skilled nursing stay. Especially for Medicare Advantage patients, there is a financial incentive to avoid sending patients to a skilled nursing facility (SNF).

Amid the push to improve patient quality, SNFs are often seen as a cost center that payers are eager to cut out — leading many to invest in home health agencies and services.

2.  Home-based care operators need to grow their workforce

All home-based care operators, whether part of a payer organization or not, need to grow their workforce. According to our research, this was the number one factor hindering the expansion of home-based care.

By adding Amedisys’s workforce to their own existing home-based care workforce, Optum could help overcome this challenge. 

Optum’s interest in Amedisys is also notable because of the diversity of services that Amedisys offers. Not only do they support home health, but they also offer hospital at home services through Contessa as well as home-based palliative and hospice care. That’s an attractive suite of services for a Medicare Advantage payer interested in offering more care in the home.

What we’ll be watching

It’s still unclear what will happen with Optum’s offer for Amedisys. Even if Amedisys agrees to the acquisition, the deal is likely to face FTC scrutiny. If that does happen, we’ll be watching to see whether Optum has to divest from any of Amedisys’ assets as part of an eventual deal.

With the continued rise in seniors who require skilled care — most of whom would prefer to age in the home — investments and divestments in the home health space will continue to make headlines.

Moving forward, we’ll be paying close attention to the outcomes of larger home health acquisitions by payer organizations.

Specifically, we’ll be watching to see if they’re able to successfully move their members away from facility-based care and into the home, both in terms of quality and the bottom line. 

Oak Street Health unveils expansion plans to open centers in 4 new states

https://www.fiercehealthcare.com/providers/oak-street-health-unveils-expansion-plans-4-new-states

Less than a month after CVS Health acquired Oak Street Health, the primary care provider plans to expand into four more states.

The company plans to open value-based primary care centers in Little Rock, Arkansas; Des Moines and Davenport, Iowa; Kansas City, Kansas and Richmond, Virginia, beginning this summer.

Oak Street Health will operate centers in 25 states by the end of the year.

The provider also aims to open new centers in existing markets this year with additional centers planned for Arizona, Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania.

CVS finalized its $10.6 billion acquisition of the Medicare-focused primary care company in early May, picking up, at the time, about 169 medical centers in 21 states. 

The acquisition significantly broadens CVS Health’s primary care footprint and the retail pharmacy giant said the deal will improve health outcomes and reduce costs for patients, particularly for those in underserved communities.

CVS folded the company into its newly created healthcare delivery arm. The company also recently finalized its $8 billion acquisition of home health and technology company Signify Health.

The two deals will help advance the health giant’s push into value-based care and mark its latest moves to get further into healthcare services. 

Oak Street specializes in treating Medicare Advantage patients and its network of clinics is expected to grow to over 300 centers by 2026.

The provider says it developed an integrated care model that incorporates behavioral healthcare and social determinants support and patients can access care in-center, in-home and through telehealth appointments.

Oak Street Health says it has reduced patient hospital admissions by approximately 51% compared to Medicare benchmarks, and driven a 42% reduction in 30-day readmission rates and a 51% reduction in emergency department visits. 

“One of the most critical ways we advance our mission to rebuild healthcare as it should be is by bringing our high-quality primary care and unmatched patient experience to more older adults across the country,” said Mike Pykosz, Oak Street Health’s CEO. “We look forward to meeting and caring for new deserving patients in Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas and Virginia, as well as the opportunity to create meaningful jobs for those passionate about improving health outcomes for patients and bridging health equity gaps in their communities.”

The CVS-Oak Street Health deal marks the latest example of vertical integration in healthcare. In addition to operating thousands of pharmacies and MinuteClinics, CVS also is the parent company of major health insurer Aetna and pharmacy benefit manager CVS Caremark.

5 questions Medicare Advantage data doesn’t answer

https://www.beckerspayer.com/payer/5-questions-medicare-advantage-data-doesnt-answer.html

A lack of data about Medicare Advantage plans means there are several unanswered questions about the program, according to an analysis from Kaiser Family Foundation. 

The analysis, published April 25, breaks down the kinds of Medicare Advantage data not publicly available. Some missing data is not collected from insurers by CMS, and some data is collected by the agency but not available to the public. 

Here are five questions researchers can’t answer without more data, according to Kaiser Family Foundation: 

  1. Insurers are not required to report how many enrollees use supplemental benefits and if members incur out-of-pocket costs with their supplemental benefits. Without this data, researchers can’t answer what share of enrollees use their supplemental benefits, how much members spend out of pocket for supplemental benefits, and if these benefits are working to achieve better health outcomes. 
  2. CMS does not require Medicare Advantage plans to report prior authorizations by type of service. Without more granular data, researchers can’t determine which services have the highest rates of denial and if prior authorization rates vary across insurers and plans. 
  3. Insurers are also not required to report the reasons for prior authorization denials to CMS. This leaves unanswered questions, including what is the most common reason for denials and if rates of denials vary across demographics. 
  4. Medicare Advantage plans do not report complete data on denied claims for services already provided. Without this data, researchers cannot determine how often payers deny claims for Medicare-covered services and reasons why these claims are denied. 
  5. CMS does not publish the names of employers or unions that receive Medicare funds to provide Medicare Advantage plans to retired employees. Without more data, researchers can’t tell which industries use Medicare Advantage most often and how rebates vary across employers.

With bankruptcy looming, Bright Health is fully ditching its insurance business

https://www.fiercehealthcare.com/payers/bankruptcy-looming-bright-health-fully-ditching-its-insurance-business

Embattled insurtech Bright Health will fully ax its insurance business as a potential bankruptcy looms, the company announced Friday.

The company secured an extension to its credit facility through June 30, giving it a few extra months to avoid going belly-up. To ensure it qualifies for the extension, the company must find a buyer for its California-based Medicare Advantage (MA) business by the end of May, according to a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

Bright Health revealed March 1 that it had overdrawn its credit and would need to secure $300 million by the end of April to stay afloat.

The MA business includes nearly 125,000 California seniors across its Brand New Day and Central Health Plan brands. In the announcement, Bright said the sale would “substantially bolster” its finances.

“Since our founding, Bright Health has worked to make healthcare simpler, more personal and affordable for consumers,” CEO Mike Mikan said in the announcement. “As our markets evolve, we are taking steps to adapt and ensure our businesses are best positioned for long-term success.”

In late 2022, the company announced that it would exit the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA’s) exchanges and slashed its reach in MA down to just California and Florida as its financial challenges mounted. It later cut the Florida plans as well.

Manny Kadre, lead independent director of Bright Health’s board of directors, said in the announcement that the company has “received inbound interest” about the California MA business as it explores its options.

With the full divestiture of its insurance business, that means Bright Health will be all-in on its NeueHealth care delivery services. Mikan said in the announcement that the segment performed well in the first quarter and has grown to serve about 375,000 value-based care customers.

As Bright shops for a buyer for its MA plans, it’s also continuing to unwind the ACA business, a process that hit a snag as it was hit with a lawsuit from Oklahoma-based health system SSM Health, which alleged that the insurer owed it more than $13 million in unpaid claims.

Bright Health is also under the gun to boost its stock price, as the New York Stock Exchange has threatened to delist its shares. Shares in the company were trading at 17 cents on Friday afternoon.

 

What’s driving the bidding war for primary care practices?

https://mailchi.mp/5e9ec8ef967c/the-weekly-gist-april-14-2023?e=d1e747d2d8

Published in the April edition of Health Affairs Forefront, this piece unpacks why payers and other corporations have replaced health systems as the top bidders for primary care practices, driving up practice purchase prices from hundreds of dollars to tens of thousands of dollars per patient. While corporate players like UnitedHealth Group, Amazon, and Walgreens have spent an estimated $50B on primary care, it pales in comparison to the potential “$1T opportunity” in value-based care projected by McKinsey and Company.

The authors argue that this tantalizing opportunity exists because the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) invited corporations to “re-insure” Medicare through capitated arrangements in Medicare Advantage (MA) and its Direct Contracting program.

While CMS intended to promote risk and value-based incentives to improve care quality and costs, the incentive structures baked into these programs have afforded payers record profits, despite neither improving patient outcomes nor reducing government healthcare spending.

The Gist: While the critiques of MA reimbursement structures in this piece are familiar, they are woven together into a convincing rebuke of the “unintended consequences” of CMS’s value-based care policy. 

Through poorly designing incentives, CMS paved a runway for corporate America to capture the lion’s share of the financial returns of value-based care, paying prices for primary care that health systems can’t match.

Meanwhile, despite skyrocketing valuations for primary care practices, primary care services remain underfunded and inadequately reimbursed, pushing primary care groups closer to payers with excess profits to invest.

CMS softened proposed rate changes, but strengthened prior authorization rules for MA plans

https://mailchi.mp/c9e26ad7702a/the-weekly-gist-april-7-2023?e=d1e747d2d8

Last Friday, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) announced that it will begin phasing in major Medicare Advantage (MA) risk-adjustment changes over a three-year period, slower than previously anticipated. Thanks to this delay in full implementation, MA plans will see an average 3.3 percent payment increase in 2024, up from the one percent projected in the earlier draft notice.

CMS also finalized regulations this week that aim to limit MA prior authorizations and denials by requiring that coverage decisions align with traditional Medicare.

The Gist: After CMS began proposing changes to MA payment formulas last year, aimed at reining in pervasive abuses and fraud, 

the insurance industry responded with a $13M marketing blitz to oppose the changes. 

The ads, one of which aired during the Super Bowl, tied Medicare Advantage “cuts” to the time-tested “Hands Off My Medicare” messaging directed at seniors. 

With MA enrollment projected to overtake traditional Medicare this year, the federal government finds itself walking a tightrope in clamping down on overpayments to MA plans, given that any reductions will impact a growing number of seniors.

UnitedHealth Group hits a milestone in vertical integration

https://mailchi.mp/c9e26ad7702a/the-weekly-gist-april-7-2023?e=d1e747d2d8

Constrained by the Affordable Care Act’s medical loss ratio (MLR) requirement that health insurers must spend 80-85 percent of their revenue on medical services, payers have been pivoting to providing care, managing pharmacy benefits, and supporting other healthcare services, in order to fuel earnings growth. The graphic above shows why UnitedHealth Group (UHG) is seen as the health insurance industry’s most noteworthy model of this vertical integration strategy, thanks to its flourishing Optum division. 

Optum is now as big a profit driver for UHG as its UnitedHealthcare insurance arm, with each bringing in $14B of net earnings in 2022. 

Optum’s 7.7 percent operating margin is almost two points higher than UnitedHealthcare’s, which owes much of its revenue and earnings growth to its expanding Medicare Advantage (MA) business. As both sides of UHG’s business have grown, so too have intercompany eliminations, which have increased by over 80 percent in five years, reaching $108 billion in 2022These payments from one division of UHG to another—mostly from the insurance business to the provider arm—allow the company to shift profit-capped insurance revenues into other divisions, driving increased profitability for the overall enterprise. 

It will be worth watching the trend in intercompany eliminations at other vertically integrated insurance companies, with an eye for whether integration truly results in lower cost of care for patients or just higher margins for the insurers.

Born On Third Base: Medicare Advantage Thrives On Subsidies, Not Better Care

https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/born-third-base-medicare-advantage-thrives-subsidies-not-better-care

Over the past seven years, Medicare Advantage’s (MA’s) enrollment has almost doubled, adding 10 percent to its market share , now at 49 percent. Rebates, the additional dollars paid by CMS to MA plans that bid beneath their “benchmark,” have doubled in that time from $80 per beneficiary per month (PBPM) to $164. (Benchmarks are intended to represent the average per-beneficiary spending in traditional Medicare (TM) in a given service area.)

The Medicare Advantage industry’s explanation of its success is grounded in claims about MA’s ability to deliver Medicare Part A and B benefits for much less than TM. These savings are, in theory, the basis for the rebates, the incremental revenue CMS pays to plans that fund the improved benefits and lower premiums as compared to TM, which in turn help attract members to MA plans. Indeed, the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC) reports that MA bids average 85 percent of the FFS cost.  Because these bids include approximately 15 percent for administrative costs and profits, they imply that Plan medical cost savings must be in the range of 25 to 30 percent versus the Medicare FFS cost benchmark bidding target.

However, a close examination of the bid process reveals that most of these savings are artifacts of the process and not due to better or more efficient care. They result from including “induced utilization costs” from Medicare supplemental insurance, legislated increases in the benchmarks, and risk score gaming. The inflation of benchmarks and risk score gaming, not better care, finance the rebates that drive MA market success. 

To paraphrase Barry Switzer , MA was born on third base and thinks it hit a home run.

The MA Bid Process

CMS pays MA Plans a per-person revenue amount that is determined by the Plan’s bid to provide Part A (hospital) and Part B (all other medical services) to enrollees. Plans bid against a benchmark, which as noted is intended to capture the amount that Medicare would spend on TM benefits for an average TM beneficiary. If the bid is less than the benchmark, CMS keeps about one-third of the difference and pays two-thirds to the Plan as a rebate. This rebate can be used to improve benefits or reduce costs for the members. If the bid is above the benchmark, there is no rebate, and the Plan must charge the member premiums to make up the difference.

Bids include the cost of medical services as well as plan administrative costs and profits. Most plans bid sufficiently below the benchmark to offer members a “zero premium” product, often including Part D drug coverage. Conceptually, the difference between the benchmark and the bid represents “savings” that the plan generates that decrease CMS costs.

Real Vs. Apparent Savings

The difference between bids and benchmarks, i.e., the savings vs. FFS, and rebates have doubled over the past seven years, leading to improved benefits, lower premiums for members, higher profits and more rapid growth. In 2022, rebates were $164 PBPM and 66 percent of beneficiaries were in zero-premium products.

This suggests that savings for CMS have increased; however, the reality is that most of these are just “apparent savings”—not real savings—that increase costs for CMS, beneficiaries and taxpayers.

Here is how that happened.

Benchmarks Are Significantly Inflated By Including The Costs Of ‘Induced Utilization’

The total cost of care is a function of the price paid per service and the number of services patients receive. Because MA Plans are given the right to use CMS’s Medicare pricing schedule for all Medicare participating providers, the MA average price per service tends to be about the same as Medicare’s. Most savings in MA then must be due to changes in utilization of services. Is the 25-30 percent implied savings of MA really due to 25-30 percent lower utilization across the full set of health care services, or is something else leading to “apparent savings”?

The ‘Induced Utilization Effect’ Of Medicare Supplemental Insurance Leads To Higher Utilization And Costs In The TM Population

Health insurance benefits programs vary by the percentage of costs paid by the covered individual. First-dollar coverage (FDC) means that the insurer pays most of the cost of services. Non-first dollar coverage (NFDC) with deductibles, coinsurance, and copays creates financial hurdles for patients as they pay more of the cost. Actuaries have shown that populations with FDC use more services and have higher total costs. We use the term “induced utilization” to denote the additional services associated with FDC. If one assumes that the additional services are necessary and contribute to better health, this difference is better framed as “forgone services” by the population with NFDC.

TM’s population provides an ideal context to study this phenomenon. TM’s fee-for-service benefits cover about 84 percent of medical costs but the vast majority of TM beneficiaries (84 percent) have supplemental insurance coverage that covers the other 16 percent of costs, effectively giving them FDC. MedPAC commissioned two studies to examine the difference in utilization between beneficiaries with and without supplemental coverage. MedPAC cited the first study in their June 2012 report on reforming Medicare’s benefit design, concluding:

The study estimated that total Medicare spending was 33 percent higher for beneficiaries with medigap policies . . . Beneficiaries with employer sponsored coverage had 17 percent higher Medicare spending

The authors of this study updated it in 2014, using three years of additional data, through 2008. Their conclusions at that time estimated that Medicare spending was 25 percent higher for beneficiaries with Medigap policies and 14 percent higher for those with employer-sponsored coverage. Another 2019 study on induced utilization showed that Medigap increased utilization by more than 20 percent.

The way the costs from induced utilization inflate the MA benchmark calculation has major implications for the calculation of MA Plan rebates. As we shall see below, the current approach gives MA plans a massive head start on financial success, no matter how well or poorly they manage care or costs.

Effects Of Induced Utilization On TM Spending Flow Through To MA Benchmarks

At a high level, the MA benchmark is based on the average total cost for all TM beneficiaries. The 2022 TM average cost of $1,086 per beneficiary per month (PBPM) is the average of the total medical costs for two Medicare populations: those with additional coverage (TM + Coverage) and those with Medicare only (TM only). Exhibit 1, using the differences in spending cited by Hogan et al in 2014 above, demonstrates the underlying average costs for individuals with and without additional coverage. The TM-only population costs CMS $920 while the TM+ Coverage population costs $1,169. The overall weighted average cost of $1,086 is inflated above the TM-only cost by $166, or 18 percent.

The Expected Cost Plans Use In Their Bids, Based On TM-Only Benefits, Are Far Below The Inflated MA Benchmark And Result In Large “Apparent Savings” And Rebates

The MA bid process instructs plans to bid their expected cost using the standard Medicare package of services and benefits. Any improved benefits and resulting costs are part of the supplemental benefit information that explains how they will use the rebates. The intent is for the plans to demonstrate their ability to drive significant savings versus CMS’s cost. One would think that this should be a comparison of the bid with the TM-only population’s cost. But the MA benchmark used in the comparison is based on the overall average of costs for the TM +Coverage and the TM-only populations, thereby including the induced utilization costs. When the lower expected cost is subtracted from the inflated benchmark it automatically creates “apparent savings” of $166 PBPM, or 18 percent.

Exhibit 2 illustrates how these “apparent savings” roll through the MA bid to create rebates for the plans. Our model in exhibit 2 is based on MedPAC’s analysis of the industry-wide 2022 MA bids, which showed an average rebate of $164 PBPM. That analysis, combined with the Medicare 2022 average TM cost of $1,086, implies that the expected medical costs used in the bids averaged approximately $790, an actual medical cost savings of $130 PBPM (14 percent) compared to the $920 TM-only cost.

Column 1 shows what would happen if the benchmark were set at the TM-Only cost of $920 with an average risk population. With assumed administrative costs of $80 PBPM (8 percent) and profits of $50 (5 percent) the resulting bid would be $920. Because the bid and the benchmark would be both $920, plans would show no savings and receive no rebate. The total savings in the Bid are just the medical cost savings of $130, which fund the plan administrative costs and profits. With no rebate they would have to charge members for any improved or supplemental benefits. This would not be a formula for success in MA.

Column 2 uses the inflated benchmark of $1,086 that includes the $166 induced utilization effect. Medical costs do not change, the bid remains the same, and the $166 becomes the difference between the benchmark and the bid; two-thirds of the $166 becomes the rebate of $108. The total savings implied in the bid increase to $296, but 56 percent is due to “apparent savings,” which account for 100 percent of the rebate.

But this is still well below the reported 2022 $164 average rebate. Is more of this driven by plan medical cost savings?

Legislated Payments Above FFS Cost Further Inflate Benchmarks And Contribute To Apparent Savings And Rebates

The MA average national benchmark of $1,086 is based on Medicare’s national average cost for TM in 2022, as reported by CMS. This is what Medicare pays for all Part A and B services for an average beneficiary across the country. Actual MA rates are set at the county level and are adjusted from 95 percent to 115 percent of FFS Medicare expenses depending on whether a county has high or low costs relative to the national average. Approximately 80 percent of MA enrollees are also in plans that receive quality bonuses.

County bonuses and quality bonuses are added to benchmarks. According to MedPAC, in 2022 these bonuses accounted for an additional 8 percent increase in payments above the FFS cost, and 90 percent of MA members were in Plans receiving quality bonuses. MedPAC again reiterated at its January 2023 meeting that the “quality bonus program is not a good way of judging quality for the 49 percent of beneficiaries in MA.” Column 3 starts with a benchmark that is inflated $87 (8 percent) more to account for these bonuses. The bid is unchanged, increasing the difference to $253 and the rebate to the $164 reported by MedPAC. Of the savings implied in the bid, 66 percent is from benchmark inflation, as is 100 percent of the rebate.

Risk Score Gaming Acts As A Multiplier Of This Benchmark Inflation

As described in our prior article, MA Money Machine Part 1, plans systematically increase their risk scores to improve payments from CMS. Column 4 in exhibit 2 illustrates the results for a plan that increases its risk score from 1 to 1.1. In the bid process, the benchmark-bid difference is computed by comparing the actual bid to the risk-adjusted benchmark. Our prior examples had an average risk score of 1, so the risk-adjusted benchmark is the same as the benchmark. In Column 4 the benchmark is risk adjusted by multiplying the $1,173 from Column 3 by the 1.1 risk score, resulting in an increase of $117.

While the higher risk score might suggest that the population is sicker, that is an illusion created by the risk score game. The medical costs do not change. The reality is the population is the same; the plan has just collected more codes that make the population look sicker. We recently presented an example of this using data from a United Health Group (UHG)/Optum Team Study that included a comparison of HCC coding rates for FFS and MA populations.

The bid therefore remains the same. The difference has increased to $370, resulting in a rebate of $241. The savings implied in the bid increase to $500, but 74 percent of these and 100 percent of the rebate are apparent savings from benchmark and risk score driven inflation.

George Halvorson argues that the change to the Encounter Data System (EDS) from the prior Risk Adjustment Payment System (RAPS) eliminated the risk score gaming opportunity. He seems to miss the point that plans’ chart reviews, home visits and annual wellness visits drive large coding opportunities unrelated to real clinical care as the Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General described in 2021. Milliman survey report in 2020 found that EDS Scores were becoming higher than under RAPS. MedPAC just confirmed this, showing the MA coding intensity has increased at a more rapid rate since the change.

The MA Bid Process Allows Plans With Zero Cost Savings To Offer Zero Premium Products

Column 5 of exhibit 2 shows that even if the plan has no actual medical cost savings, and no increase in the risk score, the benchmark inflation from induced utilization and bonuses allows the plan to have a rebate of $100.

MedPAC has reported that rebates vary widely, suggesting that there are indeed real MA plans today that are delivering no improvement in medical costs vs. FFS but still are receiving rebates and offering zero premium products.

Even Plan Medical Cost Savings Are Uncertain

Most of our examples assume that MA beneficiaries have a risk score of 1, that is they have the same health burden as an average Medicare population. Multiple studies have shown that this is not the case. Jacobson et al demonstrated that beneficiaries who enrolled in MA in 2016 were 16 percent less costly than individuals who stayed in TM. Other researchers have used mortality rates as evidence that individuals choosing MA are healthier than those in TM. If MA beneficiaries are actually healthier and have lower medical costs, the 14 percent “real” cost savings we use in exhibit 2 would be overstated.

ACOs Do Not Benefit From Any of These Subsidies

In an earlier paper, Joe Antos and Jim Capretta asserted that “There is little question the MA plans have the capacity to deliver Medicare benefits at far less cost than unmanaged fee-for-service” and further that accountable care organizations (ACOs) deliver “far less that the savings that could be achieved by MA plans based on their bids.” While we disagree with both statements, we agree on one point: the savings implied in MA bids seem large. But they are mostly apparent not real savings.

ACOs have a very different starting point from MA plans. They don’t start with the 18 percent advantage demonstrated above, they don’t get county and quality bonuses and they are not able to benefit much from risk coding. The costs of induced utilization are in their benchmarks, but their aligned beneficiaries are representative of the TM mix of people with FDC and non-FDC. The benefits and the resulting costs match, unlike the MA bid comparison of average costs and lower plan expected costs. Any comparison of savings by the two programs needs to account for this reality. We believe that most of the differences in the “real savings” of the two programs is accounted for by claims denials and some instances of lower prices in MA vs. FFS.

Conclusion

MA is growing rapidly because of plans offering lower premiums and improved, supplemental benefits.

Claims by the MA industry that they are successful because they deliver more efficient care are flawed because they compare MA costs to inflated benchmarks that are much higher than the actual CMS costs to provide benefits.

Even if one assumes that MA does decrease medical costs, these savings as reflected in MA bids are not the drivers of the rebates or MA success. Indeed, 100 percent of rebates result from inflated benchmarks and risk score gaming. The resulting payments, which are in excess of TM costs, generate the additional funding for “free-to-the-member” improved benefits. While there is large variation, and some plans improve care and decrease utilization, MA industry success is a function of corporate subsidies.

The bottom line: we are systematically driving people out of TM by subsidizing the more expensive MA.

Inflated benchmarks from these three sources start MA plans “on third base” and risk score gaming gives them a free walk home. For MA plan owners it feels like they hit a home run. For taxpayers and Medicare beneficiaries footing the bill it feels like a series of major errors. CMS in its 2024 Medicare Advantage Advance Notice has proposed significant changes to the Risk Adjustment system. We believe this would be an important step forward towards addressing the vast overpayments to MA plans and deserves our support.