Federal Medicaid cuts imperil rural hospitals and residents

https://www.ruralhealth.us/blogs/2025/06/federal-medicaid-cuts-imperil-rural-hospitals-and-residents-new-report-finds

Medicaid serves as a vital source of health insurance coverage for Americans living in rural areas, including children, parents, seniors, individuals with disabilities, and pregnant women. Congressional lawmakers are currently considering more than $800 billion in cuts to the Medicaid program, which would reduce Medicaid funding and terminate coverage for vulnerable Americans.

The proposed changes would also result in a significant reduction in Medicaid reimbursement that could result in rural hospital closures.

The National Rural Health Association recently partnered with experts from Manatt Health to shed light on the potential impacts of those cuts on rural residents and the hospitals that care for them over the next decade.

The report, Estimated Impact on Medicaid Enrollment and Hospital Expenditures in Rural Communities, provides insight into the impact on rural America at a critical moment in the Congressional debate over the future of the reconciliation package.

NRHA held a press conference on June 24 that can be accessed with passcode MBTZf4$H. NRHA chief policy officer Carrie Cochran-McClain discussed the findings with Manatt Health partner and former deputy administrator at CMS Cindy Mann and the real world implications of the details of this report with three NRHA member hospital and health system leaders

Report findings provide insight into the impact on rural America at a critical moment in the Congressional debate over the future of the reconciliation package.

The report shows the significant impact from coverage losses that rural communities will face given:

  • Medicaid plays an outsized role in rural America, covering a larger share of children and adults in rural communities than in urban ones.
  • Nearly half of all children and one in five adults in small towns and rural areas rely on Medicaid or CHIP for their health insurance.
  • Medicaid covers nearly one-quarter of women of childbearing age and finances half of all births in these communities.

According to Manatt’s estimatesrural hospitals will lose 21 cents out of every dollar they receive in Medicaid funding due to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Total cuts in Medicaid reimbursement for rural hospitals—including both federal and state funds—over the ten-year period outlined in the bill would reach almost $70 billion for hospitals in rural areas. 

Reductions in Medicaid funding of this magnitude would likely accelerate rural hospital closures and reduce access to care for rural residents, exacerbating economic hardship in communities where hospitals are major employers.

As a key insurer in rural communities, Medicaid provides a financial lifeline for rural health care providers — including hospitals, rural health clinics, community health centers, and nursing homes—that are already facing significant financial distress. These cuts may lead to more hospitals and other rural facility closures, and for those rural hospitals that remain open, lead to the elimination or curtailment of critical services, such as obstetrics.

“Medicaid is a substantial source of federal funds in rural communities across the country. The proposed changes to Medicaid will result in significant coverage losses, reduce access to care for rural patients, and threaten the viability of rural facilities,” said Alan Morgan, CEO of the National Rural Health Association.

“It’s very clear that Medicaid cuts will result in rural hospital closures resulting in loss of access to care for those living in rural America.”

A media briefing will be held on Tuesday, June 24, from noon to 1:00 PM EST to provide more information about the analysis. This event will feature representatives from NRHA, Manatt Health, and rural hospital leaders across the country. Questions may be submitted in advance, as well as during the press conference. To register for and join the media briefing, click on the Zoom link here.

Please reach out to NRHA’s Advocacy Team with any questions.

About the National Rural Health Association

NRHA is a non-profit membership organization that provides leadership on rural health issues with tens of thousands of members nationwide. Our membership includes nearly every component of rural America’s health care, including rural community hospitals, critical access hospitals, doctors, nurses, and patients. We work to improve rural America’s health needs through government advocacy, communications, education, and research. Learn more about the association at RuralHealth.US.

About Manatt Health

Manatt Health is a leading professional services firm specializing in health policy, health care transformation, and Medicaid redesign. Their modeling draws upon publicly available state data including Medicaid financial management report data from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, enrollment and expenditure data from the Medicaid Budget and Expenditure System, and data from the Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission. The Manatt Health Model is tailored specifically to rural health and has been reviewed in consultation with states and other key stakeholders.

What’s at stake from GOP megabill’s coverage losses

https://www.axios.com/2025/07/01/real-cost-health-coverage-losses

Nearly 12 million people would lose their health insurance under President Trump’s “big, beautiful bill,” an erosion of the social safety net that would lead to more unmanaged chronic illnesses, higher medical debt and overcrowding of hospital emergency departments.

Why it matters: 

The changes in the Senate version of the bill could wipe out most of the health coverage gains made under the Affordable Care Act and slash state support for Medicaid and SNAP.

  • “We are going back to a place of a lot of uncompensated care and a lot of patchwork systems for people to get care,” said Ellen Montz, a managing director at Manatt Health who oversaw the ACA federal marketplace during the Biden administration.

The big picture: 

The stakes are huge for low-income and working-class Americans who depend on Medicaid and subsidized ACA coverage.

  • Without health coverage, more people with diabetes, heart disease, asthma and other chronic conditions will likely go without checkups and medication to keep their ailments in check.
  • Those who try to keep up with care after losing insurance will pay more out of pocket, driving up medical debt and increasing the risk of eviction, food insecurity and depleted savings.
  • Uninsured patients have worse cancer survival outcomes and are less likely to get prenatal care. Medicaid also is a major payer of behavioral health counseling and crisis intervention.

Much of the coverage losses from the bill will come from new Medicaid work reporting requirements, congressional scorekeepers predict. Work rules generally will have to be implemented for coverage starting in 2027, but could be earlier or later depending on the state.

  • Past experiments with Medicaid work rules show that many eligible people fall through the cracks verifying they’ve met the requirements or navigating new state bureaucracies.
  • Often, people don’t find out they’ve lost coverage until they try to fill a prescription or see their doctor. States typically provide written notices, but contacts can be out of date.
  • Nearly 1 in 3 adults who were disenrolled from Medicaid after the COVID pandemic found out they no longer had health insurance only when they tried to access care, per a KFF survey.

Zoom out: 

The Medicaid and ACA changes will also affect people who keep their coverage.

  • The anticipated drop-off in preventive care means the uninsured will be more likely to go to the emergency room when they get sick. That could further crowd already bursting ERs, resulting in even longer wait times.
  • Changes to ACA markets in the bill, along with the impending expiration of enhanced premium subsidies, may drive healthier people to drop out, Montz said, skewing the risk pool and driving up premiums for remaining enrollees.
  • States will likely have to make further cuts to their safety-net programs if the bill passes in order to keep state budgets functioning with less federal Medicaid funding.

The other side: 

The White House and GOP proponents of the bill say the health care changes will fight fraud, waste and abuse, and argue that coverage loss projections are overblown.

Reality check: 

Not all insurance is created equally, and many people with health coverage still struggle to access care. But the bill’s impact would take the focus off ways to improve the health system, Montz said.

  • “This is taking us catastrophically backward, where we don’t get to think about the things that we should be thinking about how to best keep people healthy,” she said.

The bottom line: 

The changes will unfold against a backdrop of Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s purported focus on preventive care and ending chronic illness in the U.S.

  • But American health care is an insurance-based system, said Manatt Health’s Patricia Boozang. Coverage is what unlocks access.
  • Scrapping millions of people’s health coverage “seems inconsistent with the goal of making America healthier,” she said.

The GOP Still Lacks a Clear Plan for Health Care

he House GOP’s emerging megabill includes significant changes to health care, some of which are long overdue, such as tighter restrictions on the provider taxes which states use to shift Medicaid costs onto the federal budget. But the legislation’s effect on the number of uninsured individuals is likely to get the most attention. Projections showing there will be a sizeable increase are causing internal divisions and creating political risks.

The basic problem for the party remains as it was in 2017 during the failed attempt to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act (ACA), which is that there is no agreement among its leaders on an overall direction to guide the changes they advance. It is probably too late to develop such a plan for this year’s legislative debate, but it remains necessary if GOP officeholders ever want to have more lasting influence on the workings of the overall system.

The Democratic party has long rallied around an organizing principle for the changes it seeks. The ultimate goal is a universal public utility model with everyone covered. There are differences among leading party members over the specific routes to this destination but not on the direction of travel. The party wants to strongly regulate the entire sector, including insurance and the providers of services, and most especially with respect to the prices they charge. The suppliers would be entirely dependent on government-set rates for their revenue. In return, they would get paid just enough to stay open and face less pressure to compete based on efficiency. A single-payer plan is consistent with the party’s goals, but so too would be an extension of Medicare’s fees to the commercial market.

Republicans have nothing similar to rally around. In the megabill, the goal is to slow the growth of public subsidization of insurance enrollment and promote work, with the savings devoted to a lower level of taxation. It is a fiscal exercise and not a plan to reform American health care.

It also leaves the party exposed to criticism. If the federal government pulls back support without bringing down total costs, then someone else has to pay for the care provided to patients, or else some care might have to be curtailed. Predictably, as analyses emerge showing the GOP bill will produce these effects, the political blowback has been building.

The alternative to a public utility model is a system that is disciplined by market incentives instead of regulations but which still embraces population-wide insurance enrollment. The megabill includes important improvements to Health Savings Accounts (HSAs) that point in this direction, but they are too marginal to substantially alter incentives in the entire sector.

Republicans should consider what can be done to bring down costs across-the-board so that all purchasers get financial relief. There are several targets available.

  • Stronger Price Competition.
  • The first Trump administration pushed for transparent pricing in health care, which was an important step. However, for the market to work, consumers need to be far more engaged and incentivized to opt for lower-priced options. To promote stronger competition, the federal government should require providers of high-volume services to disclose their prices based on standardized bundles, and then also require insurers to let consumers migrate to lower-priced suppliers and keep the savings.
  • Competitive Bidding.
  • In Medicare and Medicaid, there is too much reliance on regulated rates and not enough on competitive bidding. Both programs should use bidding to establish the rates that the government will pay for services whenever that is a possibility. For instance, Medicare could require competitive bidding for high-volume services such as laboratory testing and imaging, and then use the submitted prices to build a preferred network of providers. Further, competitive bidding should be used to set rates for Medicare Advantage plans and, in time, to establish a level playing field of competition with the traditional program. Some of the savings from these reforms could be used to provide catastrophic insurance protection as a feature of the entire program, and not just in MA.
  • More Enrollment in Job-Based Insurance.
  • Republicans should drop their ambivalence toward insurance enrollment. The balance of the empirical evidence backs the importance of staying in coverage to a person’s health status. Moreover, the public does not want large numbers of uninsured again. To lessen the burden on Medicaid and to promote work, Republicans should look to help low-wage workers secure employer-sponsored insurance (ESI). Redirecting a portion of the tax subsidy for this insurance from high-wage to low-wage workers could induce some individuals out of Medicaid and Affordable Care Act plans and into ESI.

The GOP is right that surging costs for Medicare and Medicaid are a fiscal threat, but if their solutions push more financial risk onto individual consumers and patients, the backlash might hasten changes that Democrats have long sought.

Tariffs drive health plan premium hikes

https://www.axios.com/2025/06/18/tariffs-health-insurance-premium-hikes

Health insurers are starting to notify states that tariffs will drive up the premiums they plan to charge individual and small group market enrollees next year.

Why it matters: 

The Trump administration’s trade policy is adding another layer of uncertainty for health costs as Congress considers Medicaid cuts and is expected to sunset enhanced subsidies for Affordable Care Act coverage.

  • “There are sort of a perfect storm of factors that are driving prices up,” said Sabrina Corlette, research professor at Georgetown’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms.

The big picture: 

Health insurers calculate monthly premiums in advance of each year based on the expected price of goods and services and projected demand for them.

  • Tariffs announced by President Trump are expected to drive up the cost of prescription drugs, medical devices and other medical products and services. Some of that difference ultimately would be passed down to enrollees.

Where it stands: 

A handful of health insurers administering individual and small group plans have already explicitly told state regulators that tariffs are forcing plans to raise enrollee premiums more than they otherwise would next year, KFF policy analyst Matt McGough wrote in an analysis published Monday.

  • Independent Health Benefits Corporation told New York regulators in a filing last month that it plans to raise premiums for its individual market enrollees 38.4% next year.
  • About 3% of that is directly due to tariffs, based on projections of how much they’ll increase drug prices and the use of imported drugs, Frank Sava, a spokesperson for Independent Health, told Axios.
  • Similarly, UnitedHealthcare of Oregon said in a filing that nearly 3% of its planned 19.8% premium increase for small group enrollees next year is due to uncertainty around tariffs, particularly on how they’ll affect pharmaceutical prices.

Insurers “don’t have any historical precedent or data to project what this is going to mean for their business and health costs,” McGough said to Axios. “I think it really makes sense that they’re trying to hedge their bets.”

  • Insurers can’t change their premiums throughout the year. But if health plans do overshoot their premium estimates in rate filings, they have to pay enrollees back the difference in rebates.
  • While there may be a competitive advantage to keeping premiums lower, there isn’t really a way for insurers to make up for extra unplanned costs after the fact.

Yes, but: 

Some insurers indicated that while they’re keeping a close eye on tariff-related impacts, they aren’t baking them into their premium rates yet.

  • “There is uncertainty around inflation and the economy due to possible tariffs however we did [not] put anything for this in this filing,” Kaiser Foundation Health Plan of the Northwest’s report to Oregon reads.
  • State regulators can also push back on insurers’ premium calculations before they’re finalized, McGough noted.

What we’re watching: 

While some states have earlier deadlines, insurers have to submit their 2026 ACA marketplace plan rates to the federal regulators by July 16, and proposed rates will be posted by August 1.

  • That’s when we’ll get a better picture of how seriously tariffs are concerning health insurers.

Megabill Healthcare Insurance Coverage Losses

The CBO projects that 10.9 million more people would be uninsured under President Trump’s sweeping budget bill — mostly from the way it would overhaul Medicaid, including new work requirements.

Why it matters: 

That would amount to major coverage losses that are certain to fuel Democratic attacks on the measure, and put new pressure on vulnerable Republicans heading into the midterm election cycle, Peter Sullivan wrote first on Pro.

By the numbers: 

The CBO on Wednesday projected that 7.8 million more people would be uninsured due to the Medicaid changes, with the rest likely due to Affordable Care Act marketplace changes, including new barriers to signing up that are aimed at fighting fraud.

  • The estimate includes 1.4 million people without verified citizenship “or satisfactory immigration status,” a reference to undocumented immigrants that some states opt to cover with non-federal dollars in their Medicaid programs.
  • The CBO was responding to a request from congressional Democrats about the number of uninsured people stemming from the package the House passed last month.

Republicans say the changes would ensure that Medicaid is targeted at beneficiaries deserving of coverage, and that taxpayer money should not be spent on healthy adults who are choosing not to work.

  • Opponents say people who are working will be caught up in the red tape from the changes and could still lose coverage.

The CBO also said another 5.1 million would become uninsured if Congress opts to let Affordable Care Act premium tax credit subsidies expire next year.

Cost to insure a family tops $35,000

The cost to cover a family of four through workplace insurance now exceeds $35,000, nearly triple what it cost 20 years ago as annual growth in health costs have far outpaced wages.

The big picture: 

Growing pharmacy and outpatient facility costs drove most of the increase, which includes employee and employer shares, according to the 2025 Milliman Medical Index.

  • Employers have been wary of passing health cost hikes to workers in a tight labor market, but the rising demand for costly care may force a reckoning.

State of play: 

The $35,119 annual cost to cover a hypothetical family of four this year factors in drug costs, inpatient and outpatient care, and professional services, along with an “other” category that includes home health, ambulance transport, medical equipment and prosthetics.

  • A year of health care cost a family of four $12,214 in 2005, the year Milliman launched the index. The 20-year cumulative gain of 188% outpaced the 84% growth in wages over the same time.
  • Health costs have increased about 6% per year on average over the past two decades, according to Milliman, compared with an average inflation rate of 2.5% over that time.

Between the lines: 

Employers in 2025 still shoulder 58% of employee health care costs, but their share has shrunk since 2005, when it was more than 60%.

Reality check: 

Health care costs vary significantly by age, geography and pharmacy rebate arrangements.

  • Milliman calculates family cost based on a family with a 47-year-old male, 37-year-old female, and children ages 4 and under 1.
  • This was a “mathematically average” family in 2005, and Milliman continues to use that formula to keep data comparable year-to-year.
  • The firm has an online tool that allows readers to input other family configurations to see their estimated 2025 health care costs.

The analysis is based on Milliman’s proprietary research tools and analyzes commercial claims data. The family cost figure reflects nationwide average negotiated provider fees and average PPO benefit levels.

The GOP Budget: Tax Cuts for the Wealthy and More Medical Debt for Everyone Else

The GOP’s reconciliation bill, the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” (yes, it’s actually called that), is a cruel exercise in slashing benefits for the poor, the elderly, and the sick to free up fiscal space for yet more tax cuts for the rich. Compounding the harm, these benefit cuts are nowhere near enough to pay for the bill’s tax cuts for the wealthy.

Central to this effort are massive cuts to Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act (ACA) marketplaces that, as I argued in my recent paper, will exacerbate our ongoing medical debt crisis.

The GOP reconciliation package that the Senate and House recently agreed to instructed the House Energy and Commerce Committee, which oversees spending on health-care programs including Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), to identify up to $880 billion in savings over the next 10 years.

Under the rules of the budget reconciliation process, Republicans need to offset any tax cuts they wish to make permanent with an equal dollar value in cuts to spending so as to remain deficit neutral. Trillions of dollars in tax cuts for the wealthier therefore necessitate trillions of dollars in cuts to spending that fall mostly on the social safety net.

Although they did not quite reach that target, the committee still returned a proposed package of deep cuts and changes to Medicaid and to the ACA marketplaces that would reduce federal medical spending by at least $715 billion over 10 years, with about $625 billion in reduced Medicaid spending.1

After public backlash, Republicans seem to have backed off some of their most radical plans for Medicaid (at least for now—one of the challenges of taking health care from people is that it’s terrible politics, so the precise details of the cuts are likely to remain a moving target until the bill passes).

But all options they are close to settling on would still do horrific damage to the well-being of working-class families.

This includes requiring all Medicaid recipients above the federal poverty line to “cost share” by paying (larger) premiums and copayments,2 cutting federal matching to states that provide public health insurance coverage to undocumented and perhaps documented immigrants (on their own dime), and imposing harsh work requirements on “able-bodied adults without dependent children.” This latter provision will cut federal Medicaid spending by roughly $300 billion over 10 years even though the vast majority (92 percent) of nondisabled, non-elderly adult Medicaid recipients are already working, studying full time, or serving as caregivers. This is because work requirements create burdensome reporting requirements to demonstrate compliance that will cause Medicaid recipients who are already employed to lose their insurance as well—blaming the victim for losing their health care, in essence.

The Congressional Budget Office estimates that the reconciliation bill would decrease Medicaid enrollment by 10.3 million in 2034 (the end of the reconciliation bill budget window).

According to this same analysis, most of these individuals would not obtain other insurance (e.g., through an employer) and would thus become uninsured.

When combined with the bill’s changes to the ACA marketplace and the expiration of the enhanced premium tax credits—a wildly successful policy that was introduced as part of the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) and one that Republicans have shown no inclination to extend—this would result in an additional 13.7 million uninsured individuals in 2034, a 30 percent increase, according to KFF estimates.

Republicans seem hell-bent on undoing the remarkable progress made in the 15 years since the passage of the ACA in reducing the non-elderly uninsured rate from 17.8 percent in 2010 to roughly 9.5 percent today (plus ça change).

But we’ve seen less focus on how this will affect the problem of underinsurance.

Republicans’ Medicaid cost-sharing requirements, the changes they have proposed to the ACA marketplaces, and their determination to let the ARPA premium tax credit enhancements expire will also worsen the problem of underinsurance, an area where we have made considerably less progress.

Taken together, this will worsen the ongoing medical crisis because medical debt is driven by uninsurance and underinsurance.

Medical debt is, unlike in most other countries, and despite the successes of the ACA, a major problem in the United States. KFF found that 20 million adults (almost 1 in 12) owed “significant” medical debt to a health-care provider.3 This number rises when we consider a more expansive definition of medical debt including credit card balances and bank loans used to pay medical providers. Under that definition, an estimated 41 percent of American adults (~107 million people) carried some form of medical debt and 24 percent of American adults (~62 million people) had medical debt that was past due or that they were unable to pay. Among those with medical debt using this more expansive definition, nearly half (44 percent) reported owing at least $2,500, and about one in eight (12 percent) said they owe $10,000 or more. The poor, the sick, the middle-aged, and Black and Hispanic individuals disproportionately bear the brunt of this problem.

The crisis of medical debt and underinsurance is so widely recognized by Americans that a state attorney general candidate can go viral just by talking about the reality of a GoFundMe health-care system millions of Americans face.

The consequences of all this debt are dire—and reflect a health-care system that heals people physically but leaves many permanently scared financially. In 2022, medical debt (using the narrow definition) made up an estimated 58 percent of all debts that had gone to collections, and 62 percent of bankruptcies were attributed in part to medical debt. Medical debt also damages credit scores, leading to a wide variety of negative impacts on financial well-being that can follow families for years.

A poor credit score means that families may be unable to obtain a mortgage or a car loan or may end up paying much higher interest rates.

Credit scores are commonly used by landlords to screen tenants and by employers as part of a background check during the hiring process. Even for those who manage to maintain their credit after taking on medical debt, there are real costs. For those with limited income and assets, debt service may displace spending on food, clothing, and other essentials, leading to material hardship. It can make savings impossible and limit economic mobility.

Medical debt is a problem largely generated by poor policy decisions including, as I argue in my paper, prioritizing and incentivizing health insurance coverage through the private market rather than through Medicaid and Medicare, which offer comprehensive coverage more cheaply. The problem would rapidly disappear if we could extend comprehensive health insurance coverage to the millions of uninsured and underinsured people who live with the constant risk that a sudden medical event could ruin their finances and constrain their futures.

But rather than fix the problem, the GOP plans to throw millions off Medicaid and saddle those who remain with higher costs and more limited coverage. The results of these poor policy decisions will be more sickness, more debt, and higher costs for everyone in exchange for on-paper “savings.” And all this in service of tax cuts for the wealthy they haven’t even bothered to justify.

If you ask Eleanor

“If the old people cannot afford their medical care under their own Social Security allowances, then the burden is going to fall on their children who are in their earning years. This will mean that just at the time when these children who may be having young children of their own and needing medical care, a young couple will also have to consider shouldering the burden for parents as well. This is not fair, and leads to both the children and the older people not getting full coverage, since both will try to shave a little off their needs in order not to make the burden impossible to carry.”

– Eleanor Roosevelt, My Day (May 23, 1962)

Obama And Trump’s First 100 Days Of Healthcare Policy: A Comparison

https://www.forbes.com/sites/robertpearl/2025/04/27/obama-and-trumps-first-100-days-of-healthcare-policy-a-comparison/

In chaos theory, there’s a concept known as the butterfly effect—the idea that a seemingly small action, occurring at just the right moment, can trigger ripple effects that grow across time and space. A butterfly flaps its wings in Brazil, the saying goes, and a tornado forms weeks later in Texas.

Presidential decisions can carry the same weight, especially those made in the first 100 days of a new administration. Time and again, these early choices unleash far-reaching consequences that reshape a nation.

As Donald Trump wraps up the opening stretch of his second term, his healthcare-focused executive actions underscore the consequentiality of this early window. And when compared with Barack Obama’s approach in 2009 (the last time a president pursued major healthcare reforms right out of the gate), the contrast becomes even more striking.

Two presidents. Two defining moments. And one fundamental question that both men had to answer in the first 100 days: Where should healthcare reform begin — by expanding coverage, improving quality or cutting costs?

Crisis, Control And A Key Healthcare Choice

The idea that a president’s first 100 days matter dates back to Franklin D. Roosevelt. In 1933, during the depths of the Great Depression, FDR passed a wave of New Deal reforms that redefined the role of government in American life.

Ever since, the opening months of a new presidency have served as both proving ground and preview. They reveal how a president intends to govern and what he values most.

For both presidents Obama and Trump, their answer to the healthcare question — where to begin? — would shape what followed. Obama chose to expand coverage. Trump has chosen to cut costs. Those decisions set them on opposing paths. And with every subsequent policy decision, the gap between their contrasting approaches only grows.

’09 Obama: Health Coverage And Congressional Action

In the quiet calculus of early governance, President Obama concluded that without health insurance coverage, access to high-quality medical care would remain out of reach for tens of millions of Americans.

Confronting a system that left 60 million uninsured, he believed that expanding access to coverage was a vital first step — not only to improve individual health outcomes, but to create a healthier nation that ultimately would require less medical care (and spending) overall.

That belief was grounded in lived experience: his mother’s battle with cancer and the insurance disputes that followed, as well as his years as a community organizer working with families who couldn’t afford medical care.

He also understood that only Congressional legislation — rather than executive action — would make those gains durable. So, in his first 100 days, he pursued a strategy grounded in consensus-building. He convened healthcare stakeholders, hosted public healthcare summits, expanded the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) and proposed a federal budget that included a $634 billion “down payment” on healthcare reform.

’25 Trump: Cost Cutting And Executive Control

Donald Trump didn’t ease into his second term. He charged in, pen in hand. His priorities for the country were clear: cut taxes, impose tariffs and reduce federal spending.

For Trump, speed was of the essence. So, he bypassed Congress in favor of executive orders, downsizing healthcare agencies and dismantling regulatory oversight wherever possible.

At the center of Trump’s domestic agenda is an ambitious income tax overhaul, dubbed the “big beautiful bill.” But passing it will require support from fiscal conservatives in his own party. To offset the steep drop in tax revenue, Trump has signaled a willingness to slash federal spending, starting with healthcare programs.

What Comes Next: Mapping Health Policy Consequences

Presidents make thousands of decisions over the course of a four-year term, but those made in the first few months typically matter most. Both Obama and Trump had to decide whether to prioritize expanding coverage or cutting costs, and that choice would shape the steps that follow.

For Obama, the consequences of his choice were sweeping. His early focus on increasing health insurance coverage laid the foundation for the Affordable Care Act, the most ambitious healthcare reform since Medicare and Medicaid in the 1960s. The ACA provided affordable insurance to more than 30 million Americans, offered subsidies to low- and middle-income families, cut the uninsured rate in half and guaranteed protections for those with preexisting conditions. The law survived political opposition, legal challenges and subsequent presidencies.

However, those gains came at a price. Annual U.S. healthcare spending more than doubled — from $2.6 trillion in 2010 to over $5.2 trillion today — without significant improvements in life expectancy or care quality.

Trump’s early decisions are reshaping healthcare, too, but in ways that reflect a very different set of priorities and a sharply contrasting vision for the federal government’s role.

1. Cost-Driven Actions: Reducing Government Healthcare Spending

Guided by a business-oriented focus on cost containment, Trump has sought to reduce the federal government’s role in healthcare through sweeping budget and staffing changes. Among the most significant:

  • Agency layoffs: The Department of Health and Human Services has initiated mass layoffs across the CDC, NIH and FDA, reducing staff capacity by 20,000 and cutting critical programs, including HIV research grants and initiatives targeting autism, chronic disease, teen pregnancy and substance abuse.
  • ACA support rollbacks: The administration slashed funding for ACA navigators and rescinded extended enrollment periods, making it more difficult for individuals (especially low-income Americans) to obtain coverage.
  • Planned Parenthood and family planning cuts: Freezing Title X funds has reduced access to reproductive healthcare in multiple states.
  • Medicaid at risk: A proposed $880 billion reduction over 10 years could eliminate expanded Medicaid coverage in many states. Additional moves (like work requirements or application hurdles) would likely reduce enrollment further.

2. Cultural And Executive Power Moves: Redefining Government’s Role In Health

While cutting costs has been the central goal, many of Trump’s actions reflect a broader ideological stance. He’s using executive authority to reshape the values, norms and institutions that have defined American healthcare. These include:

  • Withdrawal from the World Health Organization (WHO): The administration formally ended U.S. participation, citing concerns about funding and governance.
  • Restructuring USAID’s health portfolio: Multiple contracts and programs related to maternal health, infectious disease prevention and international public health have been ended or scaled back.
  • Policy changes on federal language and research topics: Executive directives have modified how agencies are allowed to address topics related to gender and sexuality, leading to the removal of LGBTQ+ content from health resources and websites.
  • Reorganization of DEI programs: Diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives have been rolled back or eliminated across several federal departments.

The Likely Consequences Of Trump’s First 100 Days

President Trump’s early actions reveal two defining trends: cutting government healthcare spending and reshaping federal priorities through executive authority. Both are already changing how care is accessed, funded and delivered. And both are likely to produce lasting consequences.

The most immediate impact will come from efforts to reduce healthcare spending. Cuts to Medicaid, ACA enrollment support and family planning programs are expected to lower insurance enrollment, particularly among low-income families, young adults and people with chronic illness.

As coverage declines, care becomes harder to access and more expensive when it’s needed. The results: delayed diagnoses, avoidable complications and rising levels of uncompensated care.

His second set of actions — including reduced investment in federal science agencies — will slow drug development and weaken the infrastructure needed to respond to future public health threats.

Meanwhile, a more constrained and domestically focused healthcare agenda is likely to diminish trust in federal health agencies, limit access to culturally competent care and produce a loss of global leadership in health innovation.

The U.S. Constitution gives presidents broad power to chart the nation’s course. And the decisions made in their first 100 days shape the trajectory of an entire presidency.

One president decided to prioritize coverage, while a second chose cost-cutting. And like the flap of a butterfly’s wings, these early actions generate ripples — expanding in size over time and radically altering American healthcare, for better or worse.

91% Of Healthcare Is Government Subsidized. Is Your Coverage Safe?

https://www.forbes.com/sites/robertpearl/2025/03/24/91-of-healthcare-is-government-subsidized-is-your-coverage-safe/

Most Americans believe their healthcare is private, and the majority prefers it that way. Gallup polling shows more Americans favor a system based on private insurance rather than government-run healthcare.

But here’s a surprising reality: 91% of Americans receive government-subsidized healthcare.

Unless you’re among the uninsured or the few who receive no subsidies, government dollars are helping pay your medical bills — whether your insurance comes from an employer, a privately managed care organization or the online marketplace.

Now, as lawmakers face mounting budget pressures, those subsidies (and your coverage) could be at risk. If the government scales back its healthcare spending, your medical costs could skyrocket.

Here’s a closer look at the five ways the U.S. government funds healthcare. If you have health insurance, you’re almost certainly benefiting from one of them:

  1. Medicare, the government-run healthcare program for those 65 and older, covers 67 million Americans at a cost of more than $1 trillion annually. Approximately half of enrollees are covered through the traditional fee-for-service plan and the other half in privately managed Medicare Advantage plans.
  2. Medicaid and CHIP provide health coverage for around 80 million low-income and disabled Americans, including tens of millions of children. Even though 41 states have turned over their Medicaid programs over to privately managed care organizations, the cost remains public. Total Medicaid spending is $900 billion annually — the federal government pays 70% with states footing the rest.
  3. The online healthcare marketplace is for Americans whose employer doesn’t provide medical coverage or who are self-employed. This Affordable Care Act program offers federal subsidies to 92% of its 23 million enrollees, which help lower the cost of premiums and, for many, subsidize their out-of-pocket expenses. The Congressional Budget Office projects that a permanent extension of these subsidies, which are scheduled to end this year, would cost $383 billion over the next 10 years.
  4. Veterans and military families also benefit from government healthcare through TRICARE and VA Care, programs covering roughly 16 million individuals at a combined cost of $148 billion for the federal government annually.
  5. Employer-sponsored health insurance comes with a significant, yet often overlooked, government subsidy. For nearly 165 million American workers and their families, U.S. companies pay the majority of their health insurance premiums. However, those dollars are excluded from employees’ taxable income. This tax break, which originated during World War II and was formally codified in the 1950s, subsidizes workers at an annual government cost of approximately $300 billion. For a typical family of four, this translates into approximately $8,000 per year of added take-home pay.

With 91% of Americans receiving some form of government healthcare assistance, the idea that U.S. healthcare is predominantly “private” is an illusion.

Now, as the new administration searches for ways to rein in the growing federal deficit, all five of these programs (collectively funding healthcare for 9 in 10 Americans) will be in the crosshairs.

Twelve percent of the federal budget already goes toward debt interest payments, and this share is expected to rise sharply. Many of the bonds used to finance existing debt were issued back when interest rates were much lower. As those bonds mature and are refinanced at today’s higher rates, federal interest payments are projected to double within the next decade, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

With deficits mounting and borrowing costs soaring, most economists agree this trajectory is unsustainable. Lawmakers will eventually need to rein in spending, and healthcare subsidies will almost certainly be among the first targets. Policy experts predict Medicaid, which the House has already proposed cutting by $880 billion over the next decade, and ACA subsidies for out-of-pocket costs will likely be the first on the chopping block. But given the CBO’s projections, these cuts won’t be the last.

A Better Way: Three Solutions To Lower Healthcare Costs Without Cuts

Cutting some or all of these healthcare subsidies may seem like the simplest way to reduce the deficit. In reality, it merely shifts costs elsewhere, making medical care more expensive for everyone and increasing future government spending. Here’s why:

  • Eliminating subsidies doesn’t eliminate the need for care. Under the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act (EMTALA), hospitals must treat emergency patients regardless of their ability to pay. When millions lose insurance, more turn to ERs for medical care they can’t afford. The cost of that uncompensated care doesn’t vanish. It gets passed on to state governments, hospitals and privately insured patients through higher taxes, inflated hospital bills and rising insurance premiums.
  • Delaying care drives up long-term costs. People who can’t afford doctor visits skip preventive care, screenings and early treatments. Manageable conditions like high blood pressure and diabetes then spiral into costly, life-threatening complications including heart attacks, strokes and kidney failures, which ultimately increase government spending.

The solution isn’t cutting coverage. It’s fixing the root causes of high healthcare costs. Here are three ways to achieve this:

1. Address The Obesity Epidemic

Obesity is a leading driver of diabetes, heart disease, stroke and breast cancer, which kill millions of Americans and cost the U.S. healthcare system hundreds of billions annually. Congress can take two immediate steps to reverse this crisis:

2. Enhance Chronic Disease Management With Technology

In every other industry, broad adoption of generative AI technology is already increasing quality while reducing costs. Healthcare could do the same by applying generative AI to more effectively manage chronic disease. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, improved control of these lifelong conditions could cut the frequency of heart attacks, strokes, kidney failures and cancers by up to 50%.

With swift and reasonable Food and Drug Administration approval, generative AI and wearable monitors would revolutionize how these conditions are managed, providing real-time updates on patient health and identifying when medications need adjustment. Instead of waiting months for their next in-office visit, patients with chronic diseases would receive continuous monitoring, preventing costly and life-threatening complications. Rather than restricting AI’s role in healthcare, Congress can streamline the FDA’s approval process and allocate National Institutes of Health funding to accelerate these advancements.

3. Reform Healthcare Payment Models

Under today’s fee-for-service system, doctors and hospitals are paid based on the how often they see patients for the same problem and the number of procedures performed. This approach rewards the volume of care, not the best and most effective treatments. A better alternative is a pay-for-value model like capitation, in which providers do best financially when they help keep patients healthy. To encourage participation, Congress should fund pilot programs and create financial incentives for insurers, doctors and hospitals willing to transition to this system. By aligning financial incentives with long-term health, this model would encourage doctors to prioritize prevention and effective chronic disease control, ultimately lowering medical costs by improving overall health.

The Time For Change Is Now

If Congress slashes healthcare subsidies this year, restoring them will be nearly impossible. Once the cuts take effect, the financial and political pressures driving them will only intensify, making reversal unlikely.

The voices shaping this debate can’t come solely from industry lobbyists. Elected officials need to hear from the 91% of Americans who rely on government healthcare assistance for some or all of their medical coverage. Now is the time to speak up.